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MRS.     GEORGE     B     EDWARDS 

IN        MEMORY       OF      HER       SON 

EJ9S.  *J22£L- 





Edited  by 

Assistant  Professor  of  History 
Yale   University 

IN  this  important  volume  are  presented  doc' 
uments  and  original  maps  which  have  a 
direct  bearing  on  the  military  affairs  in  North 
America  between  1748  and  1765,  selected 
from  the  rich  collection  of  Cumberland  Pa- 
pers and  Maps  in  the  Royal  Archives.  Se- 
lected for  inclusion  here  are  those  papers 
which  have  real  value  for  the  military  historian 
and  which  have  previously  been  comparatively 
inaccessible  to  scholars.  Although  the  docu- 
ments have  to  do  primarily  with  the  military 
situation  in  the  American  war  arena  in  the 
mid-eighteenth  century,  some  of  them  shed 
light  on  other  important  matters,  such  as  the 
question  of  colonial  currency,  the  Pennsylvania 
dispute,  Western  problems  after  the  peace,  et 
cetera.  Supplementing  the  selections  are  an 
introduction  and  explanatory  footnotes.  Six 
maps  are  included  among  the  documents. 






Ubc  Bmerican  UMstorical  association 



i 748- i 765 
















It  is  with  the  gracious  permission  of  His  Late  Majesty  King  George  V 
that  I  print  these  selected  documents  and  reproduce  these  original 
maps  from  the  rich  collection  of  Cumberland  Papers  and  Maps  in  the 
Royal  Archives.  To  Mr.  O.  Morshead,  Librarian  of  the  Royal  Archives, 
I  am  deeply  indebted  for  his  many  kindnesses  to  me,  and  I  am  under 
especial  obligations  to  Miss  M.  Mackenzie  of  the  Division  of  Manu- 
scripts and  her  staff.  Her  patience  with  me  for  several  years  past  has  been 
no  less  extraordinary  than  the  care  with  which  she  has  supervised  the 
transcribing  of  documents.  For  their  helpful  suggestions  and  aid  I 
should  like  to  thank  Dr.  J.  C.  Webster  of  Canada,  Miss  Norma  Cuthbert 
of  the  Huntington  Library,  Professor  Leonard  W.  Labaree,  and  Pro- 
fessor Roy  F.  Nichols,  chairman  of  the  Beveridge  Fund  Committee  of 
the  American  Historical  Association.  I  owe  much  to  the  former  chairman 
of  that  committee,  Professor  Ulrich  B.  Phillips,  who  will  not  see  the 
book  he  encouraged  me  to  compile.  Finally  I  should  express  my  grati- 
tude to  those  friends  of  the  late  Senator  Albert  J.  Beveridge  who,  by 
establishing  the  Beveridge  Fund  in  his  memory,  made  possible  this 
New  Haven,  Conn.  S.  P. 




Introduction ix 

List  of  Documents xxiii 

List  of  Maps xxxi 

The  Documents 3 

Appendix    I.     Calendar  of  Additional  Documents     ....   473 

Appendix  II.  A  Proportion  of  Brass  Ordnance,  Howitzers 
and  Stores  for  the  Intended  Expedition  to  North 
America 479 

Index 489 


William  Augustus,  Duke  of  Cumberland  (1721-1765),  the  second  son 
of  George  II,  from  whose  private  papers  the  documents  in  this  book 
are  selected,  was  captain  general  of  the  British  army  from  1745  to  1757. 
Highest  ranking  officer  in  the  military  hierarchy,  his  business  dealt  with 
everything  which  concerned  the  running  of  the  army  as  an  effective  mili- 
tary unit,  with  the  selection  and  promotions  of  its  officers,  with  its 
discipline  and  drill,  with  the  coordination  of  the  various  departments 
and  boards  which  equipped,  supplied,  clothed,  transported,  mustered, 
paid,  and  quartered  it.  His  connection  with  America,  therefore,  was 
with  those  units  of  the  army  which  served  there.  A  shadowy  and  incom- 
petent figure  he  has  appeared  to  most  writers  on  the  war  in  the  colonies; 
these  documents  give  the  range  of  his  interests  and  the  extent  of  his 

Cumberland's  involved  position  in  the  administration  and  govern- 
ment of  his  day  needs  to  be  understood  before  even  his  American  papers 
can  be  rightly  read.  His  tenure  of  his  office  marks  one  of  the  more  in- 
teresting stages  in  the  working-out  in  Great  Britain  of  the  constitutional 
adjustments  between  civil  and  military,  which  are  for  any  state  com- 
plicated, delicate,  and  important.  While  clearly  to  be  decided  in  favor 
of  the  civil,  especially  after  the  administrative  changes  of  1855  and  1870, 
the  issue  was  not  finally  settled  until  the  army  reforms  of  1904.  Through- 
out the  eighteenth  century  the  primary  question  involved  was  intensified 
by  the  nature  of  the  constitution  and  by  Parliament's  exaggerated  fear 
of  a  standing  army.  In  Cumberland's  time  it  was  well  understood  that, 
to  be  efficient  and  fit  to  meet  Continental  troops,  an  army  needed  a 
unified,  professional  command,  with  a  control  over  choice  and  pro- 
motion of  officers  completely  free  from  the  demands  of  political  patron- 
age. But  Parliament  refused  to  assign  such  authority  to  any  one  but  the 
King,  who,  bound  as  he  was  by  constitutional  restrictions,  seemed  the 
only  safe  head.  The  army,  therefore,  became  the  King's  especial  con- 
cern. But  in  practice  the  King  found  it  impossible  to  divorce  his  func- 
tions as  head  of  the  army  and  as  head  of  the  executive.  His  ministers 
depended  upon  every  shred  of  patronage  at  his  disposal  to  maintain  his 
majority  in  Parliament.  So  after  Ormonde's  impeachment,  when  the  post 
of  captain  general  lapsed,  inevitably  military  appointments  came  more 



and  more  to  be  dictated  by  the  secretary  of  state.  When  the  Jacobite 
rebellion  and  the  war  on  the  Continent  made  necessary  the  reestablish- 
ment  of  a  supreme  command,  Cumberland's  appointment  seemed  to  as- 
sure both  the  maintenance  of  the  Hanoverian  line  and  the  military 
efficiency  demanded  by  the  war.  Continued  after  the  peace  of  1748,  his 
office  became  an  immediate  target  for  the  same  kind  of  attack  as  before. 
Pelham  had  to  defend  it  against  violent  parliamentary  criticism  in  1751. 
He  called  it  a  post  of  dignity  and  not  of  power.  He  meant  that  with 
regard  to  promotion  and  employment  of  officers  Cumberland  possessed 
only  the  privilege  of  recommending,  either  directly  to  the  King  or 
through  his  ministers,  and  that  with  regard  to  the  administration  of  the 
army,  as  distinct  from  its  command,  responsible  civil  ministers  con- 
tinued control.  In  the  hands  of  the  secretary  at  war,  a  civil  minister  with 
access  to  the  King,  were  all  matters  concerning  the  financing  of  the  army 
and  the  relations  between  the  army  and  the  civil  population,  such  as  re- 
cruiting, quartering,  and  marching  of  troops.  The  judge  advocate  gen- 
eral reviewed  courts-martial;  the  Ordnance  Board,  a  civil  department, 
had  charge  of  munitions.  In  theory,  then,  and  such  was  Pelham's  de- 
fense, enough  limitations  were  imposed  upon  the  captain  general  to 
keep  him  powerless  under  constitutional  control. 

But  in  the  arena  of  practical  politics  many  circumstances  combined 
to  force  Cumberland  into  a  position  which  seemed  to  men  like  Hard- 
wicke  and  Pitt  to  challenge  the  adjustments  of  the  constitution.  He 
had  unusual  ability.  Of  the  impression  his  incisive  mind  left  on  those 
he  met,  it  is  enough  to  recall  Horace  Walpole's  remark  that  Cumber- 
land was  one  of  five  great  men  he  had  known.  He  was  the  King's 
trusted  son,  and  his  father  tended  to  give  him  a  confidence  enjoyed 
by  no  minister  since  Sir  Robert  Walpole.  And  because  his  rank  was 
royal,  he  became  in  spite  of  himself  the  nucleus  around  which  a  parlia- 
mentary faction  might  grow.  That  faction,  over  a  ten-year  period,  be- 
came formidable.  It  included  men  as  vigorous  as  Bedford,  Halifax, 
and  Henry  Fox,  as  well  as  Marlborough,  Richmond,  and  Sandwich. 
After  the  break-up  of  the  Prince  of  Wales's  group  in  1751  it  offered 
the  most  dangerous  challenge  which  the  Old  Guard  had  to  meet.  For 
Cumberland's  faction  tried  to  rely  not  only  on  the  parliamentary  in- 
terest its  adherents  had,  but  on  the  votes  of  army  officers  who  had  seats 
in  Parliament  and  knew  the  value  of  Cumberland's  favor.  Moreover, 
Henry  Fox,  after  Bedford  the  leader  of  the  faction,  held  for  ten  years 
the  post  of  secretary  at  war,  which  he  administered  in  close  conjunc- 
tion with  the  captain  general.  The  adjutant  general,  an  officer  in 
charge  of  drill  and  discipline  under  the  secretary  at  war,  became,  log- 


ically  enough  under  these  conditions,  Cumberland's  military  secre- 
tary. Then  in  1754,  because  the  Duke  alone  could  persuade  the  King  to 
send  troops  to  America,  the  Newcastle  ministry  asked  his  opinion  and 
aid.  Thenceforth  he  sat  in  cabinets  when  American  policy  was  dis- 
cussed, and  from  exercising  the  command  over  the  army  itself  he  came 
to  have  more  weight  than  any  other  individual  in  determining  where 
and  how  the  army  was  to  function  abroad.  Well  might  other  men  see 
a  threat  both  to  their  political  aspirations  and  to  the  balance  of  the 
constitution  in  such  a  situation  as  this  one  seemed  to  be:  a  military 
bloc,  led  by  able  men,  relying  upon  the  King's  unwavering  confidence 
in  a  royal  personage  at  the  head  of  the  army,  who,  standing  outside  the 
constitution,  nevertheless  appeared  to  dominate  the  civil  ministers  who 
served  it.  There  was  a  weak  link,  however,  in  that  apparently  irresistible 
offensive.  Once  the  King's  good  will  was  withheld,  and  a  civil  minister 
possessing  abilities  equal  to  Cumberland's  headed  the  government, 
the  captain  general  was  bound  to  lose.  One  cannot  understand  the  cir- 
cumstances of  Pitt's  rise  to  power  without  realizing  that  Cumberland 
was  the  great  rival  whom  he  had  to  destroy. 

Whether  the  peculiar  nature  of  Cumberland's  power  furnished  any 
real  danger  to  the  constitution  is  questionable.  Regarded  institution- 
ally, it  was  probably  more  than  is  desirable  in  a  civil  government.  But 
Cumberland  was  not  the  man  to  use  it  unjustly.  His  latest  biographer, 
the  Honorable  Evan  Charteris,  makes  clear  that  his  ambitions  were 
not  unscrupulous.  That  he  had  ambitions  is  obvious;  he  was  willing  to 
utilize  his  parliamentary  strength  in  passing  an  act  to  make  him 
Regent.  But  in  reading  of  his  decisions  one  is  struck  again  and  again  by 
the  grounds  on  which  he  made  them.  He  guided  himself  by  the  prin- 
ciple of  loyalty  to  the  throne  and  by  his  professional  outlook,  and  in  his 
mind  there  could  be  no  conflict  between  them.  The  army  reforms  for 
which  he  was  responsible  improved  the  quality  of  officers  and  the 
discipline  of  the  rank  and  file.  His  opinions  on  policy,  if  not  flawless, 
were  as  statesmanlike  as  those  of  his  successors.  His  ruthlessness  in 
Scotland  in  "The  Forty-five"  was  born  neither  of  cruelty  nor  of  ab- 
stract justice,  but  of  calculated  expediency.  And  it  is  difficult  to  read 
his  correspondence  or  follow  his  career  without  accepting  a  contem- 
porary judgment  that,  in  a  selfish  age  when  political  honor  was  low, 
Cumberland  held  his  personal  honor  the  higher— so  high  indeed  that  it 
seemed  out  of  place,  and  inspired  by  an  ancient  and  mysterious  sym- 
bol, the  honor  of  a  king. 

Likewise  to  American  affairs  Cumberland  applied  his  own  criteria, 
not  always  the  same  as  those  of  the  faction  which  used  his  name.  His 


parliamentary  group  identified  itself  more  completely  than  any  other 
with  a  vigorous  anti-French  policy  in  America.  Ever  since  the  capture 
of  Louisbourg  in  1745  a  strong  section  of  public  opinion,  backed  by 
merchants  with  interests  in  the  colonies,  had  been  demanding  that 
the  ministry  turn  its  attention  westward.  Some  were  definitely  moved 
by  the  possibilities  of  trade  expansion;  some  wanted  only  to  protect 
the  existing  colonies  from  French  attack;  some  saw  that  the  capture  of 
French  territory  in  the  New  World  would  markedly  decrease  the  trade, 
and  therefore  the  power,  of  France.  To  Bedford  and  Fox  alliance  with 
such  opinion  may  have  seemed  the  most  convenient  means  for  embar- 
rassing the  Pelham-Newcastle  ministry  and  for  gaining  cabinet  rank. 
Certainly  Bedford's  colonial  ventures  after  1745,  Halifax's  spirited 
leadership  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  his  parading  the  question  of 
French  encroachments  in  Parliament,  and  Fox's  warlike  orders  in  the 
autumn  of  1754  are  all  open  to  that  interpretation.  But  Cumberland 
supported  the  settlement  of  Nova  Scotia,  not  for  the  public  favor  it 
would  win,  not  even  for  the  sake  of  trade  and  colonial  security,  but 
because  it  would  contribute  to  the  stability  of  Scotland  and  to  the 
welfare  of  those  soldiers  left  unemployed  at  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
Nor  did  the  winning  of  an  empire  in  the  New  World,  not  even  for  the 
effect  it  would  have  on  French  mercantile  strength,  appeal  to  him; 
Loudoun's  assumptions  that  Canada,  if  conquered,  would  be  returned 
to  France  at  the  peace  (pp.  279-280)  can  be  interpreted  only  as  a  sub- 
ordinate's repetition  of  some  one's  statements.  Pitt  carried  to  even 
greater  extremes  a  warlike  policy  in  America,  and  his  reinforcement  of 
the  army  there,  after  he  was  firmly  fixed  in  power  in  July,  1757,  met  with 
Cumberland's  strong  disapproval.  To  Cumberland,  as  a  point  of  policy 
and  not  merely  because  he  commanded  in  Germany,  the  war  on  the 
Continent  came  first,  and  when  he  had  to  choose  between  following 
the  program  to  which  his  faction  had  apparently  been  committed  and 
the  interests  of  the  royal  family,  he  did  not  hesitate.  In  all  such  matters, 
as  clearly  as  in  the  question  of  his  personal  ambition,  Cumberland's 
principles  remained  constant:  loyalty  to  the  throne,  and  loyalty  to 
the  profession  of  arms. 

The  Cumberland  papers  bear  out  such  an  interpretation  of  his  at- 
titude toward  American  affairs.  About  400  documents  in  the  collec- 
tion deal  with  American  matters.  Yet  they  leave  an  impression  of  hav- 
ing been  accidentally  amassed  and  carelessly  kept.  Some  original  letters 
have  certainly  disappeared,  loaned  or  given  by  Cumberland  to  men 
who  could  use  them.  Those  that  remain  show  the  character  of  the 


information  upon  which  he  acted,  but  seldom  his  actions.  He  gave  his 
orders  and  made  his  suggestions  by  word  of  mouth,  or  through  the 
adjutant  general,  whose  original  letters,  with  one  exception,  are  not 
among  his  papers.  Some  hint  of  his  conception  of  a  captain  general's 
authority  can  be  got  from  his  correspondence  with  Barrington  and 
Holderness  in  the  summer  of  1757  (pp.  380-398,  passim;  475- 176),  when 
he  was  in  Germany,  while  the  part  he  played  in  the  determination  of 
policy  is  suggested  by  the  outlines  of  campaign  plans  and  public  docu- 
ments which  exist  in  a  memorandum  form  with  space  for  corrections 
and  additions. 

The  American  papers  fall  into  five  categories: 

(1)  Copies  of  letters  and  documents  from  public  offices  relating  to 
questions  upon  which  Cumberland's  military  opinion  was  asked. 

(2)  Copies  of  private  letters  to  public  officials  or  to  private  individ- 
uals passed  on  to  Cumberland  because  they  contained  information  of 
possible  military  significance. 

(3)  Original  letters  from  army  officers  to  whom  had  been  granted 
the  privilege  of  correspondence  with  Cumberland,  either  direct  or 
through  the  adjutant  general,  Robert  Napier.  In  practice  this  meant 
either  commanding  officers  or  engineers  under  the  Ordnance  Board. 
Cumberland  paid  especial  attention  to  the  engineering  branch.  St. 
Clair,  as  a  deputy  quartermaster  general  sent  to  Virginia  before  Brad- 
dock,  and  Prevost,  a  foreign  colonel  in  the  British  service,  were  excep- 
tions to  the  closely  followed  regulation  that  inferior  officers  could  com- 
municate with  the  heads  of  the  army  only  through  their  superiors. 

(4)  Unsolicited  original  letters  from  officers  and  civilians  with  com- 
plaints or  suggestions  to  make. 

(5)  Cumberland's  own  scanty  private  correspondence. 

Of  these  400  documents  less  than  100  have  been  printed  elsewhere. 
About  100  would  seem  to  be  unique.  More  than  100  are  unprinted 
letters  and  enclosures  sent  by  Loudoun,  available  also  in  the  Hunting- 
ton Library  and  often  in  the  Public  Record  Office.  The  remainder  are 
either  enclosures  in  other  letters  or  copies  from  public  offices. 

A  collection  of  this  nature,  amassed  accidentally,  some  parts  out  of 
proportion  to  others,  does  not  deserve  to  be  printed  in  toto.  The  chief 
reason  for  printing  any  part  of  it  is  its  comparative  inaccessibility  to 
scholars.  Those  documents  have  been  selected  which  seemed  valuable, 
the  editor  realizing,  as  all  selective  editors  must  do,  that  value  is  nearly 
as  undefinable  a  term  for  the  historian  as  for  the  economist  or  the 
philosopher.  Some  have  been  included  because  they  concern  the  vexed 
question  of  colonial  currency  (pp.  3,  41,  244,  245),  illustrate  what  some 


mercantilists  thought  of  the  colonies  (pp.  68,  257),  or  state  the  pro- 
prietor's side  of  the  Pennsylvania  dispute  (pp.  367,  368,  384)  or  an 
engineer's  understanding  of  Western  problems  after  the  peace  (pp.  455- 
471).  But  most  of  them  possess  a  greater  intrinsic  unity  than  such  a  state- 
ment suggests.  They  deal  with  the  primary  problem  of  the  military  his- 
torian: Was  the  strategy  followed  in  successive  campaigns  of  the  war  best 
adapted  to  achieve  its  ends?  Was  the  execution  faulty  or  capable?  Noth- 
ing of  importance  has  been  omitted,  to  the  best  of  the  editor's  knowl- 
edge, which  bears  on  the  forming  or  the  carrying-out  of  plans. 

The  reader  who  wishes  to  see  these  documents  in  their  proper  unity 
must  have  a  clear  notion  of  the  two  different  kinds  of  military  problems 
which  the  American  war  arena  in  the  mid-eighteenth  century  pre- 
sented. It  is  not  adequate  to  consider  them  both  as  adjuncts  to  problems 
of  naval  strategy,  after  the  fashion,  admirable  and  final  in  its  way,  of 
Sir  Julian  Corbett.  The  war  in  the  interior  must  be  sharply  distin- 
guished from  that  on  the  coasts. 

In  the  Canada  which  the  French  occupied,  the  nerve-centers  were 
Montreal  and  Quebec,  the  only  artery  of  supply  from  home  was  the  St. 
Lawrence  River,  and  the  only  means  of  access  from  the  British  colonies 
were  two  waterways:  one  by  Lake  Champlain  and  Richelieu  River;  the 
other  by  the  upper  Ohio,  Lake  Ontario,  and  the  upper  St.  Lawrence. 
Those  two  waterways  they  could  control  by  a  series  of  forts,  which 
strategically  must  be  considered  as  outposts  of  Canada  itself,  and  each 
fort  was  in  easy  and  direct  communication  with  the  center.  For  defense 
Canada  was  superbly  equipped.  The  only  unimpeded  access  by  water 
lay  up  the  St.  Lawrence  itself,  but  for  its  protection  the  French  relied 
upon  Louisbourg,  which  only  a  daredevil  would  leave  unstormed  in  his 
rear;  upon  the  hazards  of  river  navigation,  which  they  exaggerated; 
and  upon  the  impregnability  of  Quebec.  For  offense,  on  the  other 
hand,  Canada  possessed  no  advantages.  The  French  had  but  one  strong- 
hold, Fort  Beausejour,  which  directly  threatened  but  one  British  prov- 
ince, Nova  Scotia,  and  its  lines  of  communication  with  the  center  were 
long  and  included  an  overland  carry.  To  make  a  continuous  attack  in 
any  other  part  of  America  the  French  would  have  been  forced  to 
change  their  military  dispositions,  to  turn  their  outposts  into  bases, 
and  to  find  other  means  of  transport  than  bateaux.  Such  alterations  in 
military  methods  were  beyond  French  resources  in  the  New  World. 
They  were  condemned  by  their  position  to  fighting  a  defensive  war, 
and  the  only  two  captures  of  British  forts  which  they  made— Oswego 
and  Fort  William  Henry,  both  stationed  on  their  own  waterways- 
must  be  regarded  as  moves  wholly  defensive.  Under  Montcalm  the 


French  admirably  adapted  their  strategy  to  their  position,  hoping  to 
defer  the  conquest  of  Canada  until  the  issue  had  been  fought  out  in 
Europe  and  the  diplomats  had  saved  the  day.  Every  move  they  made 
was  a  move  for  time. 

If,  then,  there  was  to  be  war  in  America,  the  British  had  to  wage  it. 
Theirs  was  the  strategy  of  offense,  the  conducting  of  the  siege  of  Canada. 
Once  Canada  is  considered  as  a  single  vast  fortification,  it  becomes  a 
simple  matter  to  understand  the  problems  confronting  the  British. 
(1)  They  had  to  roll  up  one  or  both  of  the  interior  approaches  to 
Canada,  proceeding  fort  by  fort  until  they  reached  the  center.  (2)  They 
had  to  make  a  direct  attack  on  the  nerve-centers  themselves,  up  the  St. 
Lawrence.  As  corollaries  of  these  two  main  problems,  they  had  (1)  to 
prevent  the  whole  of  Canada's  force  being  concentrated  at  a  single 
point  by  setting  on  foot  at  least  two  expeditions  each  campaign,  though 
not  necessarily  of  equal  strength,  and  (2)  to  lessen  Canadian  powers  of 
resistance  by  cutting  off  the  influx  of  supplies  and  troops  from  France. 
Surprise,  as  an  element  of  strategy,  the  British  could  rarely  use,  for 
knowledge  of  every  expedition  reached  the  French  either  through 
colonials  who  traded  with  their  enemies  or  through  London  offices. 
Their  success  depended  upon  sheer  massing  of  strength  at  obvious 

The  character  of  that  strength  was  no  less  important  than  the  points 
where  it  was  to  be  applied.  Wherever  the  British  attacked  in  the  in- 
terior, they  were  separated  by  a  watershed  from  their  objectives,  though 
they  could  make  some  use  of  water  carriage  on  both  sides.  For  the  open- 
ing of  their  own  lines  of  communication,  and  for  maintaining  them 
when  opened,  they  needed  boats  for  the  rivers  and  men  to  handle  them, 
wagons  or  sledges  for  land  carriages,  ships  or  armed  scows  on  Lake 
Ontario  and  Lake  George  to  transport  artillery  and  keep  the  mastery, 
and  men  to  serve  as  supply  guards  and  scouts.  Since  their  objectives 
were  in  every  case  fortified  posts  defended  by  European  soldiers,  they 
needed  artillery,  preferably  large  mortals,  for  no  frontier  fort  could 
withstand  thirteen-inch  shells.  For  the  technical  side  artillerymen  and 
especially  engineers  were  wanted.  Lastly,  they  needed  a  small  mobile 
force  of  trained  officers  and  men,  with  enough  reserves  to  garrison  cap- 
tured posts  and  maintain  a  lengthening  line  of  communication.  In 
brief,  the  British  needed  a  small,  highly  trained  army  of  experts,  some 
of  whom  could  be  found  only  in  the  colonies. 

These  are  the  considerations  which  apply  to  any  study  of  the  war  in 
the  interior. 

Attack  against  Louisbourg  or  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  on  the  other  hand, 


was  of  a  different  nature.  It  involved  a  larger  force  and  joint  land-and- 
sea  cooperation.  In  its  simplest  form,  it  meant  nothing  more  than  the 
employment  of  European  methods.  There  was  no  difference  either  in 
tactical  problems  or  in  equipment  between  an  attack  on  Louisbourg 
and  one  on  Gibraltar  or  Rochefort. 

There  was  a  third  area,  Nova  Scotia,  which  cannot  be  considered  as 
falling  within  these  two  strategical  categories.  The  problem  there  was 
as  unique  for  the  British  as  for  the  French.  The  British  were  on  the 
defensive  in  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  capture  of  Fort  Beausejour  achieved 
for  them  the  same  military  purpose  as  did  the  capture  of  Oswego  and 
Fort  William  Henry  for  the  French.  The  British  could  not  use  the 
captured  forts  on  the  isthmus  as  a  base  for  penetrating  to  the  center 
any  more  easily  than  the  French  could  make  Oswego  or  the  lower  end 
of  Lake  George  a  base  for  invading  New  York.  The  tactical  problems 
involved  in  the  siege  of  Fort  Beausejour  were  comparatively  simple  and 
more  European  than  American  in  nature:  the  British  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  water  transport  to  Fort  Lawrence  on  the  Missaguash  River, 
where  their  landing  could  not  be  disputed,  could  cut  the  French  com- 
munications with  the  north  by  encamping  on  Cumberland  ridge  above 
the  fort,  and  could  be  assured  of  success  the  moment  their  heavy  mortars 
were  in  place  (p.  147).  The  operations  on  Chignecto  Isthmus,  there- 
fore, furnish  for  both  French  and  British  an  exception  to  the  general 
strategy  demanded  of  them. 

Such  are  the  factors,  of  geography,  of  technical  equipment,  and  of 
personnel,  which  determine  what  the  strategy  of  this  particular  Amer- 
ican war  should  have  been  and  provide  the  only  feasible  yardstick  for 
evaluating  the  conduct  of  it  in  its  several  campaigns.  It  is  notorious  that 
Great  Britain  undertook  an  offensive  war  for  which  she  was  utterly 
unprepared  and  which  she  did  not  understand.  It  is  equally  notorious 
that  it  took  an  unusually  long  time  to  win  it.  By  such  criteria  as  these 
can  perhaps  be  discovered  where  and  how  her  military  brains  were 
numb.  For  military  history  differs  from  other  history  in  this:  that  its 
objectives  are  limited,  are  definable,  and  can  be  judged  in  accordance 
with  universally  acceptable,  scientific  rules. 

The  diplomatic  situation  in  1755  required  that  the  plans  for  the 
American  campaign  (pp.  45-48)  be  framed  to  avoid  the  appearance  of 
aggression.  War  had  not  been  declared,  and  the  only  excuse  that  can 
be  made  for  these  plans  is  that  they  represented  a  gesture  against  all  four 
of  the  chief  French  encroachments  on  territory  deemed  British.  For 
though  they  were  sound  enough  on  paper— the  fall  of  the  three  interior 
forts  would  have  begun  the  process  of  rolling  up  the  approaches  to 


Canada— the  details  of  their  execution  were  the  product  of  colossal  con- 
ceit and  ignorance.  Braddock  should  have  been  sent  to  New  York,  as 
the  anonymous  author  of  the  "Considerations"  (pp.  36-39)  argued 
pointedly,  if  too  tardily  to  be  effective;  and  there  he  should  have  con- 
centrated his  principal  efforts  on  Crown  Point,  even  if  it  meant  the 
dispersal  of  the  New  England  forces  under  Johnson.  The  taking  of 
neither  Fort  Duquesne  nor  Niagara,  in  spite  of  the  effect  the  latter's 
fall  would  have  had  on  the  Indians,  was  worth  the  labor  and  expense. 
Improvement  of  communications  to  Oswego,  strengthening  of  the  forts 
there,  and  construction  of  ships  on  Lake  Ontario  should  have  been  the 
sole  objects  of  attention  in  the  West.  Not  one  of  these  expeditions,  ex- 
cept Monckton's,  was  properly  equipped,  supplied,  or  manned.  John- 
son was  helpless  without  supplies,  transport,  or  boats  (pp.  142,  150); 
Shirley  could  find  neither  supplies  nor  an  engineer.  Braddock's  expedi- 
tion, except  for  the  deficiency  in  wagons  which  Franklin  could  only 
partially  supply,  was  best  fitted  for  success,  but  its  excellent  equipment 
was  vitiated  by  the  commanding  officer's  failure  to  obey  elementary 
rules  of  European  warfare  (Amer.  Hist.  Rev.,  XLI,  253-269).  In  gen- 
eral, however,  it  is  scarcely  just  to  blame  either  British  or  colonials  for 
the  ill  results  of  their  first  venture  in  the  extraordinary  technical  prob- 
lems posed  by  the  American  war. 

Of  the  plans  for  1756,  with  the  conquest  of  Canada  the  unhampered 
objective,  Cumberland's  rightly  stressed  the  importance  of  New  York 
as  the  strategical  center  and  emphasized  the  prime  need  of  the  supply, 
transport,  and  naval  services  (pp.  133-136).  But  Shirley's  plans,  pre- 
pared from  experience,  were  superior  strategically  in  making  Fort 
Frontenac,  and  not  Niagara,  the  point  of  attack  in  the  West.  One  can 
even  sympathize  with  Shirley's  fondness  for  his  Kennebec  River  proj- 
ect, which  offered  both  an  unimpeded  overland  approach  to  Quebec 
and  an  incentive  to  Massachusetts'  participation  (pp.  22,  314).  But 
that  route  only  multiplied  the  obstacles  present  in  New  York  and  was 
not  feasible  in  this  war.  Shirley's  attachment  to  it  betrays  his  great 
weakness,  his  failure  to  appreciate  the  difficulties  of  execution.  Wins- 
low's  expedition  of  1754  up  the  Kennebec  did  not  even  reach  the  point 
where  the  stiffest  natural  obstacles  began  (pp.  54-58),  while  Mac- 
kellar's  journal  (pp.  187-218)  and  Vickers's  report  (pp.  286-290)  picture 
the  pitiful  state  to  which  Shirley's  technical  incapacities  reduced  the 
Oswego  forts. 

In  the  annals  of  this  war  the  years  1756  and  1757,  usually  regarded  as 
a  complete  waste,  saw  the  development  of  the  only  sensible  procedure 
the  British  could  follow:  preparation  to  cope  with  American  conditions. 


Whatever  faults  Loudoun  had,  and  his  own  letters  show  them  better 
than  any  comment,  he  came  in  the  course  of  time  to  learn  some  of  the 
essentials  a  successful  army  would  need.  He  unified  the  command,  so 
that  an  ill-equipped  provincial  army  could  no  longer  monopolize  the 
most  direct  road  to  Canada  (pp.  171-173).  He  set  up  a  crown-owned 
transport  system;  he  encouraged  the  formation  of  companies  for  special 
services;  he  improved  the  supply  system  up  the  Hudson  River;  he  saw 
to  it  that  his  regulars  learned  to  march  with  safety  in  the  woods.  He  in- 
sisted upon  more  and  better  engineers  and  adequate  artillery  for  colo- 
nial sieges.  Amusing  as  his  detailed  plans  for  a  winter  expedition  sound 
(pp.  399-402),  it  was  the  only  expedition  of  the  sort  undertaken  by  a 
British  general  in  this  war,  and  it  shows  how  far  along  the  road  one 
commander,  at  least,  had  come.  Loudoun  in  time  saw  more  clearly  than 
Cumberland,  who  would  have  been  the  first  to  admit  it,  that  American 
conditions  demanded  experts,  not  numbers.  He  did  what  his  predeces- 
sors should  have  done,  and  when  he  was  superseded  England  lost  the 
ablest  administrator,  in  matters  of  detail,  that  the  war  produced. 

By  1757  the  British  were  in  a  position  to  have  ended  the  war  within 
one  or  two  years.  It  dragged  on  for  four.  The  reasons  can,  perhaps,  be 
reduced  to  this:  until  1760  men  with  authority,  both  in  England  and 
America,  failed  to  distinguish  between  the  opposing  tactical  problems 
presented  by  attack  by  sea  and  attack  overland,  while  men  who  did 
so  distinguish  were  without  authority.  It  is  to  Pitt's  great  credit  that 
he  understood  the  right  use  of  a  fleet;  Sir  Julian  Corbett  has  written 
the  final  word  on  Pitt's  system.  For  the  first  time  there  appears  in  the 
Cumberland  papers  in  1757  a  set  of  "Considerations"  (pp.  294-298) 
which  outline  it,  and,  by  whatever  hand  written,  they  show  a  great  sea 
power  coming  into  its  own.  They  are  worth  careful  reading,  as  much 
for  their  fallacious  assumptions  about  the  war  in  the  interior  as  for 
their  appreciation  of  the  tactical  strength  of  joint  operations.  But  Pitt 
never  learned  the  real  lessons  hidden  in  the  letters  from  New  York.  He 
could  lift  to  command  European  soldiers,  Amherst  and  Wolfe,  but  he 
never  recognized  the  two  geniuses  the  American  war  produced,  Brad- 
street  and  George  Scott  of  the  40th  regiment.  Each  was  a  superb  leader 
of  irregulars,  and  each,  unlike  Rogers,  the  ranger,  knew  how  to  use 
artillery  against  a  frontier  fort.  They  were  men  to  employ  for  diversions 
while  the  main  force  concentrated  elsewhere.  The  lack  of  appreciation 
shown  Scott  is  one  of  the  many  tragedies  of  this  war. 

The  strategy  for  1757,  begun  by  Loudoun  and  developed  by  Pitt,  was 
seriously  at  fault.  Intent  upon  winning  the  war  by  a  single  blow,  Lou- 
doun neglected  to  use  the  services  he  was  training.  He  should  have  led 


an  attack  himself  on  Ticonderoga  and  have  left  the  Louisbourg  or 
Quebec  expedition  in  the  hands  of  men  sent  from  Europe.  His  plans 
were  those  of  a  gambler:  to  attack  Quebec  directly,  disregarding  all 
else  but  the  main  objective.  It  was  gambling  with  too  great  odds  against 
him,  and  the  plan  did  not  deserve  success.  But  in  Loudoun's  plans 
for  1758  no  such  flaw  can  be  found;  their  strength  sprang  from  experi- 
ence, and  little  can  be  added  to  Robertson's  comments  on  them,  as  far 
as  interior  operations  are  concerned  (pp.  429-432).  In  the  actual  plans 
followed— those  of  Pitt— Abercromby  was  stupidly  handicapped.  Instead 
of  the  small  mobile  army  of  experts  which  it  had  taken  three  campaigns 
to  develop,  Abercromby  could  scarcely  move  without  stepping  on 
provincials  who  were  not  fitted  for  their  job.  And  nothing  can  excuse 
the  short-sightedness  which  stripped  him  of  engineers  (pp.  420-422).  As 
for  the  attack  on  Fort  Duquesne,  it  cannot  even  be  considered  a  diver- 
sion, but  rather  a  defensive  move  to  protect  the  Pennsylvania  frontier. 
It  was  necessary,  as  Loudoun  saw,  but  not  significant  enough  to  deserve 
an  independent  command,  and  lacking  in  any  of  the  strategical  ad- 
vantages gained  by  Bradstreet's  expedition  against  Fort  Frontenac.  The 
weakness  in  Loudoun's  plans  was  the  soldier's  inability  to  see,  as  Pitt 
saw,  what  a  fleet  could  be  made  to  do.  The  combination  for  a  speedy 
victory  had  at  last,  by  the  end  of  1757,  been  developed,  Pitt  with  his 
system,  his  fleets,  and  his  European-trained  armies,  Loudoun  with  his 
American  services.  Failure  to  use  the  combination  prolonged  the  war. 
Cumberland's  resignation  as  captain  general  (see  p.  410)  gave  a  free 
hand  to  Pitt,  whose  first  use  of  his  unrestricted  power  was  to  sup- 
plant Cumberland's  appointee.  Once  more  a  civilian  controlled  British 
armies;  the  constitution  had  again  been  preserved. 

There  are  no  documents  in  this  book  bearing  on  the  interior  opera- 
tions in  1759  or  1760.  But  one  comment  is  necessary.  It  is  questionable 
whether  Amherst  in  1759,  for  all  his  laudable  military  qualities,  realized 
how  to  accomplish  the  task  set  him  or  grasped  the  objectives  at  which 
he  ought  to  aim.  He  knew  nothing  previously  of  New  York  conditions, 
and  a  European  soldier  needed  either  youth  or  time  to  adapt  his  ideas 
to  them.  More  slowly  even  than  Abercromby,  Amherst  moved  against 
Ticonderoga,  hampered  by  similar  clogs  upon  his  freedom  of  move- 
ment. With  nothing  in  readiness  for  immediate  construction  of  boats 
to  carry  the  necessary  forces  against  Isle-aux-Noix,  he  settled  down 
instead  to  build  a  fort.  His  diversion  was  launched  not  up  the  St. 
Lawrence  but  against  Niagara,  a  post  which  would  have  fallen  in  due 
course  had  vessels  been  built  to  control  the  lake.  His  partial  success  de- 
rived from  the  fact  that  Wolfe,  in  the  only  operation  in  this  war  which 


the  British  won  with  the  odds  against  them,  confined  Montcalm  to 
Quebec.  Amherst's  ideas  and  actions  would  have  been  admirable  ones 
in  1756,  but  not  when  a  British  expedition  had  penetrated  into  Canada 
with  a  chance  of  success.  At  it  was,  he  left  Wolfe's  army,  after  its  vic- 
tory, with  all  communications  cut  and  a  near  prey  to  Levis's  superi- 
ority (pp.  439-446)- 

It  took  Amherst  as  long  to  learn  his  lesson  as  it  had  taken  Loudoun. 
In  strategy  and  execution  his  1760  campaign  was  without  flaw.  Ad- 
vancing by  the  three  approaches  to  Montreal,  with  enough  skilled 
troops  to  open  communications  and  enough  reserves  to  defend  them, 
the  British  overwhelmed  the  remnants  of  French  resistance.  It  was 
done  so  smoothly  that  one  is  apt  to  forget  the  services  which  made  it 
possible,  or  the  peculiar  training  which  British  regulars  had  got.  To 
move  10,000  men  from  Albany  to  Montreal  by  way  of  Lake  Ontario 
required  a  highly  specialized  supply  and  transport  system  and  depend- 
able rangers.  Six  years  it  took  to  teach  each  of  a  succession  of  British 
generals  that  basic  truth.  If  Amherst  had  been  recalled  at  the  end  of 
1759,  by  that  rule  which  seemed  to  state  that  a  general  should  be 
superseded  as  soon  as  he  had  learned  the  lessons  of  one  complete  cam- 
paign in  America,  his  successor  would  not  have  won  the  war  until  1761. 
And  perhaps  it  would  have  gone  on  and  on,  each  successive  general 
fighting  himself,  until  the  French  died  through  sheer  starvation.  For  of 
the  twelve  great  French  fortresses  in  America  toward  which  British 
strategy  was  directed,  eight  fell  with  scarcely  a  shot  fired  as  soon  as 
the  British  managed  to  reach  them.  That  is  not  a  very  sporting  record, 
and  neither  is  it  war.  If  Wolfe's  exploits  at  Louisbourg  and  Quebec 
are  excluded,  the  conquest  of  Canada  sheds  but  faint  glory  on  British 

Responsibility  for  a  string  of  failures  is  difficult  to  assess.  England  in 
all  her  great  wars  has  done  some  swapping  of  horses  in  mid-stream,  but 
seldom  with  the  completeness  of  the  change  which  replaced  Cumber- 
land with  Pitt.  Ideally,  they  should  have  worked  together,  each  the 
complement  of  the  other.  For  Cumberland's  way  was  to  send  over  an 
able  soldier,  let  him  learn  from  experience  the  special  requirements  of 
the  American  terrain,  fulfil  his  demands  as  far  as  possible,  and  give  him 
his  head.  Cumberland's  letters  to  Loudoun  leave  no  doubt  of  that 
(pp.  255,  263,  325-326).  But  Cumberland's  appreciation  of  sea  power 
was  elementary;  to  him  the  navy  was  a  convoy  service,  and  its  sole  use  in 
operations  the  blocking  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  as  one  ran  a  line  of  forts 
across  Flanders  to  keep  out  the  French.  And  Cumberland  had  no  power 
to  stir  into  action  sluggish  London  departments.  Pitt's  strength  lay 


where  Cumberland  was  weak.  But  neither  Pitt's  clear  grasp  of  naval 
strategy  nor  his  energy  should  excuse  his  defects.  Knowing  nothing  of 
American  warfare,  sensing  only  that  something  was  amiss,  he  tried  to 
direct  military  operations  in  New  York  from  London.  After  1757  he 
made  the  plans;  he  decided  the  number,  character,  and  distribution  of 
troops;  he  arranged  for  their  equipment.  There  is  a  strange  incon- 
sistency between  Pitt's  treatment  of  the  navy  and  of  the  army.  He  let 
the  navy  alone;  he  never  told  Admiral  Boscawen  how  many  sailors  a 
ship  of  the  line  ought  to  carry.  He  should  have  let  his  American  gen- 
erals alone,  too,  and  believed  them  when  they  told  him  that  one  heavy 
mortar  was  worth  a  dozen  twelves,  and  one  company  of  ship's  carpenters 
or  boatmen  or  light  infantry  or  rangers  a  whole  untrained  regiment. 
The  years  required  to  win  Canada  stand  in  ratio  to  the  slowness  with 
which  Pitt  grasped,  if  indeed  he  ever  did  grasp,  a  commonplace  of  war. 



Some  Observations  on  the  Payment  of  the  Troops  in  the  West  Indies, 

1741A 3 

Bedford  to  Cumberland,  Oct.   11,   1748 6 

On  settling  Highlanders  in  Nova  Scotia. 

Colonel  Edward  Cornvvallis  to  Robert  Napier,  Dec.  6,  1749  ...       8 

Asking  reinforcements  for  Nova  Scotia. 
Colonel  Alexander  Duroure  to  Robert  Napier,  Sept.  21,  1752  ...       9 

Condition  of  the  regiment  in  Antigua. 
An  Account  of  the  Forts  in  Louisiana  and  Canada,  1752       .      .      .      .      12 
Representation  of  the  Board  of  Trade  Relating  to  the  French  at 
the  River  St.  Johns,  Dec.  7,  1753 17 

Cadwallader  Colden  to  Halifax,  Aug.  3,   1754 18 

Defenses  of  New  York.  French  designs  on  New  York.  Albany  con- 
ference and  plan  of  union.  Character  of  royal  governors. 

Governor  William  Shirley  to  Halifax,  Aug.  20,   1754 22 

Forts  built  on  the  Kennebec.  Acadians.  Albany  conference. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Charles  Lawrence  to  Halifax,  Aug.  23,  1754       .     26 
Proposing  an  expedition  against  Fort  Beausejour. 

Account  of  the  French  Forts  in  Canada  and  upon  the  Lakes  [Oct., 

1754] 3o 

Different  Routes  in  North  America  [1754] 3! 

Sketch  of  Regulations  &•  Orders  Proposed  Relating  to  Affairs  of 

North  America.  November,  1754 34 

Considerations  Relating  to  Measures  to  Be  Taken  with  Regard  to 

Affairs  in  North  America.  November,  1754  .      . 36 

New  York  as  the  proper  center  of  military  operations. 

Remarks  on  the  Pass  of  Niagara.  Nov.  1754 40 

Suggesting  an  attack  on  Niagara. 

Memorial  and  State  of  the  Exchange  with  the  British  Colonies  in 
North  America,   1754 4l 

Sketch  of  an  Order  About  the  Rank  &ca  of  the  Provincial  Troops  in 
North  America  [Nov.,  1754] 43 

Sketch  for  the  Operations  in  North  America.  Novb  16:  1754  .      .      .     45 
The  official  plan  for  the  1755  campaign. 

Instructions  from  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  to  Admiral  Keppel 

[Nov.,  1754] 48 




Private  Instructions  for  Major-Gen.  Braddock,  Nov.  25,  1754  .     53 

John  Winslow  to  Charles  Gould,  Dec.  30,  1754 54 

Journal  of  his  expedition  up  the  Kennebec  River. 

I    Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  Robert  Napier,  Feb.  10,  1755 58 

His   activities   in   Virginia   and  military   preparations   before   Brad- 
dock's  arrival. 

John  Barrell  to  Cumberland,  Mar.  6,  1755 66 

Asking  support  for  proposed  encouragements  to  colonial  trade. 

An  Account  of  the  Northern  Colonies,  by  John  Barrell  ....     68 
Suggesting  bounties  on  naval  stores  and  iron  produced  in  the  col- 
onies, removal  of  molasses  duty,  amendment  to  the  Fishery  act. 

General  Edward  Braddock  to  Robert  Napier,  Mar.  17,  1755   ...     77 
Condition  of  the  troops. 

Major-General  Edward  Braddock  to  Newcastle,  Mar.  20,  1755   .      .     80 
Asking  for  shipments  of  coined  silver. 

*  General  Edward  Braddock  to  Robert  Napier,  April  19,  1755  .      .      .81 
The   Alexandria  meeting.   Lack  of  wagons.   Appointment   of  addi- 
tional ensigns.  Changes  in  soldiers'  equipment  and  drill. 

General  Edward  Braddock  to  Robert  Napier,  June  8,  1755  ....     84 
Strictures  on  the  colonies.  Franklin's  wagons. 

A  Return  of  His  Majesty's  Troops  Encamped  at  Will's  Creek— June 

THE    8th     1755 86-87 

A  Return  of  the  Virginia  Mary-land,  &  North  Carolina  Troops,  En- 
camp'd  at  Will's  Creek— June  the  8th  1755 88-89 

A  Return  of  the  Detachment  of  the  Royal  Regiment  of  Artillery, 
Encamped  att  Will's  Creek;  June  8th  1755  .......     90-91 

Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  Robert  Napier,  June  13,  1755 93 

Description  of  the  country.  Need  of  dividing  the  forces. 

Sir  Thomas  Robinson  to  Edward  Braddock,  June  19,  1755  ....     95 

Return  of  Ordnance  by  Thomas  Ord  and  James  Furnis,  July  18,  1755     96 

Captain  Robert  Orme  to  Robert  Napier,  July  18,  1755 98  s 

The  defeat  at  the  Monongahela. 

Captain  Robert  Orme  to  Henry  Fox  [July,  1755] 100 

Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  Robert  Napier,  July  22,  1755 102 

Journal  of  Proceedings  from  Willes's  Creek  to  the  Monongahela: 
Harry  Gordon  to  ?,  July  23,  1755 104 

Colonel  Thomas  Dunbar  to  Robert  Napier,  July  24,  1755  ....    109 
Criticism  of  Braddock. 

Anonymous  Letter  on  Braddock's  Campaign,  July  25,  1755  .      .      .      .112 

A  Return  of  the  Troops  Encamp'd  at  Wills's  Creek,  Distinguishing 
the  Fit  for  Duty,  Sick  and  Wounded,  July  25th  1755  .     .      .      .125-127 

Captain  William  Eyre  to  Robert  Napier,  Iuly  27,  1755 128 

The  provincial  army  under  William  Johnson. 



French  Account  of  the  Action   Near  the   River  Ohio  on  the  cjth 
July  1755,  Aug.  8,   1755 129 

Summary   01     Letters    from    Spencer    Phips,    Thomas    Fitch,    Arthur 
Dobbs,  and  Rhode  Island,  April-Aug.  30,   1755 132 

Sketch  for  Next  Year's  Campaign  in  North  America.  Sept"  6:   1755  .    133 
Cumberland's  plan. 

Peter  Wraxall  to  Henry  Fox,  Sept.  27,  1755 137 

Narrative  of  the  campaign  under  William  Johnson. 

John  Brewse  to  the  Board  of  Ordnance,  Oct.  18,  1755 146 

On  the  capture  of  Fort  Beausejour. 


1755 M8 

Comment  on  the  campaign  in  New  York. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Sir  Charles  Hardy  to  Halifax, 

Dated  at  Fort  George  the  27  of  Novr.  1755 149 

Gauses  for  the  failure  of  the  Crown  Point  expedition.  Criticism  of 

Summary  of  Disputes  between  Governor  William  Shirley  and  Gen- 
eral William  Johnson.  1755 153 

Governor  Charles  Lawrence  to  Halifax,  Dec.  9,  1755 154 

Removal  of  the  French  inhabitants.  Recruiting.  Fortifications  of 
Halifax.  Reasons  for  not  calling  an  assembly. 

Considerations  upon  the  Scite,  Interests,  and  Service  of  North 
America,  by  Thomas  Pownall,   1755 158 

Troops  in  the  Pay  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  and  WrHERE 
Posted.  February  23°  1756 166 

List  of  Applications  for  Stores  &ca  Depending  Before  the  Committee. 

May,   1756 168 

Requests  from  the  colonies  for  war  supplies. 

Captain  William  Eyre  to  Robert  Napier,  May  1,  1756 169 

Sir  Charles  Hardy  to  Halifax,  May  7,  1756 .170 

Colonial  jealousies.  Provincial  army  at  Albany.  Terms  under  which 
provincials  were  raised.  Indented  servants.  Sir  William  Johnson. 
Garrison  at  Fort  William  Henry. 

Harry  Gordon  to  Robert  Napier,  June  22,  1756 176 

Remarks  on  Forts  William  Henry  and  Edward,  by  Harry  Gordon 

[1756] 177 

Memoire  Narratif  de  Mr.  T:  T:  Touchant  les  Services  qu'il  a  Rendu 

a  la  Nouvelle  Ecosse,  27  Juin  1756 180 

Benjamin  Franklin  to  Sir  Everard  Fawkener,  July  27,  1756       .      .      .184 
On  enlisting  indented  servants. 

A  Journal  of  the  Transactions  at  Oswego  from  the  i6th  of  May  to 
the  14  of  August  1756.  By  Patrick  MacKellar  Eng'r  En  Second  to 
the  Expedition 187 



An  Account  of  the  Strength  of  the  Garrison,  &  State  of  the  Works 
at  Oswego  .  .  .  Together  with  an  Account  of  the  Naval  Force 
...  &  the  Seige  .  .  .  ,  in  August,  1756 218 

Henry  Fox  to  Governor  Charles  Lawrence,  Aug.  14,  1756  ....   222 
Drafts  from  England  to  replace  losses. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Aug.  20,  1756 223 

Conditions  of  the  service  on  his  arrival. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Aug.  29,  1756 230 

Quartering.  Oswego. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Oct.  2,  1756 233 

Character  of  his  officers.  Plan  for  1757  campaign.  Provincials. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Oct.  3,  1756 239 

Condition  of  the  service.  Shirley. 

Memorial  of  William  Johnston,  Oct.  25,  1756 244 

Rates  at  which  gold  and  silver  coins  are  issued. 

Observations  on  the  Value  and  Rates  of  the  Gold  and  Silver  to  Be 
Provided  for  the  Use  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  Serving  in  North 
America,  under  the  Command  of  the  Right  Honblb  the  Earl  of 
Loudoun,  Oct.  25,  1756 245 

Observations  from  Quebec  Down  St.  Lawrence's  River,  October  1756, 

by  James  Pitcher 249 

Description  of  the  navigation  of  the  river. 

Cumberland  to  Loudoun,  Oct.  22— Dec.  23,  1756 251 

Comment  on  Loudoun's  letters.  Character  of  officers  and  regiments. 
Shirley.  Campaign  plan  for  1757. 

John  Thomlinson  to  Granville,  Dec.  13,  1756 257 

French  designs  on  colonies.  Plan  for  1757  campaign. 

Cumberland  to  Loudoun,  Dec.  23,  1756 262 

Unofficial  information  about  ministerial  plans  for  1757. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Nov.  22-Dec.  26,  1756 263 

Quartering.  Condition  of  forts.  Recruiting.  Shirley.  Rangers.  Inde- 
pendent companies.  Payment  of  troops.  Accounts  of  50th  and  51st 
regiments.  Engineers  and  artillery  for  campaign.  Equipment  for 

List  of  Commissions  Given  by  His  Excellency  the  Earl  of  Loudoun 
.  .  .  [Aug.-Dec,   1756] 281 

Information  of  Captain  John  Vicars  of  the  50™  Regiment  .  .  .  , 

Jan.  4,  1757 286 

Conditions  at  Oswego  in  the  winter  of  1756-1757. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Jan.  5,  1757 290 

Nova  Scotia  regiments.  Royal  American  Regiment.  22d  regiment. 
Webb.  Cannon  for  campaign. 

Considerations  .  .  .  Upon  a  Scheme  for  Attacking  Louisbourg  &  Que- 
bec  1757 294 

First  Note  by  Admiral  Knowles,  Relating  to  the  Expedition  to 
North  America,  1757 299 



Second  Note  from  Admiral  Knowles,  Relating  to  the  Expedition  to 
North  America,  1757 299 

Memorandum  by  Colonel  Hopson,  1757 302 

Proposal  by  Admiral  Knowles  and  Colonel  Hopson,  1757  .      .      .      .310 

Animadversions  Upon  Mr.  Shirley's  Conduct,  1757 313 

Blaming  Shirley  for  the  loss  of  Oswego. 

Some  Hints  for  the  Operations  in  North  America  for  1757   .      .      .314 
Provincial  troops  and  interior  operations. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  March  8,  1757 317 

Assignment  of  officers  to  duty.  Returns.  Prcvost  and  the  Royal  Amer- 
ican Regiment.  Provisions. 

Cumberland  to  Loudoun,  March  21,   1757 325 

Assuring  him  of  continued  discretion  in  interpreting  orders. 

Lieut  Colonel  Henry  Bouquet  to  Sir  John  St  Clair.  Philadelphia, 

the  18™  April  1757 327 

Affairs  of  the  Royal  American  Regiment. 

List  of  Commissions  Granted  by  .  .  .  Loudoun,  Dec,  1756-ApRiL,  1757  330 

Colonel  James  Prevost  to  Cumberland,  May  12,   1757 335 

On  the  Royal  American  Regiment  and  his  relations  with  Loudoun. 

Memoire  sur  la  Guerre  d'Amerique,  by  James  Prevost,  May,  1757  .      .   337 
Recommending  special  training  and  equipment  for  troops  in  America. 

Colonel  James  Prevost  to  Cumberland,  May  23,  1757 340 

Barrington  to  Cumberland,  June  3,   1757 341 

Shirley's  court  martial. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  April  25-JuNE  3,  1757 343 

Assignment    of   officers.    Independent    companies.    Campaign    plans. 
French  fleets  off  New  York.  Prevost.  Foreign  officers. 

List  of  Commissions  Granted  by  .  .  .  Loudoun  [Jan.-May,  1757]   .      .   362 

Loudoun  to  Robert  Napier,  June  5,  1757 366 


Cumberland  to  Barrington,  June  13,  1757 367 

On  Shirley's  court  martial. 

Thomas  Penn  to  Cumberland,  June  18,  1757 367 

Complaining  of  Governor  Denny  of  Pennsylvania. 

Extracts  of  Several  Letters  from  Philadelphia  [1756-1757]   .      .      .   368 
Criticisms  of  Denny. 

Loudoun  to  Daniel  Webb,  June  20,  1757 370 

Advising  an  attack  on  Ticonderoga. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  June  22,  1757 372 

Intelligence   of   British   and   French   fleets.    His   reasons   for  sailing 
north.  Embargo.  Dinwiddie.  Prevost. 

Cumberland  to  Thomas  Penn,  July  5,  1757 379 

About  Governor  Denny. 



Barrington  to  Cumberland,  July  8,  1757 380 

Succession  to  2 2d  regiment.  Pitt's  proposed  augmentation  of  Ameri- 
can forces. 

Barrington  to  Cumberland,  July  12,  1757 382 

Shirley.  Prevost. 

Sir  John  Ligonier  to  Cumberland,  July  12,  1757 383 

On  the  augmentation  of  the  troops  in  America. 

Thomas  Penn  to  Cumberland,  July  18,  1757 384 

On  Denny's  yielding  to  the  Pennsylvania  assembly. 

Cumberland  to  Barrington,  July  22,  1757 385 

Cumberland  to  Sir  John  Ligonier  [July  22,  1757] 386 

Recruits  for  America. 

Sir  John  Ligonier  to  Cumberland,  Aug.  3,  1757 386 

Reasons  and  Oppinion  Drawn  by  Sir  Charles  Hardy  Against  Going  to 
louisbourg  augt  1757 387 

Vice  Admiral  Francis  Holburne  to  Holdernesse,  Aug.  4,  6,  1757  .      .   388 
Narrative  of  events  on  the  Louisbourg  expedition. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Aug.  6,  1757 391 

The  council  of  war  at  Halifax.  His  decision  not  to  attack. 

Barrington  to  Cumberland,  Aug.  16,  1757 394 

On  permitting  officers  to  retire  on  their  pay. 

Cumberland  to  Thomas  Penn,  Aug.  22,  1757 395 

Governor  Denny. 

Sir  Charles  Hardy  to  Loudoun,  Aug.  24,  1757 3g6 

The  French  fleet  in  Louisbourg  harbor. 

Cumberland  to  Barrington,  Aug.  28,  1757 397 

Insisting  on  obedience  to  the  standing  orders. 

Cumberland  to  Holdernesse,  Sept.  15,  1757 398 

Cumberland  to  Barrington,  Sept.  15,  1757 398 

Colonels  for  regiments  in  America.  Lord  Charles  Hay. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Oct.  17,  1757 399 

Plan  for  a  winter  expedition.  Thomas  Pownall. 

William  Shirley  to  Cumberland,  Nov.  19,  1757 408 

Defense  of  his  conduct. 

Cumberland  to  Loudoun,  Nov.  26,  1757 410 

His  resignation  from  all  military  employments. 

A  Description  of  the  Town  of  Quebeck  Its  Strength  and  Situation, 
1757  [by  Patrick  MacKellar] 411 

Cumberland  to  Loudoun,  Dec.  10,  1757 416 

Extract  of  a  Journal  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Fleet  and  Army 
Sent  against  Louisbourg,  May  28-June  10,  1758 416 

William  Eyre  to  Robert  Napier,  July  10,  1758 418 

Description  of  the  attack  on  Ticonderoga. 



Colonels  Prevost  and  Gage  to  General  James  Abercromby,  July  20, 

Aug.  20,  1758 422 

Suggestions  for  restoring  confidence  in  the  army  and  for  renewing 
the  attack  on  Ticonderoga. 

Colonel  James  Prevost  to  Cumberland,  Aug.  21,  1758 427 

Condition  of  Abercromby 's  army. 

Major  James  Robertson  to  the  Earl  of  Morton,  Dec.  19,  1758  .      .      .   429 
Comparison  of  Loudoun's  plans  for    1758  with   Pitt's. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  an  Officer  in  Major  Gen1-  Wolfe's  Army. 
Island  of  Orleans  ioth  Aug81-  1759 433 

Copy  of  a  Letter  from  on  Board  the  Lizard  Sept"  5111  1759  at  Coudre 
17  Leagues  from  Quebec 435 

An  Account  of  the  Action  Which  Happened  Near  Quebec,  13TH  Sep- 
tember  1759 437 

Journal  of  Happenings  at  Quebec  by  an  Officer  of  Royal  Americans, 

May  24,  1760 439 

Description  of  the  battle  of  St.  Foy. 

Description  Militaire  des  Pays  entre  Albany,  Montreal  et  Quebec. 

[17H        446 

Journal  of  the  Operations  of  the  Army  in  the  Island  of  Martinico 

FROM  THE    l(iTH   JANBT  TO  5th   Feb"y   INCLUSIVE   [1762] 450 

Colonel  William  Eyre  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  Jan.  7,  1764  .      .      .   455 
Suggesting  withdrawal  of  western  forts. 

Sir  William  Johnson  to  William  Eyre,  Jan.  19,  1764 458 

Opinion  on  western  problems. 

Colonel  William  Eyre  to  General  Robert  Napier,  Apr.  12,  1764  .      .461 

Memorial  Concerning  the  Back  Forts  in  North  America   [Dec.    17, 
1765,  by  Harry  Gordon] 464 



A  Sketch  of  General  Braddock's  March  from  Fort-Cumberland  on 
the  10th  of  June  1755  to  the  Field  of  Battle  of  the  9lh  July 
near  the  River  Monongahela 04 

No.  1  A  Sketch  of  the  Field  of  Battle  of  the  9th  July  upon  the 
Monongahela,  seven  miles  from  Fort  du  Quesne,  between  the 
British  Troops  commanded  by  General  Braddock  and  the 
French  &  French  Indians  commanded  by  Monsr  de  Sl  Pierre, 
shewing  the  Disposition  of  the  Troops  when  the  Action  began, 
by  P.  Mackellar,  Engineer 114 

No.  2  A  Sketch  of  the  Field  of  Battle  &c  shewing  the  Disposition 
of  the  Troops  about  2'  a  Clock  when  the  whole  of  the  main 
Body  had  joined  the  advanced  and  Working  Partys,  then  beat 
back  from  the  Ground  they  occupied  as  in  Plan  N°  1,  by 
P.  Mackellar,  Engineer 115 

A  Plan  of  Chignectou  including  the  Pass  of  Pont  Buot  and  the  en- 
campment before  the  fort  of  Beau  Sejour,  1755,  by  J.  Brewse, 
Engineer 146 

A  Plan  of  the  Fort  of  Beau  Sejour  with  the  attack  in  June,  1755, 

by  J.  Brewse,  Engineer 147 

Plan  of  Oswego  with  its  Forts  as  Beseiged  by  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
calm, August,  1756,  by  P.  Mackellar,  Engineer 210 




Some  Observations  on  the  Payment  of  the  Troops 
in  the  West  Indies,   1741/2  1 




.E    D 

Which  for 
every   £100 
sterig  is 
at  the  Kate 

and  deliv- 
er'd  there 
in  Currency 
for  Bills  at 
1 25  P  Ct 

Sterig  in 

A  Guinea 
A  Port  P- 


A   Pistole 
A  Moider 

£1.     1.- 

1.  16.  - 

-   16.  8. 
i.     7   - 

£1.  8.9 
2. 10  — 

1.     3-  9 

1.  18.  9 

£136.  18.  - 
138.  17.  9 

142.  10.  - 

143.  10.  4 

Guineas  .... 


Moiders   .... 

£  109.  10.  4% 
1-1.     1.7% 


114.  16.  - 

£9.  10.  4% 
II.     1-7% 

14.     -•  - 
14.  16.  - 

The  medium  of  these  F 
different   Species  is 

of  Ports  Pistoles  and  M 
of  Pistoles  and  Moiders 

our  ( 
aiders  .... 

£140.    9. - 

141.  12.8. 
143.    -.  2. 

141.   4-  Vi 

M3-  >°-  4- 
140.    -. -. 

C  and  de-     "1 

J  in  Tama-    {_ 
1  ica  as 
L  produces  J 

£112.     7.2 
ii3-     5-7- 
114.     8.-. 
112.     9.  2l/4 
114.  16.-. 

£12.     7.  2 

13-     5-  7 
14.     8.  - 

Sent  '. '. '. '. 
from  / 
Cent  j 

And  if  Moi 
Or   if    Bills 
thence  Supp 

lers  only  are 
are    drawn 
ose  at  140  p 

14.  16.  - 
12.     — .  - 

The  Charge  to  the  Contractors,  if  they  send  Specie  from  England,  may 
be  Reckon'd  Viz1. 

Freight     1  %  or  say  2  P  Ct 

Insurance     3% 4 

Commission     2% 3 

other  Charges  ....      % 1 

Interest  6  Months.    2 2 

10%    or    i2pCt 

So  that  their  Profit  or  Loss 
must  be  in  proportion  to  the 
Species  they  send,  which  hith- 
erto have  Chiefly  been  Ports  & 
Moiders,  the  Medium  whereof 
is  £141.4—  Producing  £  12.9.2% 
sterig  p  Cent. 

But  if  their  Agents  in  Jamaica  take  up  Money  there  &;  draw  on  them 
here,  suppose,  at  140  p  Cent  which  is  the  Price  of  good  bills  in  Cur- 
rency, then  their  Charge  would  stand  Nearby  thus  Viz1. 

1  This  document  would  seem  to  have  found  its  way  into  Cumberland's  possession 
in  connection  with  the  1754  discussions  about  the  money  contract  and  the  payment  of 
troops  on  colonial  service.  See  pp.  41-43.  The  negotiations  between  the  Treasury 
and  Peter  Burrell  and  John  Bristow,  the  money  contractors  for  Cathcart's  expedition, 
can  be  followed  in  Calendar  of  Treasury  Books  and  Papers,  ijjq-ijji,  pp.  287,  326, 
482,  512,  561;  1741-1J45,  pp.  6-8,  12,  31. 



Commission  in  Jamaica 2i/2  or  3      pCt    l    And  the  profit  on   140  ja. 

Commission  &  other  Charges  here  ...   2  2i/2  I   maica  Currency  redeliver "d 

4Vii      5!/2PCt    J    for  Bills  at  125  pCt  £12.-.  - 

Charge 5.10.  — 

Net  Profit  £6.10.- 

But  as  140  p  Cent  was  not  Certain,  suppose  they  had  drawn  at  135 
p  Cent,  the  Medium  betwixt  140  &  130  p  Cent,  which  too  is  nearly 
Equal  to  the  present  Rate  of  Silver  there,  and  redeliver'd  the  same  at 
125  p  Cent  the  Difference  then  would  have  been  8.  -.  - 

Charge  ....    5.10.  - 

Net  Profit  .  .£2.10  p  Cent 
And  thus  their  gain  would  have  been  greater  as  the  Exchg.  might 
happen  to  be  from  135  to  140  p  Cent. 

Now  the  Supposition  is  that  the  Government  might  have  sent  out 
Specie  as  above,  or  having  sent  part  to  supply  Immediate  Wants  have 
ordered  the  Deputy  PayMasters  to  draw  for  more  as  they  most  Con- 
veniently Could  do  it,  by  which  the  Troops  in  the  West  Indies  could 
have  been  paid  their  Subsce.  [subsistence]  at  more  than  120  p  Cl,  the 
Rate  first  Agreed  with  the  Contractors,  &  even  at  better  than  125  p  Cl, 
the  present  rate  of  payment  there,  if  Ports  8c  Moiders  had  been  the 
Specie  sent,  for  as  the  Charge  to  the  Government  would  have  been 
less  than  to  the  Contractors,  Viz1. 

Freight Op  Cent,  being  in  His  Majestys  Ships 

Insurance,  if  Needfull  3%  or  4  " 

other  Charges 1      .  .    i1/, 

Deputys    Clerks    &c        1      ..   2   ...  or  at  fix'd  Salaries  which  pos- 
their  Salaries  about  sibly  would  not  have  amounted 

to  so  much  as  1  or  2  p  Cl  on 
the  whole. 

5 ]/2  or  7%  p  Cent,  there  would  have  been  a 
saving  at  125  p  Cent  even  on  Guineas  the  lowest  Denomination;  and 
this  Saving  would  have  been  greater  in  Proportion  as  the  other  Species 
increase  in  Value  in  Currency.  And  if  the  Deputy  Pay-Masters  had 
drawn  from  140  to  135  p  Cent  the  Government  could  not  have  Lost 
by  paying  the  Troops  at  125  or  126  p  Cent. 

A  Calculation  likewise  has  been  Made  of  the  Profits  arising  to  the 
Contractors  for  supplying  the  Army  with  Money;  and  as  this  has  been 
done  on  the  footing  of  the  first  Agreement  with  them  Viz1  120  p  Cent, 
and  on  Moiders  only  which  are  at  the  rate  of  £  143.  10s.  4d.  Jama  Curr* 
for  £100.  Sterlg,  which  Sum  deliver'd  there  at  120  Curr?  p  C*  produces 
in  London    19.11.8  p  Cl   Sterlg  Profit;   and  this  Computed  for  the 


Whole  of  the  Troops  employed  there,  as  if  Each  Regiment  had  been 
Constantly  Compleat,  whereby  the  Gain  from  the  Contract  is  Raised 
to  a  very  large  Sum,  and  consequently  the  loss  to  the  Troops  much 
Magnified,  it  will  not  be  Improper  to  set  this  Matter  in  a  truer  light, 
&  to  observe  in  the  first  place,  That  these  Troops  were  paid  at  120 
p  Cent  for  about  Two  Musters  only  and  that  in  Ports  as  well  as 
Moiders,  the  Medium  whereof  is  £141.4.— Jama  Curr>;  &  secondly, 
That  no  more  money  was  to  be  Received  by  Contract  than  what  was 
Necessary  to  pay  the  Effectives  in  each  Regim'  whose  Numbers  less- 
en'd  daily;  so  that  the  Gain  arising  from  it,  considering  the  Charge, 
cannot  amount  to  the  Sum  it  is  given  out  to  be. 

But  in  order  to  Lighten  the  Loss  and  to  Redress  any  hardship  that 
might  be  thought  to  Arise  to  the  Army  from  this  Contract,  &  as  the 
Agents,  named  by  the  Contractors  in  Jamaica,  declined  the  Transact- 
ing of  their  business  there,  &  that  the  Deputy  Pay  Masters  were  obliged 
to  draw  on  their  Principals,  the  Pay  Master  General  of  His  Majesty's 
Forces  immediately  ordered  them  to  Pay  the  Troops  there  at  125  p  Ct. 
and  to  Reserve  the  difference  betwixt  what  they  drew  at,  &  what  they 
paid  at  till  further  orders;  and  this  has  been  the  Rate  ever  since  the 
25th  April  1741. 

A  Certain  Rate  must  be  fixd  for  the  payment  of  Troops  serving 
abroad;  nor  must  it  be  allow'd  to  Vary,  to  prevent  Mutiny  &  Com- 
plaints among  Men  who  Know  little  of  the  Nature  of  Exchanges;  and 
this  fixd  Rate  must  be  such  as  the  difference  betwixt  it  &  the  Current 
Exchange  of  the  Place  at  a  Medium,*  will  answer  the  Charge  of  sup- 
plying them  with  Specie  for  their  Subsistence,  whither  the  same  be 
done  by  Contractors  or  by  the  Government,  unless  there  was  to  be  an 
Allowance  by  Parliament,  for  defraying  such  Charge,  over  and  above 
what  is  Granted  according  to  the  Estimates  for  the  full  Pay  of  Troops 
so  Employed. 

Besides  the  Rate  now  fix'd,  Viz'  125  p  Ct  is  agreeable  to  an  order  of 
Council  in  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne  which  Regulated  the  Par  with 
our  Colonies  in  America  at  125  p  Ct,  Valuing  the  Ounce  of  Silver 
here  at  5/4,  and  there  at  6/8,  which  is  Exactly  1/4  more  than  Sterlg  and 
what  is  Call'd  Currency,  and  tho  this  Regulation  has  greatly  Varied 
since  that  time  in  the  different  Colonies,  and  consequently  their  re- 
spective Rates  of  Exchange;  yet  in  Virginia,  even  at  this  day,  the  Ex- 

*  That  is;  Suppose  the  Exchange  from  Jamaica  to  London  to  Vary  from 
140  to  130  p  Ct.  the  Medium  of  that  is  135,  and  the  Rate  of  Payment  now 
fix'd  being  125  p  Cent  the  Difference  betwixt  them  is  10.,  which  at  125  p  Cent 
gives  £8.—.—  Sterling  for  the  Charges,  but  if  taken  at  135  gives  only  £7.8.1 
for  the  Charges. 


change  is  from  125  to  120  which  is  under  that  Par;  and  in  Barbadoes 
it  did  not  rise  for  a  long  time  above  128  p  Ct.  'tis  true  the  present 
Value  of  the  Ounce  of  Silver  in  Jamaica,  possibly  Occasion'd  by  a 
former  Want  of  good  Bills,  is  7/2  Currency  which  may  be  said  to  have 
Constituted  a  new  Par  with  that  Island  at  about  134%  p  Ct  and  this 
Price  of  Silver  raised  the  Value  of  Bills  from  135  to  140  p  Ct  and  up- 
wards, and  probably  Bills  will  Continue  at  this  Value  till  Silver  Falls 
there,  because  Merchants  who  Remitt,  chuse  Rather  to  take  good  Bills 
than  to  send  Bullion  home,  while  the  difference  of  the  Price  of  Bills 
does  not  Exceed  that  of  Bullion  above  the  Freight  8c  Insurance  attend- 
ing a  Remittance  in  the  last,  for  Instance  Silver  to  the  Value  of  £100 
Sterlg  cost's  in  Jamaica  at  7/2  Curry  p  Ounce  £l34-     7-     6 

Freight  home  at  2%  p  Ct  3.     7.     2% 

Insurance  at  4  p  Cent   .  .         5.     7.     6 

£i43-  2.  214 
So  that  a  Bill  of  £100  Sterlg  bought  in  Jamaica  for  140  Currency  is  a 
Cheaper  and  more  Convenient  Remittance  by  £3.2.2  Curry  but 
should  the  price  of  Silver  happen  to  fall,  which  it  may  do  being  a  Com- 
modity, the  Exchange  must  follow;  and  as  this  holds  in  all  Exchanges 
and  that  the  same  Vary  and  Fluctuate  from  time  to  time,  a  Certain  rate 
for  the  Payment  of  Troops  whether  they  serve  in  America  or  Europe, 
must  be  fix'd;  and  it  must  be  such  as  abovemention'd;  for  none  but 
Merchants  who  understand  Exchanges  can  Deal  in  them,  or  Attend 
to  their  Daily  Variations;  and  Payments  following  those  Variations 
are  Altogether  unfit  for  Armies,  who  Knowing  but  very  little  of  the 
Matter  would  be  apt  to  Mutiny  on  a  falling  Exchange. 

Bedford  1  to  Cumberland 


London.  Oct:  11th  1748. 


I  received  of  the  9th  instant,  the  Letter  your  Royal  Highness  was 

pleased  to  honour  me  with,  and  shall  according  to  your  directions,  turn 

1  John  Russell,  Fourth  Duke  of  Bedford  (1710-1771),  opposed  Walpole  in  the  1730s, 
identified  himself  in  the  1740s  with  Sandwich  and  Halifax,  and  somewhat  less  closely 
with  Gower,  Chesterfield,  Cobham,  and  Pitt.  First  lord  of  the  Admiralty  in  the  Pelham 
coalition  ministry  of  1744,  he  supported  the  New  England  expedition  against  Louis- 
bourg,  and  in  1746  forced  upon  his  colleagues  a  scheme  for  the  conquest  of  Canada. 
Secretary  of  state  from  1748  to  1751,  he  had  much  to  do  with  the  settlement  of  the  town 
of  Halifax.  He  lent  his  strong  parliamentary  influence  during  these  years  to  the  group 
formed  about  Cumberland.  He  was  forced  out  of  office  by  Newcastle  in  1751,  and  served 
as  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland  in  Pitt's  first  two  administrations. 


in  my  thoughts,  what  encouragements,  it  might  be  proper  to  grant  to 
any  part  of  Lord  Loudon's  Regiment,  or  other  Highlanders,  his  Majesty 
may  not  think  proper  to  continue  in  his  Service  in  Europe,  to  induce 
them  to  settle  in,  and  people  the  Colony  of  Nova  Scotia. 
When  I  first  had  the  honour  to  mention  this  to  your  Royal  Highness, 
it  was  only  designed  by  me,  to  suggest  to  Y.R.H.8  consideration,  a  Plan 
which  (if  it  could  be  put  in  execution)  might  render  these  People  usefull 
to  his  Majesty  in  North  America,  when  their  Service  should  be  no  longer 
required  in  Europe;  and  I  was  the  more  confirmed  in  opinion  of  the 
utility  of  some  Plan  of  this  Sort,  for  disposing  of,  in  a  proper  manner 
those  Highlanders,  who  were  to  be  disbanded  out  of  the  Highland  Regi- 
ments, as  I  feared  many  of  them  would  take  on  in  foreign  Services,  and 
the  remainder  might  be  judged  not  proper  to  settle  again  in  their  own 
native  Country,  under  their  Chiefs,  of  whom  the  loyalty  of  some  might 
be  under  just  cause  of  suspicion,  especially  as  these  Men  by  having  con- 
tinued so  long  in  his  Majesties  Service,  must  have  acquired  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  their  Arms,  and  been  accustomed  to,  the  discipline  of  the 
Army.  As  no  Plan  for  the  sending  these  people  to  Nova  Scotia,  can  be 
put  in  execution  without  incurring  an  additional  publick  expence,  I 
believe  it  will  be  necessary,  before  I  digest  anything  to  be  submitted  to 
Y.  R.  H.s  determination,  to  consult  with  Mr  Pelham,  how  far  the  present 
exigencies  of  affairs,  will  permit  an  expence  of  such  a  nature  to  be  under- 
taken at  present,  and  as  I  hope  it  will  not  be  long,  before  I  have  the 
honour  of  paying  my  duty  personally  to  your  Royal  Highness  in  Eng- 
land, I  fear  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  prepare  any  thing  for  Y.  R.  H.3 
consideration  before  that  time.2 

Permit  me,  Sr,  to  congratulate  your  Royal  Highness,  upon  the  pleasing 
prospect  of  our  Affairs  at  Aix  la  Chapelle,  and  to  assure  you  that  I  am 
with  the  highest  respect  and  duty,  Sr,  Your  Royal  Highness's  most  faith- 
full,  and  most  obedient  humble  Servant 


[Endorsed]    Lond.    The    11 lh   Octr    ij./S     The   Duke   of   Bedford   Recd    the 
26th  N  S.  Answd  the  29th 

2  Cumberland's  letter  to  Bedford  of  October  4/11,  Bedford's  report  on  October  28 
of  his  conversation  with  Pelham.  and  Cumberland's  final  reply  of  November  12.  are 
printed  in  Correspondence  of  John,  Fourth  Duke  of  Bedford',  edited  by  Lord  John 
Russell,  I  (1842),  563-564,  572-574,  578-579.  Bedford  originated  the  proposal  to 
settle  Loudoun's  regiment  in  Nova  Scotia!  Cumberland  acceded  partly  for  the  sake 
of  the  soldiers,  partly  from  the  same  reasons  advanced  by  Bedford  in  the  above  letter, 
and  partly  because  he  was  unwilling  to  land  a  regiment  of  Highlanders  in  England. 
The  project  was  laid  aside  on  grounds  of  expense,  the  ministry  being  unwilling  to 
send  to  Nova  Scotia  a  regiment  still  en  the  establishment. 


Colonel  Edward  Cornwallis  1  to  Robert  Napier  2 



Upon  considering  the  State  of  this  Province,  I  am  obliged  to  repre- 
sent to  His  Grace  The  Duke  of  Bedford  &  The  Lords  of  Trade  that 
there  is  an  absolute  necessity  for  greater  Force  In  order  to  secure  & 
effectualy  settle  it.  I  know  my  letters  will  be  laid  before  His  Royal 
Highness,  yet  when  Troops  are  demanded  I  think  it  my  Duty  to  ac- 
quaint him  with  it  &  give  my  reasons  for  so  doing. 

One  Regiment,  Six  Companys  of  Gen.  Philips's,  one  Company  of 
Rangers  are  all  the  Force  here  at  present.  With  these  I  have  to  guard 
&  protect  an  Extent  of  200  miles  to  reckon  only  the  Peninsula,  within 
which  there  is  a  number  of  Indians  a  declared  Enemy,  waiting  Op- 
portunitys  to  do  all  the  mischief  they  can— the  greatest  part  of  the  In- 
habitants, The  Accadians  certainly  more  Friends  to  the  French  than 
us.  The  French  excite  2c  support  both  the  Indians  &  Inhabitants  &  will 
stick  at  nothing  to  hurt  the  Settlement.  They  will  probably  prevail 
on  the  Indians  of  Canada  &  St.  Johns  River  to  join  those  of  this 

The  Governor  of  Canada  is  making  Incroachments  in  the  most  un- 
warrantable manner.  On  pretence  of  hindering  us  to  make  Settle- 
ments before  the  limits  are  settled  he  has  sent  Detachments  to  three 
different  Places  near  the  Entrance  of  the  Peninsula,  so  as  to  pour  in  the 
Savages  upon  us  8c  succour  them  as  he  pleases. 

For  some  time  Halifax  alone,  already  a  town  of  great  extent  will  re- 
quire one  Regiment  to  secure  it.  Annapolis  Royal  cannot  have  less 
than  200  men.  There  must  be  100  men  at  least  at  Minas  &  as  many  at 

1  For  Edward  Cornwallis  (1713-1776),  who  acted  as  governor  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
became  colonel  of  Phillips's  foot  on  March  30,  1750,  see  sketch  by  James  S.  Macdonald, 
"Hon.  Edward  Cornwallis,  Founder  of  Halifax,"  in  Nova  Scotia  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  XII 
(1905),  1-17. 

2  Robert  Napier  was  adjutant  general,  with  the  rank  of  colonel,  and  Cumberland's 
secretary  for  military  affairs.  He  was  therefore  the  normal  channel  of  intercourse  be- 
tween army  officers  and  the  captain  general.  Napier  entered  the  army  in  1722  as  an 
ensign  in  Pearce's  5th  foot,  became  a  lieutenant  in  1723,  and  quartermaster  of  the 
regiment  in  1725.  On  January  21,  1738,  he  was  appointed  captain  in  Kirke's  2d  regi- 
ment of  foot.  He  served  on  the  staff  at  Ghent,  1742-1743.  as  deputy  quartermaster  gen- 
eral (though  Notes  arid  Queries,  Vol.  155,  p.  64,  names  a  William  Napier  in  that  post, 
his  name  is  not  in  the  Army  List  of  1740),  after  Fontenoy  was  promoted  to  be  lieuten- 
ant colonel  and  deputy  quartermaster  general  to  the  army  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
in  1746  was  made  adjutant  general  of  South  Britain.  He  became  colonel  of  the  51st 
regiment  in  1755;  major  general  in  1756;  colonel  of  the  12th  foot  in  1757:  and  lieuten- 
ant general  in  1759.  He  died  in  November,  1766.  Richard  Cannon,  Hist.  Record  of 
the  Twelfth  Regiment  of  Foot  (1848),  p.  99. 


the  Fort  upon  the  Bay.  So  that  I  have  no  Troops  at  all  to  send  upon 
any  Emergency,  or  to  spare  for  the  protection  of  other  Settlements 
that  may  be  proposed. 

I  am  firmly  of  Opinion  that  the  Province  cannot  be  Secure  without 
a  good  Strength  at  the  Isthmus,  both  against  the  French  in  case  of  War 
&  The  Indians  at  all  times.  This  without  a  whole  Regiment  be  sent 
there  cannot  be  undertaken,  as  nothing  will  more  exasperate  both 
French  &  Indians. 

The  Settlement  is  advanced  beyond  expectation.  I  hope  you  got  the 
plans  sent  you.  I  am  very  truely  yours  etc 

En:  Cornwai.iis 
Halifax  Decbr  6th  1749 

Colonel  Alexander  Duroure  *  to  Robert  Napier 


Since  my  landing  here  with  our  late  Governor  Mr  Mathew,  my  time 
has  been  imployed  in  getting  the  best  Information  I  was  able  of  the 
State  of  this  Regim1.  Indeed  I  have  Soon  been  convinced  that  it  la- 
bours under  many  hardships  that  all  other  Regiments  in  His  Majesty's 
Service  are  happily  free  from. 

As  these  hardships  mostly  arrise  from  the  Scanty  provision  made 
by  the  Island  for  the  lodging  of  it  as  a  body  of  regular  troops,  Con- 
sidering the  Climate  and  our  Numbers,  as  likewise  from  the  trifling 
addition  of  pay  when  compared  to  the  Excessive  prices  given  for  all 
necessaries  of  life,  I  have  colected  from  the  Knowledge  of  the  Eldest 
Officers  here,  and  my  own  observation,  such  facts  as  plainly  evince  how 
much  both  Officers  &:  Men  suffer,  as  likewise  the  tendancy  it  must  have 
to  prevent  that  Discipline  being  carried  on,  which  alone  can  make  this 
body  of  any  Military  Service  to  the  Island. 

These  facts  I  had  prepared  to  lay  before  the  Legislature  of  this 
Island,  by  the  means  of  our  late  Governor,  but  his  111  State  of  health, 
and  ensuing  Death  prevented  Me,  since  which  I  have  adressed  this 
plain  State  of  the  Case,  to  the  Council  &  Assembly  of  the  Island.  A 

1  Alexander  Duroure  (1692-1765),  younger  son  of  Francis  Duroure,  a  refugee  French 
officer  in  Ireland,  entered  the  army  in  1714,  hecame  a  captain  in  1722,  major  of  Doug- 
lass's Marines  (with  whom  he  served  on  the  Cartagena  expedition')  in  1739.  lieutenant 
colonel  of  Wentworth's  24th  foot  in  1741,  and  colonel  of  the  38th  foot,  stationed  in 
the  West  Indies,  in  1751.  He  was  an  elder  brother  of  Scipio  Duroure,  Napier's  predeces- 
sor as  adjutant  general.  He  became  colonel  of  the  King's  Own  Regiment  of  Horse 
in  1756,  and  lieutenant  general  in  1760.  He  died  at  Toulouse.  Charles  Dalton,  George 
the  First's  Army,  1J14-1722  (1910),  I,  219,  n.  26. 


Coppy  of  which  I  take  the  liberty  to  send  you,  as  such  an  appeal  to  the 
publick  here,  may  be  less  suspected  of  partiality  to  the  Corps,  than  any 
representation  I  could  do  my  self  the  honnour  to  transmit  to  you  for 
the  Information  of  His  Majesty  or  His  Royal  Highness. 

I  have  confined  my  self  barely  to  facts  as  a  very  ample  Discusion  of 
most  of  them  already  lies  before  Lord  Holderness,  and  some  of  a  late 
date  I  believe  before  Lord  Halifax,  through  the  Channel  of  Mr  Sharp, 
who  is  Solicitor  to  the  Island.  All  which,  as  they  are  prior  to  my  time 
I  may  not  be  a  Sufficient  Judge  of.  Tho'  from  what  I  have  seen,  & 
hear'd,  since  I  am  here,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  nothing  but  strict 
truth  was  aimed  at  by  those  who  upon  several  occasions  have  repre- 
sented in  behalf  of  the  Regiment. 

You  will  perceive  Sir  in  this  adress  to  the  Publick  that  I  acquaint 
them  I  am  about  to  Discharge  a  Number  of  Men  who  for  a  consider- 
able time  past  have  been  incapable  of  Service  through  distempers  and 
ailings  Contracted  in  this  Island  and  Incurable  here. 

As  the  Island  have  obliged  themselves  to  be  at  the  Expence  of  re- 
moving to  England  a  Number  of  such  not  exceeding  ten  in  a  year; 
I  have  by  this  opportunity  sent  such  as  will  I  hope  be  thought  ob- 
jects deserving  His  Majestys  bounty  at  Chelsea;  Ten  more  of  the  same 
Kind  the  Island  will  provide  for  in  some  of  their  small  Forts,  and  the 
like  number  tho  utterly  unfitt  for  Soldiers  can  find  a  maintenance 
amongst  the  Inhabitants.  Indeed  there  are  still  more  I  could  wish  to  be 
rid  of,  so  fatal  is  the  Havock  that  has  long  attended  this  Regiment, 
from  the  nature  of  the  Climate,  and  the  miserable  Situation  it  has 
always  been  in. 

This  reform  would  in  part  have  been  atempted  sooner,  by  the  Officer 
Commanding  in  my  absence  but  the  low  Numbers  the  Regim1  was 
reduced  to  when  I  was  appointed  to  the  Command  of  it,  would  not 
admit  of  a  greater  diminution  untill  Recruits  were  sent  out.  And  from 
the  best  Judgement  I  can  make,  the  Numbers  that  dye  yearly,  and 
those  that  must  be  descharged  as  Incurables,  will  render  it  absolutely 
impossible  to  keep  up  to  a  Number  of  Effective  Men  fitt  for  Service 
in  any  proportion  equal  to  what  other  Regiments  may  do  in  temperate 
Climates,  and  where  a  better  provision  is  made  for  their  Subsistance. 

However  as  it  is  my  Duty  I  shall  have  the  strictest  attention  that  the 
Noneffective  fund  be  appropriated  soley  to  keeping  up  the  fullest 
Numbers  that  may  be. 

I  can  hardly  Sir  find  expressions  strong  enough  to  point  out  the 
wretched  condition  of  the  Subaltern  Officers,  and,  private  Men.  Permit 
me  therefore  to  become  an  Advocate  for  the  former,  that  through  your 


Intercession  with  His  Majesty  they  may  be  paid  the  Arrears  due  to 
them  since  December  1746. 

For  what  ever  cause  of  Suspicion  may  lye  against  those  who  could 
profit  from  regular  Returns  not  being  sent  to  your  Office  during  some 
time,  as  from  all  other  Regiments;  As  the  Subalterns  could  reap  no 
benefit  from  such  an  Omission,  you  will  I  believe  think  their  case  full 
hard,  and  perhaps  unpresidented,  should  they  suffer  so  essentially 
through  the  fault  of  others:  For  as  they  were  not  conscious  any  neglect 
of  their  duty  had  subjected  them  to  such  a  loss,  they  have  as  their 
necessities  drove  them  borrowed  on  the  Strength  of  that  fund,  and  in 
consequence  are  daily  exposed  to  the  severe  effects  of  their  Creditors 
Impatient  for  want  of  payment. 

I  shall  not  at  present  trouble  you  with  a  farther  detail  of  the  Regi- 
ment, as  no  representation  at  this  distance  could  point  out  to  you  as 
I  could  wish  its  true  State  in  every  particular:  Permit  me  therefore  to 
hope  that  through  your  Protection  I  may  live  in  hopes  ere  long  to  sett 
before  you  personally  several  things  in  a  clear  light.  I  have  unfortu- 
nately more  reason  to  press  your  Interest  in  this  Instance  than  I  wish 
I  had.  The  excessive  heat  of  this  place  affects  me  so  much  more  than 
it  did  formerly,  that  I  am  apprehensive  any  continuance  here  must 
shorten  my  days,  and  this  I  assure  you  does  not  proceed  from  the 
Hclvctick  Malady,  which  forty  five  years  Service  in  various  Climes 
must  long  ago  have  cured  me  of.  So  that  could  my  residence  here 
further  the  good  of  His  Majestys  Service  in  the  case  of  this  Regiment, 
my  attachment  to  my  duty  would  make  me  runn  any  hasard  with  great 
chearfulness.  But  as  I  flatter  my  self  my  character  stands  unsuspected 
of  the  least  tardiness  in  point  of  duty,  strickt  truth  Warants  me  to  say 
that  my  abiding  here  can  no  way  conduce  to  that  end,  while  the  Regi- 
ment stands  Circumstanced  as  it  must  do  in  this  Island. 

I  was  just  going  to  conclude  this  Letter  to  you  Sir  when  your  Com- 
mands of  the  29th  June  relating  to  Lieu1  Colonel  Talbot  have  been 
deliver'd  to  me,  which  I  shall  be  sure  to  comply  with. 

As  the  Legislature  of  this  Island  have  desired  a  longer  time  to  give 
in  an  Answer  to  my  representation  to  them,  I  must  wait  their  leasure 
to  transmit  it  to  you,  and  in  the  mean  while,  beg  leave  to  subscribe 
My  self  with  great  truth  and  Respect, 

Your  Most  Obliged  and  Most  Obedient  humble  Servant 


St.  John's  In  the  Island  of  Antigua  Septr  21st  1752 
[Endorsed]  Col1  Duroure  Antigua  Scptr  21st  recd  Nov1-  14.  1752. 


An  Account  of  the  Forts  in  Louisiana  and  Canada  * 


La  Balise  Isle,  a  l'Entree  du  Mississipi. 

Fort  de  Terre;  Soldats  200,  Canons  24. 

Au  Detour  a  L'Anglois. 

Deux  Forts  de  Terre:  L'un  sur  un  des  Bords  et  l'autre  sur  l'autre; 
Soldats  dans  les  Deux  Forts  150,  Canons  30,  Maisons  d'Habitants  40. 
II  y  a  beaucoup  de  Negres  pour  faire  l'lndigo. 

La  Nouvelle  Orleans  Capitale  du  Pais. 

Il'y  vient  Journellement  des  Vaisseaux  frettes  pour  le  Roi  charges 
de  soldats,  et  de  Provisions  et  pour  l'utilite  de  la  Colonie  ces  Vais- 
seaux s'en  retournent  charges  d'Indigo  de  Boisure  et  de  Mats  pour 
les  Vaisseaux.  Les  Vaisseaux  Espagnols  y  viennent  avec  beaucoup 
de  Vin  et  d'olives.  Et  Ton  y  fait  beaucoup  d'Indigo,  du  Ris  et  du 
Maiz.  II  y  a  deux  beaux  Corps  de  Casernes;  il  y  a  5000  Soldats  en- 
viron 8000  Habitants  et  au  moins  12000  Negres. 

Chez  les  Oumas. 

Petit  Fort  de  Bois  dans  un  petit  Village  Sauvage;  soldats  50,  Can- 
ons 6,  et  quelques  Habitants. 

Au  Village  de  Alleman. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  50,  Canons  4,  environ  600  Habitants  et  2000 
Negres,  pour  traviller  a  l'lndigo,  au  Ris  et  au  Maiz. 

a  La  Pointe  coupee. 

Village,  Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  50,  Canons  8,  environ  800  Habitants 
et  3000  Negres  pour  faire  de  la  Charpente  de  Maison,  que  les  Vais- 
seaux emmenent  dans  les  Isles  de  l'Amerique. 

Chez  les  Natchitoches. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  100,  Canons  4,  situe  sur  la  Riviere  Rouge  a 
4  Miles  des  Espagnols.  Habitants  environ  300  et  500  Negres.  L'on 
n'y  fait  que  du  Maiz. 

Chez  les  Natches. 

Fort  de  Terre;  soldats  100,  Canons  12,  il'y  a  deux  Habitants  et  une 
ioone  de  Negres  pour  faire  du  Tabac:  le  Fort  est  situe  sur  une  Mon- 
tagne  assez  elevee. 

Chez  les  Arquantchas  ou  Akansas. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  200,  Canons  4.  Habitants  environ  200,  et  une 
ioone  de  Negres  pour  faire  du  Tabac  et  du  Maiz. 

1  The  first  part  of  this  document  to  the  final  paragraph  on  p.   13  has  been  re- 
punctuated  by  the  editor. 


Le  Grand  Oviat. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  200,  Canons  8,  Habitants  environ  500,  et 

Negres  300,  pour  faire  du  Mai/  et  quelque  peu  de  Bled. 
Le  Petit  Oviat. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats   100,  Canons  4,  Habitants  environ   100  et 

Negres  100  pour  faire  du  Tabac  et  du  Maiz. 
chez  les  Illinois  sur  le  Mississippi. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  600,  Canons  12,  il  y  a  5  Villages  Francois  dont 

il  y  en  a  Deux  ou  il  y  a  des  soldats,  Caszasiat  et  l'Etablissement.  Les 

Autres  sont  gardes  par  les  Habitants  Eux-memes.  II  y  a  Une  Saline, 

une  Mine  d'Argent  et  Une  Mine  de  Plomb  a  20  Milles  des  Villages; 

de  l'autre  Cote  de  la  Riviere,  il  y  a  dans  les  5  Villages  environ  6000 

Habitants  et  5000  Negres.  On  y  fait  beaucoup  de  Bled  et  du  Maiz. 

Les  sauvages  Ennemis  viennent  souvent  donner  des  Allarmes  a  ces 

Les  Cachot. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  50,  Can"  4,  Habitants  point. 
Les  Missouris. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  50,  Can3  4,  Habitants  point. 
Les  Cant  ou  Cansas. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  50,  Can3  4,  Habitants  point. 
La  Mobile  situe  au  Bord  de  la  Mer. 

Fort  de  Brique;  soldats  3000,  Canons  25.  Habitants  environ  3000,  et 

Negres  5000,  pour  faire  de  l'lndigo,  du  Goudron  beaucoup  de 

Mats  pour  les  Vasseaux  du  Ris  et  du  Maiz. 
Chez  les  Alibamous. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  50,  Canons  4.  Habitants  point. 
Les  Tonbebec,  ou  Tombeche. 

Fort  de  Bois;  soldats  50,  Can8  2,  Habitants  point. 
Le  Grand  Baicoux. 

Fort  de  Terre;  soldats  50.  Canons  8,  Habitants  environ  200  et 

Negres  300  pour  faire  du  Ris  du  Maiz  et  de  l'lndigo. 
Quand  nous  avons  deserte  il  y  avoit  dans  le  Pais  12000  soldats,  la 
Desertion  y  est  forte;  il  y  en  a  beaucoup  qui  vont  aux  Espagnols.  Nous 
avons  deserte  des  Illinois  le  16  Mars  1752  au  Nombre  de  Vingt  et  trois, 
il  y  en  a  eu  un  de  noie  et  un  de  perdu  dans  le  Bois.  Nous  sommes 
arrives  au  Nombre  de  Vingt  et  un,  Aux  Chaovanons  Le  26  May  1752. 




Soldats,  Canons 

La  Balise 

Fort  de  Terre  situe  sur  le  Bord  de  la  Mer  .    200  24 

Detour  a  L'Anglois 

2  Forts  de  Terre  aux  Bords  du  Mississipi 
L'Un  d'un  Cote  et  1' Autre  de  l'Autre  .  .      150  30 

Sur  l'un  des  Bords 

La  Nouvelle  Orleans 

Capitale  du  Pais 5000  40 

Les  Oumas 

Fort  de  Bois 50  6 

Village  d'Alleman 

Fort  de  Bois 50  4 

La  pointe  coupee 

Fort  de  Bois  50  4 

Les  Natchitoches 

Fort  de   Bois    100  4 

le  Village  est  situe  sur  le   Bord   de  la 

Riviere  Rouge  a  4  Miles  des  Espagnols. 
Les  Tonicas 

Fort  de  Bois   50  2 

Les  Natches 

Fort  de  Terre   100  12 

Les  Acansas 

Fort   de   Bois    200  12 

Les  Illinois 

Fort  de  Bois  600  12 

Misere  petit  Village 

Fort  de  Bois  sans  Garnison 
La  Prairie  des  Roches 

Village  sans  Fort 


Fort  de  Bois  200  8 

Petits  Villages 

Fort  de  Bois  sans  Garnison 

Les  Cachots 

Fort  de  Bois 50  4 








Soldats  Canons     Maisons 
Les  Missouris 

Fort  de  Bois   100  4 

Les  Canses 

Fort  de  Bois    50  4 

Le  Grand  Oviat 

Fort  de  Bois 200  8  200 

Le  Petit  Oviat 

Fort  de  Bois 100  4  Go 

La  Mobile 

Fort  de   Briques    3000  24  400 

Tonbebec  ou  Tombeche 

Fort  de  Bois   50  2 

Alibamous  ou  Albania 

Fort  de  Bois 50  4 

Le  Grand  Bacoux. 

Fort  de  Terre 50  8  40 

Soldats     10,400 
Canons         220 
Maisons     2,610 

Besides  the  Several  Forts  and  Garrisons  in  Louisianna  they  have  the 
following  ones  in  what  they  call  there  Government  in  Canada,  which 
begins  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  Illinois. 

i°  Pimiteoui  a  Fort  on  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois  where  the  French 
have  been  settled  ever  since  the  Year  1682  and  have  all  the  Natives  of 
the  Country  entirely  at  their  disposal. 

2°  Le  Rocher  a  very  impregnable  Fort  on  the  Top  of  a  Rock  in  the 
Country  of  the  Illinois  and  surrounded  by  a  Village  of  the  Miamis. 

3d  Mascoutins  a  small  Fort  8c  Mission  among  the  Indians  of  that 

4th  Missilimakinac. 

5  Sl  Marie,  which  two  places  the  French  have  been  in  possession  of 
ever  since  those  parts  were  known  and  have  always  maintained  a  small 
Fort  &  Garrison  at  each  of  them  in  order  to  protect  their  Indian  Allies 
and  those  that  carry  on  a  Trade  with  them  from  their  Enemies;  but  We 
cannot  suppose  that  those  places  or  their  Forts  &  Garrisons  at  them 
are  any  way  considerable  as  there  is  no  occasion  that  they  should  be 
altho  they  are  sufficient  to  take  possession  and  are  made  strong  enough 


to  serve  when  occasion  requires,  which  may  be  said  of  all  the  other 
little  Forts  &  Settlements  that  they  have  in  those  Inland  parts  of 
America  or  indeed  in  any  other  places  which  we  have  hitherto  so  much 

These  are  all  the  settlements  the  French  have  in  those  parts  of 
America  to  which  they  can  Justly  lay  any  Claim;  all  the  rest  above 
Montreal  are  in  the  Territories  of  the  Six  Nations  and  within  the 
Dominions  of  Great  Britain. 

6  Fort  Sl  Joseph  on  the  River  of  that  Name  where  they  have  long 
had  the  most  considerable  place  &  Fortress  of  any  in  those  remote 
Parts  of  America. 

7ly  Sl  Ignace  a  small  Fort  opposite  to  Missilimakiac  to  which  they 
have  lately  removed  their  Garrisons  from  that  Place  &  Sl  Maries. 

8'y  Le  Detroit 

9ly  Fort  of  the  Miamis 

10  Sandoski 

1 1  Niagara 

12  Fort  Toronto  a  small  Fort  that  they  have  lately  erected  on  the  Bor- 
ders of  the  Lake  Ontario  opposite  to  Oswego  in  order  to  aw[e]  the  In- 
dians of  the  Six  Nations  on  the  North  side  of  that  Lake  and  to  Inter- 
cept the  Northern  Indians  as  they  go  to  Oswego. 

13  Cataracoui 

14  Chambli 

15  Fort  Sorrel 

16  Crown  Point 

The  Account  of  the  French  Forts  &c  in  Louisiana  was  given  to  Mr 
Dinwiddie,  Governor  of  Virginia,  by  a  Deserter,  who  offered  to  take 
his  Oath  of  the  truth  of  it;  It  is  certain  from  all  Authoritys,  that  the 
French  have  actually  the  Number  of  Forts  stated  in  this  Paper;  but 
it  is  to  be  doubted,  whether  they  have  so  large  a  Military  Force  in 

[Endorsed]  An  Account  of  the  Forts  &  Number  of  Men  in  Garrison  in  Louis- 
iana, given  to  Gov1":  Dinwiddie  by  a  French  Deserter  in  7752  and 
transmitted  by  him  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  775 .  .  with  some  Ac- 
count of  the  French  Forts  in  Canada;  taken  from  the  French 
Authors  8c  other  Informat".2 

2  The  Board  received  Dinwiddie's  list  on  March  8,  1753.  Board  0/  Trade  Journal, 
»749/50-i753.  P-  4oi. 


Representation  of  the  Board  of  Trade  Relating 

to  the  French  at  the  River  St.  Johns 


Whitehall,  December  7:  1753. 
To  the  King's  most  Excellent  Majesty. 

May  it  please  Your  Majesty, 

Having  lately  received  a  Letter  from  Peregrine  Thomas  Hopson 
Esq1",  Your  Majesty's  Governor  of  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia,  dated 
the  18th  of  October  last,  in  which  he  acquaints  Us  with  the  Intelligence 
he  had  received  of  the  Strength  and  Proceedings  of  the  French  at  the 
River  S*  Johns  within  that  Province;  We  think  it  our  Duty  to  lay 
before  Your  Majesty  the  annexed  Extract  of  Mr  Hopson's  Letter,  and 
at  the  same  time  humbly  to  represent  to  Your  Majesty, 

That  We  have  had  great  Reason  to  believe,  from  the  Accounts, 
which  We  have  from  time  to  time  received  from  Your  Majesty's  Gover- 
nor of  Nova  Scotia,  and  more  particularly  from  the  manner  in  which 
the  Indians  of  the  River  Sl  John's  soon  afterwards  departed  from  that 
Treaty  of  Peace  into  which  they  entered  with  Your  Majesty's  Subjects 
upon  the  Arrival  of  the  Settlers,  that  the  French  have  always  intended 
to  fortify  themselves  at  this  River,  although  the  Possession  the  French 
have  gained  of  the  Isthmus  &  their  Ascendance  over  the  Inhabitants  of 
that  District  have  till  now  prevented  our  receiving  any  positive  and 
certain  Intelligence  of  it. 

Uncertain  however  as  our  Accounts  were,  We  thought  it  our  Duty 
from  time  to  time  as  We  received  them  to  lay  them  before  Your  Maj- 
esty's Secretary  of  State;  and  in  a  letter  to  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Bed- 
ford, dated  the  16th  of  January  1750/1,  We  represented  to  His  Grace 
the  fatal  consequences  which  would  inevitably  follow  from  the  French 
being  suffered  to  take  possession  of  this  part  of  Your  Majesty's  Terri- 
tories, to  which  Your  Majesty's  Right  has  been  so  clearly  &  incontesta- 
bly  proved. 

Some  of  the  Evils  pointed  out  in  that  Letter  have  already  taken 
place,  and  others  of  a  more  extensive  Nature  will  necessarily  follow 
from  this  Settlement  of  the  French,  unless  timely  prevented,  which  We 
humbly  beg  Leave  to  submit  to  Your  Majesty's  Consideration. 

Should  the  French  continue  in  possession  of  any  Settlement  on  the 
River  S1  Johns,  the  direct  Communication  between  Your  Majesty's 
other  American  Colonies  and  Nova  Scotia  will  be  intercepted  and 


broken,  and  that  Province,  instead  of  being  a  Barrier  to  the  rest  of 
Your  Majesty's  Dominion  on  the  Continent  of  America,  will  be  itself 
a  separate  Colony,  exposed  to  the  French  encompassing  it  on  every 
side;  the  force  of  Canada  and  Cape  Breton  will  be  united,  and  a  Chain 
of  Possession  and  Territory  formed  from  Cape  Breton  thro'  the  Coun- 
try north  of  the  Peninsular  to  the  Post  now  erected  at  Sl  Johns  River, 
which  may  hereafter  be  formidable  to  Your  Majesty's  Colonies  and 
Interest  in  America;  the  extensive  and  very  beneficial  Trade  to  those 
parts  for  Lumber  and  Furrs,  now  chiefly  carried  on  by  Your  Majesty's 
Subjects,  in  the  continuance  of  which  Your  Majesty's  Sugar  Islands 
have  so  very  immediate  and  important  an  Interest,  will  be  left  open  to 
the  French;  France  will  directly  secure  to  herself  a  Port  in  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  than  which  nothing  can  be  more  advantageous  to  her,  as  it  will 
remove  from  her  Trade  in  America  the  many  very  heavy  Inconven- 
iences now  arising  from  the  tedious,  dangerous  and  sometimes  im- 
practicable Navigation  of  the  River  Sl  Lawrence;  and  in  one  word 
several  of  those  great  commercial  Advantages  and  national  Views,  for 
the  Attainment  &  Security  of  which  so  large  Sums  have  from  time  to 
time  been  chearfully  expended  by  this  Nation  in  the  settling  Nova 
Scotia,  will  be  not  only  lost  to  Great  Britain,  but  transferred  to  the 
Power  of  France. 

All  which  is  most  humbly  submitted. 

Dunk  Halifax. 

J.  Pitt. 

J.  Grenville. 


Fran.  Fane. 
Cha9  Townshend. 
Andrew  Stone. 

Cadwallader  Colden  x  to  Halifax  2 


New  York  August  the  3d  1754. 
My  Lord. 

Since  the  news-papers  have  informed  us  that  Monsr  Galissoniere, 
lately  Governor  of  Canada,  is  appointed  Commander  of  the  French 
Squadron  fitting  out  in  the  Mediterranean,  it  has  given  the  same  ap- 

1  Cadwallader  Colden  (1688-1776),  since  1721  a  member  of  the  Council  of  New 
York,  was  a  strong  opponent  of  James  DeLancey,  the  lieutenant  governor.  He  became 
lieutenant  governor  himself  in  1760,  and  as  such  defended  the  rights  of  the  crown 
in  successive  administrations  until  1775. 

2  George  Montagu  Dunk,  Second  Earl  of  Halifax  (1716-1771),  was  president  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  from  17.(8  to  1761.  He  was  attached,  though  not  as  intimately  as 
some  other  members  of  the  group,  to  the  Cumberland-Bedford  faction.  This  letter, 


prehensions  here,  which  I  find  some  have  in  England  of  the  destination 
of  that  Squadron;  but  as  such  designs  cannot  escape  the  Vigilance  of 
His  Majesty's  Ministers,  and  we  have  no  directions  to  be  on  our  guard, 
I  am  confident  there  can  be  no  foundation  for  such  fears.  However 
since  the  amity  between  the  two  crowns  seems  not  firm,  while  acts  of 
hostility  continue  both  in  America  and  the  East  Indies,  I  think  it  my 
duty  to  inform  your  Lordship  of  what  I  know  of  the  present  state  of 
New  York.  We  have  a  great  number  of  fine  large  Cannon,  above  a  hun- 
dred large,  and,  if  I  mistake  not,  above  150  of  all  sorts;  but  as  I  think, 
notwithstanding  of  this,  that  the  place  is  in  no  condition  of  making  any 
defence  against  the  least  force,  which  can  be  imagined  will  be  sent 
against  it,  the  great  number  of  large  cannon  may  be  rather  of  preju- 
dice, than  of  advantage,  by  the  Enemy's  easily  possessing  themselves  of 
them.  Our  Fortifications  at  best  never  could  make  a  good  defence.  The 
Engineers  Armstrong  and  Eyers  [Eyre],  who  have  been  in  New  York 
lately,  can  inform  your  Lordship  we  have  not  one  Engineer,  nor  one 
Gunner,  nor  any  kind  of  Artillery  men,  nor  any  Magazine  of  Powder, 
and  the  fortifications  such  as  they  are  now  ruinous.  I  know  not  that  we 
have  one  man  in  the  Country,  Except  a  Lieutenant  or  two  of  the  Inde- 
pendant  Companies,  who  ever  were  present  at  any  military  service. 
Two  of  the  Companies  are  now  removed  to  Virginia,  and  I  believe 
your  Lordship  is  informed  what  may  be  expected  from  them  which 
remain.  Our  Militia  is  under  no  kind  of  discipline,  nor  do  I  think  it 
possible  to  bring  them  under  any,  without  being  intermixt  with  regu- 
lar Troops.  I  had  convincing  proof  of  this  in  the  year  1746  at  Albany, 
when  the  forces  of  the  Colonies  designed  against  Canada  were  there. 
The  Officers  themselves  could  not  be  brought  to  observe  discipline, 
notwithstanding  of  their  suffering  shamefully  by  want  of  it,  on  several 
occasions.  The  Inhabitants  of  the  Northern  Colonies  are  all  so  nearly 
on  a  level,  and  a  licentiousness,  under  the  notion  of  liberty,  so  gen- 
erally prevails,  that  they  are  impatient  under  all  kind  of  superiority 
and  authority.  The  French  in  America  seem  to  have  a  most  daring 
opinion  of  their  superiority  in  conduct,  and  contempt  of  ours,  as  has 
appeared  in  several  Instances. 

It  appears  from  Charlevoix's  History  of  New-France,  that  the  French 
at  several  times  formed  designs  of  possessing  themselves  of  New-York.3 

and  other  letters  in  the  following  pages  from  Shirley.  Laurence,  and  Hardv  (pp.  22, 
26,  149,  154,  170),  are  private  letters  to  him,  and  are  not  in  the  Board  of  Trade  cor- 
respondence, the  CO.  5  series,  in  the  Puhlic  Record  Office.  References  to  this  letter 
are  in  the  Cadwallader  Colden  Papers,  IV,  New  York  Historical  Society  Collections, 
1920.  pp.  463,  469,  474. 

s  De  Charlevoix,  in  Hisloire  et  Description  Generate  de  la  Nouvelle  France  (174  p. 
II,  392-410,  discussed  the  plans  of  de  Callieres  and  de  Denonville  in  1689. 


Indeed  no  place  on  the  Continent  can  be  of  such  use  to  them,  as 
thereby  they  would  open  a  more  safe  and  speedy  communication  with 
Canada  than  any  they  now  have,  and  with  the  great  Lakes  thro'  which 
they  carry  on  their  commerce  with  the  inland  Nations,  and  by  the  re- 
sources they  may  have  from  Canada  in  supporting  themselves  in  the 
possession  of  it.  All  these  advantages  plainly  appear  from  the  French 
Maps;  the  English  have  none  good.  Monsr  Galissoniere  was  Governor 
of  Canada  at  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war.  He  has  the  character  of 
having  great  acquired  as  well  as  natural  abilities,  and  of  having  been 
indefatigable  in  acquiring  the  knowledge  of  every  thing,  which  can  be 
of  advantage  to  the  French.  He  sent  many  Officers  to  New- York  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  Peace,  under  pretence  of  regulating  the  Exchange 
of  Prisoners,  where  it  could  not  be  difficult  for  them  to  learn  every 
thing  they  wanted  to  know,  and  I  am  afraid  they  are  too  well  apprised 
of  all  our  weaknesses,  which  may  make  them  attempt  what  otherwise 
they  would  not.  If  the  French  have  any  designs  on  new  York,  it  cannot 
be  secured  with  less  than  a  regiment  of  regular  Troops;  in  conjunction 
with  such  a  number  of  Regulars,  the  Militia  of  the  country  may  be  of 
great  service,  and  I  am  afraid  they  will  otherwise  be  of  little  use  in  its 
defence  against  regular  Troops.  I  know  not  the  number  of  regular 
Troops  in  Canada,  but  I  am  told  that  the  number  is  considerably  in- 
creased since  the  peace. 

The  Crown  of  Great  Britain  has  an  undoubted  right  to  the  naviga- 
tion of  Lake  Ontario  or  Cadarackui  Lake,  as  it  is  entirely  surrounded 
by  the  Countries  belonging  to  the  Five  Cantons  of  Indians,  and  we 
have  a  fortified  trading  House  with  a  small  Garrison  at  the  mouth  of 
a  River,  which  falls  into  that  Lake,  but  we  have  made  no  use  of  the 
Navigation.  The  French  have  two  small  vessels  on  it.  I  am  convinced 
with  submission  of  opinion  that  one  large  armed  Vessel  with  two  or 
three  smaller  on  that  Lake  would  more  effectually  and  with  less  ex- 
pence  defeat  the  designs  of  the  French  on  the  inland  parts  of  the  Con- 
tinent, and  their  ingrossing  the  Trade  with  the  Indian  Nations  than 
any  other  method,  which  can  be  thought  of:  At  the  same  time  it  would 
be  a  security  to  the  Southern  Colonies;  for  every  thing  from  Canada  to 
the  westward  and  southward  must  pass  thro'  that  Lake.  But  the  method 
of  putting  this  in  execution  ought  to  be  previously  better  concerted 
than  our  Enterprises  in  America  have  usually  been. 

The  Southern  Colonies,  who  formerly  thought  themselves  little  con- 
cerned in  the  enterprises  of  the  French  on  the  Northern  Colonies,  now 
see  the  necessity  of  uniting  for  the  common  safety.  Their  Commission- 
ers, when  they  came  to  New  York  in  their  way  to  Albany  to  meet  the 
Indians  there,  and  found  that  my  state  of  health  did  not  permit  me  to 


go  to  the  congress  at  Albany,  communicated  to  me  a  scheme  which 
they  had  formed  for  uniting  all  the  Colonics  in  their  mutual  defence, 
and  in  their  return  informed  me  of  what  had  been  done,  and  likewise 
of  a  joint  representation  formed  there  of  the  state  of  the  colonies  in 
respect  to  the  French  and  Indians,  which  your  Lordship  will  find 
nearly  agrees  with  what  on  several  occasions  I  have  formerly  repre- 
sented. Tho'  the  Commissioners  did  agree  to  the  plan,  as  formed  at 
Albany,  to  be  laid  before  their  several  Assemblies,  they  were  not  all 
equally  satisfied  with  it;  but  they  thought  it  better  to  agree  in  any  one, 
than  in  none.  The  general  purport  of  it  is  to  constitute  a  President  and 
grand  Council  for  the  Ceneral  Government  of  the  Colonies,  and  com- 
mand of  their  united  military  Force,  and  for  the  entire  management 
of  all  Affairs  with  the  Indians.  The  President  to  be  appointed  and  sup- 
ported by  the  Crown,  and  the  Council  to  be  chosen  by  the  several  As- 
semblies, and  supported  by  their  Constituents.  The  General  Expence 
to  be  provided  for  by  a  General  Duty,  by  Act  of  Parliament,  on  some 
kinds  of  merchandise  imported  into  the  Colonies.  In  place  of  reason- 
ing, I  think  it  better,  with  most  humble  submission,  to  tell  your  Lord- 
ship my  own  opinion  of  what  I  think  may  be  the  most  easy  and  effectual 
method  for  uniting  the  Colonies  for  their  mutual  defence  or  annoy- 
ance of  an  Enemy.  It  is  this,  that  the  civil  Government  of  the  several 
Colonies  remain  as  it  is,  but  that  all  military  affairs,  and  the  com- 
mand of  the  Militia  in  all  the  Colonies  be  put  under  one  Captain  Gen- 
eral or  General  Officer,  to  act  with  the  advice  of  a  Council,  either  nomi- 
nated by  the  crown,  or  elected,  or  partly  nominated,  and  partly  elected. 
That  this  General  Officer  have  the  sole  management  of  all  affairs  with 
the  Indians,  and  of  regulating  the  trade  with  them,  with  the  Consent 
of  the  Council.  But  I  believe,  that  no  Gentleman,  who  knows  the  pres- 
ent state  of  the  Colonies,  will  accept  of  this  great  trust,  without  having 
some  regular  troops  under  his  command.  Our  Mother  Country  must 
for  some  time  bear  a  considerable  part  of  the  charge,  till  the  Colonies 
are  more  inured  to  bear  the  necessary  expence  of  Government.  An 
easy  Duty  on  Wine,  Rum,  or  other  Spirits,  Molossus  and  Sugar,  to  ex- 
tend equally  thro'  all  the  Colonies,  would  bring  in  a  considerable  sum, 
more  than  I  believe  is  imagined,  could  it  be  fairly  collected.  The  Mer- 
chants in  America  are  so  accustomed  to  despise  all  Laws  of  Trade,  that 
if  the  duty  be  made  high  it  will  produce  less  than  a  small  duty  will. 
Your  Lordship  can  be  at  no  loss  to  discover  the  reasons  why  the  Peo- 
ple of  America  are  fond  of  elective  Officers,  tho'  they  be  swayed  sev- 
erally by  different  motives.  However  I  have  seen  a  King's  Governor, 
by  the  esteem  which  he  had  universally  obtain'd,  carry  the  Authority 
of  a  Governor  to  all  the  length  that  a  wise  man  would  desire,  and  I 


have  seen  others  brought  to  the  lowest  degree  of  contempt.  Then  your 
Lordship  may  believe,  that  I  think  the  success  in  Government  depends 
more  on  the  choice  which  His  Majesty's  Ministers  make  of  the  Persons 
to  govern  us,  than  on  any  thing  else. 

I  have  great  reason  to  dread  that  I  have  presumed  much  too  far; 
If  the  Subject  does  not  excuse  me,  nothing  else  can.  I  trust  to  your 
Lordship's  candour,  that  you'll  perceive  it  done  with  a  good  intention, 
and  that  it  cannot  be  with  any  personal  or  private  view;  and  for  this 
reason  only  I  expect  pardon  for  so  bold  an  Intrusion  on  your  Lord- 
ship's patience. 

I  am  with  absolute  Submission  Yr  Ldship's  most  obed1  &  most  hum- 
bIe  Servant 

Cadwallader  Colden. 

Governor  William  Shirley  1  to  Halifax 

Falmouth  in  Casco  Bay,  Augst  20th  1754 
My  Lord, 

Your  Lordship  will  perceive  by  my  frequent  Letters  how  desirous 
I  am  of  obeying  the  commands,  which  your  Lordship  was  pleas'd  to 
honour  me  with,  of  writing  to  you  often. 

My  Public  Letter  to  the  Board,  which  I  transmit  by  the  same  Ship 
with  this,  will  discover  to  your  Lordship  at  large  the  Service,  that 
brought  me  to  this  place. 

The  principal  Object  I  have  in  view  in  it,  is  finally  to  get  a  Fort 
erected  at  or  near  the  head  of  the  River  Kennebeck,  of  sufficient 
Strength  to  withstand  any  sudden  Attack  from  Quebeck,  (which  is 
about  100  Miles  distant  from  it)  and  capable  of  receiving  such  a  num- 
ber of  Men,  as  might  be  able  to  pay  the  French  a  visit  upon  occasion 
within  a  few  days  at  that  place,  or  at  least  to  destroy  all  their  Settle- 
ments on  this  side  the  River  St.  Laurence. 

I  have  it  much  at  heart,  My  Lord,  to  compass  this  point,  as  it  seems 
to  me  very  clear,  that  the  maintenance  of  such  a  Fort  there  would,  in 
conjunction  with  one  of  the  same  strength,  built  on  the  eminence 

1  William  Shirley  (1694-1771)  was  governor  of  Massachusetts  from  1741  to  1756 
and  temporary  commander  in  chief  in  America  from  August,  1755.  to  June,  1756.  He 
deserves  a  full-length  biographv,  which  has  not  yet  heen  written.  For  to  the  awaken- 
ing of  imperialist  sentiment  in  England  prohahly  no  man,  not  even  Pitt,  contrihuted 
as  much  as  this  American  governor.  So  high  came  to  he  the  opinion  in  which  the 
ministry  held  him  that  cahinets,  for  a  hrief  period  in  1754,  made  his  recommendations 
and  suggestions  their  own.  His  misfortune  was  to  he  thrown  into  a  command  which 
only  a  professional  soldier  of  extraordinary  adaptabilities  could  successfully  handle. 


which  I  have  in  a  former  Letter  mention'd  to  your  LAship,  near  the 
French  Fort  at  Crown  point,  (which  place  is  computed  to  be  within  120 
miles  distance  of  Montreal)  put  it  in  our  power  to  make  sudden  de- 
scents upon  Quebec  and  Montreal  at  one  and  the  same  time,  with  a 
superior  force  of  Militia  to  that,  which  they  could  raise  in  Canada  to 
resist  us. 

The  immediate  good  Effects  of  building  these  two  Forts  would  be, 
that  the  latter  of  them  would  effectually  command  Fort  St.  Frederic, 
and  fix  such  at  least  of  the  Castles  of  the  five  Nations,  as  are  not  gone 
over  already  to  the  French  Interest,  in  a  close  Attachment  to  the  Eng- 
lish; and  both  these  Forts  together  by  continually  hanging  over 
Canada,  like  two  Thunder-Clouds,  keep  the  French  and  their  Indians 
in  a  proper  Respect  and  awe  of  the  English  Colonies  in  that  Quarter, 
and  restrain  them  within  their  due  limits,  better  than  a  thousand 
Treaties;  and  I  can't  but  think,  it  would  have  a  great  tendency  to 
prevent  the  French  from  pushing  on  their  Encroachments  further 
upon  his  Majesty's  Western  Colonies  on  this  Continent. 

In  preparing  the  way  for  erecting  the  propos'd  fort  at  the  head  of 
Kennebeck  River,  I  hope,  my  Lord,  I  shall  have  made  a  considerable 
progress  before  I  leave  this  place. 

It  was  impracticable  at  the  first  step  to  have  erected  and  supported 
the  propos'd  Fort,  as  high  up  the  River  as  it's  head,  which  is  com- 
puted to  be  about  110  Miles  distant  from  any  English  Settlement;  the 
country  on  each  side,  as  well  as  the  Navigation  of  the  river  for  the  last 
70  miles  is  very  little  known  to  the  English,  and  it  could  not  be  sup- 
ported at  so  remote  a  distance  against  a  sudden  attack  from  Quebec, 
without  first  building  some  intermediate  Forts  for  securing  stores  in 
their  transportation  to  it,  and  fortifying  the  other  parts  of  the  River. 

The  River  is  not  navigable  for  Sloops,  or  other  small  vessels  higher 
than  a  place  called  Cushenoe,  which  is  but  43  miles  from  the  mouth,  so 
that  it  is  necessary  to  have  one  fort  or  defensible  Magazine  there;  and 
at  another  place  called  Taconnett,  which  is  but  20  miles  above  that, 
are  falls  17  foot  high;  near  which  there  is  a  small  Portage  or  Carrying 
Place  between  the  river  Kennebeck  and  Sebastoocook;  thro'  the  latter 
of  which  the  Penobscot  Indians  have  a  communication  with  the  Nor- 
ridgewalks,  so  that  it  is  necessary  to  have  another  Fort  there,  as  well  for 
lodging  the  Stores  designed  for  the  Supply  of  the  Fort  at  the  head 
of  the  River  (which  must  be  landed  at  the  Falls  in  their  way  thither) 
as  for  cutting  off  the  the  communication  of  the  Penobscotts  with  the 
Norridgewalks,  and  Kennebeck  River,  thro'  which  lies  the  shortest  and 
most  commodious  passage  for  the  Penobscotts  to  Canada. 

At  the  first  of  these  places  a  fort  is  already  erected,  and  at  the  latter 


another  is  building,  and  will  I  hope  be  so  far  advanced  as  to  have  the 
cannon  soon  mounted,  and  I  expect,  when  the  Body  of  troops,  which 
are  now  upon  their  march  on  each  side  of  the  river  with  Battoes  for 
carrying  their  provisions  up  the  river,  and  who  have  orders  to  survey 
the  country  with  the  course  and  navigation  of  Kennebeck  up  to  the 
head  of  it,  as  well  as  to  remove  any  French  settlements,  which  they  may 
find  there,  shall  be  return'd,  that  we  shall  then  have  knowledge  enough 
of  the  river  and  country  to  judge  which  will  be  the  most  proper  place 
for  setting  the  Capital  Fort  at,  and  whether  it  will  be  necessary  to 
build  another  fort  between  that  and  Taconnett. 

In  the  mean  time  this  Fort  at  Taconnett  will  be  impregnable  by  any 
Force  the  Indians  can  bring,  and  defensible  even  against  the  French 
themselves,  unless  they  should  attempt  to  transport  cannon  or  Mortars 
thro'  the  woods  on  the  back  of  it;  which  will  be  difficult  for  them  to 
do:  And  besides  the  advantages  I  have  before  mention'd,  it  will  cut 
off  the  Norridgewalk  Indians  from  a  very  great  Salmon  fishery  upon 
Taconnett  falls,  and  other  Subsistence  on  this  river,  in  case  of  a  rup- 
ture between  Us  and  them,  as  also  from  making  descents  thro'  it  upon 
our  eastern  Settlements,  which  was  the  common  rout  of  their  Inroads 
into  the  Province  in  time  of  war:  and  it  will  moreover,  by  cutting  off 
the  Penobscotts  from  their  communication  with  the  River  Kennebeck, 
render  their  going  to  Canada,  and  drawing  support  from  thence  very 
inconvenient  and  difficult,  so  that  it  will  keep  that  Tribe,  as  well  as 
the  Norridgewalks,  in  a  much  greater  dependance  upon  us  than  they 
have  ever  yet  been. 

Before  I  came  to  this  place  I  desir'd  Col.  Lawrence  to  assist  me,  in 
case  I  should  find  that  the  French  had  erected  any  Fort  upon  the  river 
Kennebeck,  or  on  the  carrying  place  near  the  head  of  it,  which  might 
require  the  force  of  cannon  or  mortars  to  dislodge  them,  with  such  a 
small  Train  of  Artillery,  as  might  be  requisite  for  that  purpose,  from 
Halifax  (distant  about  70  leagues  from  Kennebeck)  which  he  promis'd 
to  do  upon  12  hours  notice  of  my  having  occasion  for  them. 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  a  very  cordial  correspondence  with  that 
Gentleman,  and  to  have  receiv'd  promising  accounts  of  the  new  settle- 
ments he  is  engaged  in;  which  there  seems  to  be  great  reason,  from  his 
disposition  for  the  public  Service,  and  activity  in  it,  to  hope  will  suc- 

I  find  by  his  Letters,  that  from  the  experience,  he  hath  had  of  the 
behavior  and  spirit  of  the  Accadians  in  general,  he  is  of  sentiment  with 
me,  that  the  refusal  of  the  revolted  Inhabitants  of  Chicgnecto  to  com- 
ply with  the  terms,  upon  which  they  had  permission  given  to  return 
to  their  former  possessions  there,  is  happy  for  the  country,  and  even 


thinks  it  would  be  fortunate,  if  a  favorable  opportunity  should  offer 
for  ridding  His  Majesty's  Government  there  of  the  French  Inhabitants 
of  the  two  districts  of  Minas  and  Annapolis  River:  And  if  the  present 
conjuncture,  when  the  French  have  their  hands  full  of  business  upon 
the  Ohio,  and  have  given  us  such  high  provocations  should  be  thought 
a  proper  time  to  dislodge  them  from  their  Forts  upon  the  Isthmus  and 
St.  John's  river,  I  cant  but  think  the  work  would  prosper  well  in  his 
hands.  That,  my  Lord,  would  indeed  be  a  day  of  Jubile  for  His 
Majesty's  northern  Colonies;  the  Era  from  whence  their  deliverance 
from  the  clanger  of  French  Incroachments  might  be  dated;  and  I  need 
not  repeat  to  yr  Ldship,  how  ready  I  am  to  contribute  every  thing  in 
my  power  towards  hastening  this  happy  event:  I  took  the  liberty  to 
mention  to  yr  L(Iship  at  Horton,  that  if  it  should  not  be  accomplish'd 
before  an  open  rupture  happens  between  the  two  crowns,  an  attempt 
might  then  be  too  late;  and  as  my  fears  are  easily  alarm'd  upon  this 
occasion,  I  confess  that  the  appointment  of  Monsr.  La  Galissoniere  to 
command  the  Toulon  Squadron,  makes  me  think  it  possible  that  the 
destination  of  some  part  of  the  armament  may  be  for  an  attempt  upon 
Nova  Scotia;  He  being  the  most  proper  Officer  which  France  could 
employ  upon  such  an  enterprise. 

The  open  and  avowed  breaches  of  public  faith  already  made  by 
France  in  violent  seizures  of  great  part  of  that  Province,  and  her  in- 
stigations of  the  Indians  to  ravage  the  remaining  part,  and  commit  a 
most  unpareU'd  murder  under  the  sanction  of  a  flag  of  truce,  as  I  look 
upon  that  of  Captain  Howe  2  to  have  been,  will  I  hope  excuse  me  in 
this  case,  if  my  apprehensions  should  be  ill-grounded. 

The  Commissioners  for  this  Province  at  the  late  Congress  at  Albany 
for  holding  an  interview  with  the  Indians  of  the  five  Nations  are  re- 
turned from  that  service,  since  my  being  here,  and  the  Principal  of 
them  hath  sent  me  a  copy  of  his  Journal  of  the  Proceedings  there:  The 
Appearance  of  Commissioners  from  so  many  of  the  English  Govern- 
ments had  I  understand  a  very  good  effect  upon  the  Indians;  But  their 
appearance  was  thinner  I  hear  than  was  ever  known  upon  such  an 
occasion:  To  what  causes  that  is  to  be  ascribed,  as  also  of  the  late 
wavering  disposition  of  those  Tribes,  and  falling  off  of  some  of  them 
from  the  English  Interest,  it  is  necessary  for  His  Majesty's  Service  that 
your  Lordship  should  be  fully  apprised  of;  I  am  not  furnish'd  with 
the  proper  papers  for  that  purpose  here,  but  will  take  the  first  Op- 
portunity of  doing  it  after  my  return  to  Boston. 

The  Accounts  we  have  had  of  the  defeats  of  the  Virginian  Forces 

2  A  brief  sketch  of  Edward  Howe,  a  member  of  the  council  of  Nova  Scotia  who  was 
killed  in  October,  1750,  appears  in  J.  C,  Webster,  The  Forts  of  Chignecto  (1930),  p.  91. 


are  very  mortifying:  Those  rich  western  Colonies,  which  are  so  nearly 
concerned  in  the  late  Encroachments  made  by  the  French  on  the  Ohio, 
have  been  double  the  time  in  raising  about  800  men  to  oppose  a  great 
force  of  the  French,  who  they  were  certain  had  made  a  considerable 
progress  in  building  Forts  within  their  territories,  than  this  single 
Government  hath  been  in  raising  the  like  number  of  Men,  and  build- 
ing two  Forts,  upon  an  uncertain  Intelligence  only  that  the  French 
had  made  Settlements  within  the  Limits  of  the  Province;  and  for  want 
of  timely  assembling  even  that  force  in  one  body,  have  been  oblig'd  to 
surrender  the  greatest  part  of  them  to  the  enemy. 

I  have  this  day  had  the  honor  of  your  Lordship's  Letter  dated  the 
14th  of  March  by  Mr.  Yorke,  and  shall  to  the  utmost  of  my  power 
with  great  pleasure  execute  yr  Ldship's  commands  for  serving  his  In- 
terest, which  I  have  given  him  an  assurance  of. 

1  am,  with  the  highest  respect,  My  Lord,  Yr  Ldship's  most  oblig'd  and 
most  devoted  Servant. 

W.  Shirley. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Charles  Lawrence  x  to  Halifax 


Halifax  Augst  23rd  1754. 

My  Lord, 

I  was  honour'd  with  the  receipt  of  yr  Ldship's  Letter  of  May  the  29th 
by  Captn  Rous;  the  Approbation  you  are  pleased  to  express  of  my  con- 
duct, and  the  permission  I  am  indulg'd  with  of  communicating  my  pri- 
vate thoughts  to  yr  Ldship,  are  favours  that  will  ever  make  the  deepest 
impression  upon  my  memory.  I  have  by  this  Opportunity  in  my  letter 
to  the  Board  described  at  large  the  present  Situation  of  our  Affairs, 
and  I  should  have  been  glad  to  have  transmitted  to  their  Lordships  as 
exact  an  Account  of  what  is  going  forward  at  Beau  Sejour  and  St. 
John's  River,  but  the  Person,  whom  I  sent  to  obtain  intelligence,  is 
not  yet  return'd,  tho'  every  day  expected. 

The  Plan,  that  has  hitherto  been  pursued,  of  making  our  Settle- 
ments under  the  protection  of  the  Troops,  has  succeeded  as  well  as 

1  Charles  Lawrence  (1709-1760),  third  son  of  Lieutenant  General  John  Lawrence  of 
Portsmouth,  entered  the  army  in  1727  as  ensign  in  Montague's  foot,  and  in  the  ten 
years  from  1741  to  1750  rose  in  the  45th  regiment  from  captain  lieutenant  to  lieuten- 
ant colonel.  His  regiment  was  sent  to  Louisbourg  in  1747,  and  to  Nova  Scotia  after 
the  peace.  A  member  of  the  council  in  1749,  he  became  lieutenant  governor  of  Nova 
Scotia  in  1754  and  governor  in  1756.  In  1757  he  was  given  Jefferey's  3d  battalion  in  the 
Royal  American  Regiment,  and  in  1758  the  local  rank  of  brigadier  general  in  America. 
There  is  a  sketch  of  him  by  James  S.  Macdonald  in  Nova  Scotia  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  XII 
(1905),  19-58. 


could  be  expected,  and  I  believe  in  a  few  years  will  so  far  answer  the 
intention,  as  to  enable  us  to  Supply  ourselves  with  the  provisions  we 
consume;  but  this  Situation  of  Affairs,  tho'  it  may  make  us  appear  in 
a  more  florishing  condition  to  Strangers,  has  in  reality  this  incon- 
venience, that  our  Troops  are  so  much  divided,  and  of  consequence 
our  military  Strength  so  much  impair'd,  that  We  are  in  no  condition  to 
assert  His  Majesty's  just  rights,  in  the  manner  I  could  wish,  against 
those  unwarrantable  Encroachm,s  the  French  have  made  on  the  North 
Side  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  where  they  are  every  day  doing  all  in  their 
power  to  inhance  the  difficulty  of  removing  them,  and  from  whence 
(particularly  from  Beau  Sejour)  they  have  made  all  their  incursions 
upon  us,  and  committed  every  kind  of  outrage:  As  this  is  a  growing 
Evil,  and  the  greatest  Obstacle  that  can  be  imagined  to  your  Lord- 
ship's design  of  establishing  this  Province,  I  should  esteem  myself 
most  happy  in  having  the  least  hint  from  yr  L(1ship  how  far  any  at- 
tempt I  should  make  to  dispossess  them  would  be  well  received  at 
home:  If  such  a  Step  should  be  approved  of,  I  flatter  myself  I  could 
with  Mr.  Shirley's  assistance  raise  a  Body  of  Men  in  New-England, 
which  joined  to  the  few  troops  we  could  muster  on  so  good  an  occasion 
would  I  believe  make  a  pretty  successful  Campaigne. 

If  Yr  Ldship  should  approve  of  this  for  our  next  Summer's  Employ- 
ment, I  believe  it  would  be  necessary  to  postpone  the  Settlement  at 
Chibnaccadee  I  have  now  propos'd  to  the  Board,  till  we  are  more  at 
leisure,  but  it  will  be  most  useful  to  have  a  fort  there  at  any  rate,  as  it 
will  command  all  the  Settlements,  where  the  French  Inhabitants  are, 
prevent  in  a  great  degree  the  incursions  of  the  Indians,  and  put  us  in 
(almost)  secure  possession  of  the  most  fertile  pleasant  Country  we  have 
yet  discover'd. 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  the  Letter  I  had  the  honor  to  receive 
from  the  Board  of  March  the  4th,2  I  set  about  clearing  the  land  for  the 
battery  their  Ldships  have  order'd  Mr.  Brewse  to  build,  and  have  done 
every  thing  in  my  power  to  make  the  necessary  preparations  for  that 
work,  against  Mr.  Brewses  Arrival,  tho'  I  cannot  in  duty  to  Yr  Ldship 
omit  acquainting  you  that  I  greatly  fear  this  Battery,  and  the  Works 
on  George's  Island  will  not  altogether  answer  the  end  of  keeping  Ships 
out  of  the  harbour,  as  the  passage  is  full  wide  for  the  Shot  to  do  much 
execution  upon  Ships,  that  are  coming  in  with  a  fair  Wind,  and  when 
they  have  passed,  we  are  intirely  defenceless  for  want  of  those  Batteries, 
that  were  formerly  projected  in  the  front  of  the  Town. 

2  The  reference  is  apparently  to  the  Board  of  Ordnance,  under  whose  orders  John 
Brewse  served  as  engineer,  and  not  to  the  Board  of  Trade  letter  of  that  date,  printed 
in  part  in  Thomas  B.  Akins.  ed.,  Selections  from  the  Public  Documents  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Nova  Scotia  (1849),  I,  207. 


I  thought  myself  the  more  bound  in  duty  to  lay  before  your  Ldship 
my  opinion  of  the  insufficiency  of  the  new  Battery,  as  it  is  probable,  if 
we  should  attempt  driving  the  French  from  that  important  Post  of 
Beau  Sejour,  the  Ships  of  War  that  are  every  Year  at  Louisbourg, 
which  are  generally  at  least  a  Sixty  four,  a  thirty  Six,  and  an  eighteen 
Gun  Ship,  would  make  some  Attempt  upon  this  place,  unless  we  had 
more  naval  Force  for  our  protection. 

I  hope  by  the  Fall  of  the  Year  to  give  Yr  Ldship  a  perfect  Account 
of  the  Situation  of  the  French  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  As  the  Person  I 
have  sent  will  bring  me  information  of  their  Numbers,  and  the  Forts 
and  Settlements  they  have  made  and  Captain  Rous  is  just  now  setting 
out  upon  a  cruise  to  discover  whether  they  have  done  any  thing 
towards  the  Water. 

It  has  long  been  the  Object  of  my  Attention  to  take  some  Step  that 
might  contribute  to  ease  that  heavy  and  important  Article  of  Pro- 
visions for  the  Troops;  I  am  afraid  if  we  depend  upon  the  gradual 
progress,  that  is  made  by  the  Settlers  in  clearing  the  land,  it  will  be 
a  long  time  before  it  can  be  brought  to  bear.  If  indeed  the  French  were 
driven  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  Chicgnecto  (as  it  is  already  a  fine 
cleared  Country)  would  soon  become  a  florishing  Settlement,  and  the 
same  expectations  might  be  had  from  Annapolis  Royal,  Piziquid  and 
Minas,  when  the  Inhabitants  were  brought  under  proper  Submission 
to  His  Majesty's  Government;  but  still  at  Halifax,  and  the  neighbour- 
ing Posts,  where  the  greatest  part  of  the  Troops  must  generally  reside, 
Provisions  would  be  very  dear,  as  the  Inhabitants  do  not  find  that 
immediate  profit  in  clearing  Land  they  expect  from  other  kinds  of 
Labor;  To  remedy  this  Inconvenience,  as  well  as  many  others  that 
arise  from  the  neglect  of  Agriculture,  a  Sum  of  £4000  or  £5000  over 
and  above  the  usual  Grant,  to  be  disposed  of,  with  the  Advice  and 
consent  of  the  Council  here,  in  Bounties  upon  bringing  Land  under 
actual  Improvement,  would  not  fail  of  a  good  Effect;  And  such  an 
Encouragement  I  am  persuaded  would  contribute  greatly  to  bring 
many  considerable  Settlers  here  from  the  Continent;  As  this,  tho'  so 
apparently  useful,  might  seem  a  glaring  Article  in  the  Estimate,  I  have 
not  presumed  to  insert  it,  but  have  taken  the  liberty  humbly  to  submit 
it  to  yr  Ldship's  consideration. 

The  late  Ill-Success  of  our  Arms  upon  the  Continent  under  Col. 
Washington,  together  with  the  disunion  of  the  Colonies,  and  the  dis- 
cord which  subsists  in  general  between  the  Provinces  and  their  Gov- 
ernors on  account  of  the  necessary  Subsidies,  will  I  fear  contribute  so 
much  to  strengthen  the  French  in  their  Encroachments  to  the  South- 


ward,  that  they  will  soon  begin  as  heretofore  to  give  us  all  the  Trouble 
they  are  able;  While  the  Opportunity  yet  remains  I  would  willingly  en- 
deavour to  put  it  out  of  their  power,  and  that  effectually:  The  first  and 
indeed  the  only  important  Step,  as  I  before  acquainted  yr  L'ship, 
would  be  the  Demolition  of  Beau  Sejoin  ;  And  when  that  is  done  the 
French  Inhabitants  on  that  side  must  either  be  removed  to  this,  or 
driven  totally  away  by  Fire  and  Sword;  for  if  all  the  villages  beyond 
Beau-Sejour  are  not  destroyed,  and  some  of  the  Dykes  cut,  The  French 
(who  will  easily  know  that  the  Force  we  had  collected  was  but  occa- 
sional) would  immediately  return  to  take  possession  of  their  habita- 
tions, and  rebuild  their  Forts. 

I  fear  it  would  be  vain  to  move  for  another  Regiment  to  be  sent  to 
Us,  tho'  it  would  be  indisputably  of  the  greatest  Use  (Especially  now 
that  the  Troops  are  so  divided,  and  the  duty  severe)  towards  both  ob- 
taining and  preserving  His  Majesty's  just  Rights:  Could  that  once  be 
performed,  it  might  be  well  expected  that  our  natural  Strength  would 
increase  so  fast,  that  we  should  soon  be  able  to  defend  and  support  our- 
selves with  very  little  Expence  to  England:  On  the  other  hand,  if  it 
cannot,  that  is,  if  the  French  Fort  is  to  Stand,  either  on  account  of  the 
Expence  necessary  for  destroying  it,  or  for  any  other  reasons,  that  I 
cannot  judge  of,  in  that  case  I  fear  our  Progress  will  prove  very  slow; 
and  I  would  with  all  submission  entreat  yr  Ldships  Leave  to  erect  the 
Fort,  proposed  to  be  rais'd  on  Chebunaccadie  River,  as  the  next  best 
expedient  for  securing  the  interior  Parts  of  the  Province. 

If  any  thing  I  have  now  the  honor  to  propose  should  be  approved  of, 
and  thought  proper  to  be  carried  into  execution,  I  need  not  represent 
to  Yr  Ldship  how  necessary  it  would  be  that  I  should  know  it  as  early 
as  possible,  as  the  Success  of  such  an  undertaking  depends  very  much 
thereon;  Not  only  as  I  must  apply  to  Mr.  Shirley,  before  I  can  begin, 
but  if  it  could  be  carried  thro'  before  the  Ships  of  War  from  France 
arrive  at  Louisbourg,  we  shall  be  in  a  better  capacity  to  repell  any 
Attempt  they  may  form  to  revenge  or  reinstate  themselves. 

After  being  honour'd  with  Yr  Ldship's  permission  to  write  without 
reserve  on  Provincial  Affairs,  I  humbly  hope  the  uncommon  length 
of  this  Letter  will  not  be  look'd  upon  by  your  Ldship  as  exceeding 
my  duty,  and  I  flatter  myself  it's  imperfections  will  be  overlook'd 
thro*  yr  Ldship's  extreme  Goodness,  which  I  have  already  so  largely 
and  so  happily  experienced. 

I  beg  leave  to  Subscribe  myself  with  the  greatest  gratitude  and  re- 
spect, My  Lord,  Y*  Ldship's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  Servant. 

Chas  Lawrence. 


Postscript  Augst  26th 

Yesterday,  My  Lord,  arrived  the  Ship  Cornwallis  with  Mr.  Brewse 
on  board,  and  the  Tools  for  erecting  the  Battery  on  the  Eastern  Shore, 
which  work  I  shall  make  the  cheif  Object  of  my  Attention,  and  use  my 
utmost  endeavours,  that  it  be  carried  on  with  all  possible  Expedition. 

The  Person  I  sent  to  St.  John's  River  is  also  returned,  and  I  have 
related  his  Account  at  large  in  my  letter  to  Yr  Ldship's  Board;  the  most 
material  Circumstance  being  that  the  French  have  there  only  an  Officer 
and  sixteen  Men  in  the  old  Earth  Fort,  which  is  in  a  ruinous  Condi- 
tion, has  three  bad  Guns  in  it,  and  that  they  have  not  raised  (as  was 
reported)  any  other  Fort  whatever  on  that  River. 

He  also  adds  that  the  French  are  every  day  strengthening  the  Fort 
at  Beau  Sejour,  but  by  his  account  of  it's  bigness,  and  the  manner  in 
which  the  necessary  Barracks  and  Buildings  are  crowded  into  it,  I  am 
of  opinion  a  Couple  of  Mortars  would  fire  it  about  their  Ears  in  half 
an  hour.  I  am,  Yr  Ldships  most  dutiful  Humble  Servant. 

Chas  Lawrence. 

Account  of  the  French  Forts  in  Canada  and  upon 

the  Lakes1  [October,   1754] 


FORT  S*  VINCENT  upon  Miamis  River  at  the  West  end  of  Lake 

a  Logg  Fort,  no  Guns,  16  Regulars,  and  2  Officers. 
SANDOSKI  upon  the  south  side  of  Lake  Erie. 
A  Logg  Fort,  no  Guns,  8  Regulars,  and  one  Officer. 
Le  DETROIT  a  Logg  Fort,  no  Guns  only  a  few  Chambers,  35  Regu- 
lars, 200  Militia,  can  collect  about  300  Indians. 

NIAGARA  two  Forts;  one  small  wooden  one  9  Miles  above  the  head 
of  the  Falls,  no  Guns,  6  Men;  another  9  Miles  below  the  falls  at  the 
Place  where  the  River  empty's  itself  into  the  Lakes,  built  of  stone,  2 
Bastions,  40  Men,  4  Officers,  Eight  Guns— 6  Pounders. 
Imagined  it  may  be  taken  without  Cannon;  a  few  Shells  would  in- 
fallibly destroy  it. 

TORONTO  a  Square  Fort  of  Wood,  no  Guns,  20  Regulars,  2  Officers. 
CADARAQUI  Stone  Fort,  Strength  and  Number  of  Men  the  same 
as  Niagara. 

1  This  list  has  hecn  punctuated  by  the  editor. 


N.B.  The  French  have  2  Barks  upon  the  Lakes  60  Ton  each,  no 

Guns,  about  7  Men. 
LA  GARRETTE  Thirty  Leagues  down  Sl  Lawrence  River. 
Block  Fort,  no  Guns,  15  or  20  Men  and  an  Officer. 
FORT  Sl  MARIE  further  down  the  River,  a  Wooden  Fort,  no  Guns, 
15  or  20  Men. 

IROQUOIS  FORT  Three  Leagues  further  down  the  River.  Wooden 
Fort,  15  or  20  Men,  no  Guns. 

MONTREAL,  4  Company's.  Town  consists  of  4  Streets  surrounded 
with  a  Stone  Wall,  no  Ditch  capable  of  mounting  any  Cannon  but  only 
lew  mounted  for  Salutes. 
QUEBEC,  6  Coinpanys  of  Regulars. 

NB  The  foregoing  account  was  given  to  Lord  Halifax  the  14th  of 
October  1754  by  John  Defievre  late  a  Matross  in  Captain  John  Chal- 
mers Company  was  discharged  at  the  time  of  the  Reduction,  went  to 
America  and  was  a  servant  to  an  Indian  Trader  upon  the  Ohio,  was 
taken  Prisoner  by  the  French  in  1 749  and  carried  through  their  several 
Settlements  to  Quebec  from  whence  he  was  sent  to  Louisburg  and  made 
his  Escape  to  Rhode  Island. 

John  Defievre  has  now  a  Pension  from  the  Ordnance. 

Different  Routes  in  North  America  [1754] 

Route  from  Williamsburg  to  the  French  Fort,  upon  Lake  Erie  near 
the  Ohio  by  Land. 

From  Williamsburg  to  Fredericksburg  across  two  Ferries,  one  over 
Pamunkey  River,  the  other  over  Mattapony  River  at  the  Places  marked 
in  the  Map.  100  Miles. 

From  Fredericksburg  to  Winchester  90  Miles,  i.e.,  70  to  the  Moun- 
tains and  20  beyond  them. 

From  Winchester  to  Wills's  Creek.  50  Miles. 

Thus  far  the  Road  is  very  good,  and  passable  with  all  sorts  of  Car- 

From  Wills's  Creek  to  Gist's  Plantation  on  the  Monongehela  70 

From  Gist's  Plantation  to  the  Forks  50  Miles.  Here  the  Fort  built  by 
Us  and  taken  by  the  French  is  situated. 

From  the  Forks  to  Loggs  Town.  20  Miles. 


From  Logg's  Town  to  Venango  60  Miles.  Here  the  French  are  sup- 
posed to  have  another  Fort.  The  Form  and  Strength  of  it  and  the  Num- 
ber of  Men  in  Garrison  unknown. 

From  Venango  to  the  head  of  Riviere  aux  Bceuffs  70  Miles.  Here  is 
a  Fort  built  by  the  French  in  the  Year  1753,  situated  on  the  South 
Side  of  the  River  near  the  Water;  and  is  almost  surrounded  by  the 
Creek,  and  a  small  Branch  of  it  which  forms  a  kind  of  Island;  Four 
Houses  compose  the  Sides;  the  Bastions  are  made  of  Piles  driven  into 
the  ground,  standing  more  than  12  feet  above  it,  and  sharp  at  top,  with 
Port-holes  cut  for  Cannon,  and  Loop-holes  for  the  small  Arms;  there  are 
eight  six  Pound  Pieces  mounted  in  each  Bastion,  and  one  Piece  of  four 
Pound  before  the  Gate.  In  the  Bastions  are  a  Guard-House,  Chapel, 
Doctor's  Lodgings,  and  the  Commander's  private  Store,  round  which 
are  Plat-forms  for  the  Cannon  and  Men  to  stand  upon;  there  are 
several  Barracks  without  the  Fort  for  the  Soldiers  dwelling,  covered 
some  with  Bark  and  some  with  Boards  made  chiefly  of  Logs. 

N.B.  From  Wills's  Creek  to  this  Place  there  is  no  Road  but  what  the 
Indians  and  Traders  have  made  thro'  the  Woods. 

From  Riviere  aux  Bceuffs  to  Presque  Isle  upon  Lake  Erie  is  20 
Miles.  Here  is  another  Fort  built  by  the  French  in  1753;  it  is  about 
120  feet  square,  and  built  of  Chesnut  Logs  squared  and  lapt  over  each 
other  to  the  height  of  15  feet;  a  Log-House  at  each  Angle,  and  two 
Gates  one  to  the  Southward  and  another  to  the  Northward. 

From  Riviere  aux  Bceuffs  to  this  Place  there  is  a  Waggon  Road  made 
by  the  French. 

N.B.  The  French  have  now  upon  the  Ohio  &  in  their  different  Forts 
about  1500  Regulars,  &  are  said  to  have  been  joined  by  500  or  600 
Ottoway  Indians. 

Route  to  the  Ohio  by  Water. 

From  the  Mouth  of  Potomack  River  to  the  Great  Falls  is  170  Miles, 
navigable  for  Vessels  of  200  or  300  Tons. 

From  Alexandria  at  the  lower  part  of  the  Falls  to  where  the  River 
is  again  navigable,  a  Land  Carriage  of  30  Miles  good  Road. 

From  hence  to  next  Falls  thro'  the  blue  Ridge  60  Miles,  navigable 
for  Canoes  carrying  about  1000  Wl. 

Land  Carriage  of  3  or  4  Miles  to  where  the  River  is  again  navigable. 

From  hence  to  Wills's  Creek  200  Miles,  navigable  for  small  Boats, 
which  will  carry  about  1000  Weight. 


From  Wills's  Creek  a  Waggon  Road  to  the  Head  of  Vaughyaughgani 
River  Ho  Miles. 

From  the  Head  of  Vaughyaughgani  River  to  the  Forks,  distance  un- 
known, navigable  lor  Boats  carrying  about   1000  Weight. 

From  the  Forks  up  the  Ohio  to  Venango,  distance  unknown,  the 
Current  not  rapid. 

From  Venango  to  the  head  of  Riviere  aux  Bauds  the  Navigation  im- 

N.B.  There  is  said  to  be  a  nearer  Way  to  the  head  of  Vaughyaughgani 
River  than  that  from  the  Mouth  of  Wills's  Creek,  which  is  to  go  up 
Wills's  Creek,  some  times  called  the  Northern  Branch  of  the  Potomack, 
navigable  for  small  Boats,  near  the  head  of  which  is  a  Gap  through 
the  Mountains  to  the  head  of  Yaiighyaughgani  River  at  the  distance  of 
not  more  than  20  Miles. 

Route  from  Winchester  to  New  York. 

From  Winchester  to  Lancaster  100  Miles. 

From  Lancaster  to  Philadelphia  68  Miles. 

From  Philadelphia  to  Trenton  30  Miles. 

From  Trenton  to  New  York  66  Miles. 

N.B.  A  Good  Waggon  Road  passable  for  all  sorts  of  Carriages. 

Route  from  New   York  to  Niagara. 

From  New  York  to  Albany  140  Miles  up  Hudson's  River. 

From  Albany  to  Schenectady  by  Land  16  Miles,  good  Road. 

From  Schenectady  to  the  head  of  Mohawks  River  about  90  Miles. 

From  the  head  of  Mohawks  River  to  Oneyda  River  Land  Carriage 
about  4  Miles. 

From  Oneyda  River  to  Oneyda  Lake  about  30  Miles. 

From  Oneyda  Lake  to  Oswego  60  Miles. 

From  Oswego  to  Niagara  along  the  Lake  about  100  Miles. 

Niagara  Fort  before  the  Year  1749  was  only  built  of  Logs  palisaded, 
but  since  that  time  has  been  made  a  strong  Sc  regular  Fortification  of 


Sketch  of  Regulations  &  Orders  Proposed  Relating 

to  Affairs  of  North  America.  November,   1754 

and  Qu/Eries  Relating  to  the  Same  1 


That  Sir  Peter  Halket's,  &  Colonel  Dunbar's  Regiments  of  Foot  be 
sent  from  Corke  to  Virginia;  consisting  of  30.  Serjeants,  30.  Corporals, 
20.  Drummers,  &  500.  private  Men,  each  Regiment;  To  be  augmented 
to  700.,  Rank  &  File,  each  Regiment,  in  Virginia,  N°  Carolina,  S° 
Carolina,  Maryland,  &  Pennsylvania. 

That  Directions  be  sent  to  the  Governors  of  those  Colonies,  re- 
spectively, to  make  the  proper  Dispositions  for  the  said  Augmentation. 

That  Cloathing  be  provided  here;  And 

That  the  Board  of  Ordnance  furnish  compleat  Arms,  &  Tents  for  the 
Two  said  Regiments. 

That  the  Admiralty  do  provide  Transport  Vessels,  with  Victualling, 
&  Bedding,  for  the  said  1000.  private  Men,  their  Officers,  &  respective 
Attendants,  &ca,  &ca,  &ca.  And  also,  Two  Ships  of  the  Line,  &  Two 
Frigates,  for  the  said  Service. 

That  1000.  Barrels  of  Beef,  &  10.  Tons  of  Butter,  be  provided  in 
Ireland,  &  put  on  Board  with  the  said  Troops,  for  their  immediate  Use 
upon  their  Arrival;  &,  in  case  They  have  no  Occasion  for  Them,  That 
the  said  Provisions  be  turned  over  to  the  Navy. 

That  Mr  Pitcher  be  appointed  Commissary  of  the  Musters  of  all 
His  Majty's  Forces,  That  are,  or  shall  be,  employed,  in  His  Majty's 
Colonies,  &  Provinces,  in  N°  America;  &  the  Governors,  &  Command- 
ing Officers,  respectively,  be  directed  to  give  Him  all  Assistance,  in  the 
Execution  of  that  Duty. 

That  Sir  John  Sinclair  be  appointed  Deputy  Quarter  Master  Gen- 
eral. And 

That  They  be  Both  dispatched  to  America,  forthwith. 

That  Directions  be  given  to  the  Governors  in  N°  America,  to  pro- 
vide fresh  Victuals,  for  the  said  Troops,  against  their  Arrival,  at  the 
Expence  of  their  respective  Governments. 

That  Directions  be,  likewise,  sent  to  the  Governors,  To  provide  all 

1  Another  copy  of  this  document,  headed  "Memoranda  with  regard  to  the  intended 
emharcation  for  North  America.  Oct.  22,  1754.  Rec'd  from  Sir  Thomas  Robinson."  is 
in  the  Hardwicke  Papers,  Add.  MSS.  3r»9°9>  f.  196.  A  note  in  the  hand  of  the  second 
Lord  Hardwicke  reads:  "N.B.  This  plan  was  probably  formed  by  Cumberland,  Mr 
Pitt  early  declared  that  it  did  not  go  far  enough."  The  document  is  in  memorandum 
form,  written  on  the  right-hand  side  of  the  page  only. 


Officers,  who  may  have  Occasion  to  go,  from  Place  to  Place,  with  all 
Necessaries  for  Travelling  by  Land,  in  case  there  are  no  Means  of  going 
by  Sea:  And,  in  general, 

That  the  Commander's  Orders  be  obeyed,  every 

where,  for  Quartering  Troops,  and  Impressing  Car- 

XB.    That    Dupli-  "ages,  &  providing  all  Necessaries  for  such  Troops, 

rates  of  these  Let-  as  may  arrive,  or  be  raised,  in  their  respective  Gov- 

ters   to   the   Cover  - 

pose,    be    sent    by       That  Two  New  Regiments  be  raised  in  N°  Amer- 

feLieu^Col^Mer1'  ica-  at  100°-  P™ate  Men  Each  Regiment,  under  the 

cer.  Command  of  Govr  Shirley,  &  Sir  William  Pepperell. 

That  a  certain  Number  of  Half  Pay  Officers  be  sent 

from  England  for  the  said  Two  Regiments.2 

That  Blank  Commissions  be  sent,  for  the  Rest,  to  be  appointed,  in 
America,  by  the  said  Two  Colonels. 

That  the  said  Two  Colonels  do  appoint  their  own  Agents. 

That  the  Cloathing  of  the  said  Two  Regiments  be  sent  from  Eng- 

That  Governor  Shirley's  Regiment  do  rendezvous  at  Boston;  And 
Sir  William  Pepperell's,  at  New  York,  &  Philadelphia. 
Q.   imo.  As  to  the  Commencement  of  the  Establishment  of  the  said 

Q.  2do.  As  to  the  Manner  of  providing  the  Levy  Money  for  the  said 
Two  Regiments;  &  for  Compleating  the  Two  Irish  Regiments,  from 
500.,  to  700.  Men,  Each? 

Q.  3Uo.  As  to  the  General  Regulation  of  the  Subsistence  of  the  King's 
Troops,  whilst  in  America? 

That  Majr  Gen1  Braddock  be  appointed  to  command  in  Chief  all 
His  Majty's  Forces  in  N°  America,  &  be  sent  thither,  as  soon  as  con- 
veniently can  be,  with  all  the  Authorities,  and  Instructions,  proper  for 
this  Service. 

That  Two  proper  Persons  be  sent,  The  One  to  the 

Southern,  the  Other,  to  the  Northern,  Indians,  to 

Colonel  Johnson.  —,,  ,  .  ,      0    .    .      TT.     -  T    .... 

engage  Them  to  take  part  with,  &;  join  His  Majt5  s 

Forces,  in  their  several  Operations. 

That  the  Board  of  Ordnance  do  furnish,  for  this  Expedition, 
Six  light  Six  pounders. 
Four  light  Twelve  pounders. 
Four  Hautbitz. 
with  a  full  proportion  of  Stores.  And,  also,  Compleat  Arms,  &  Tents, 

2  This  statement  is  queried  in  the  Harchvicke  copy. 


for  the  Two  Regiments,  to  be  raised  in  N°  America,  abovementioned. 

That  the  said  Board  do  provide  a  proper  Number  of  Vessels  for  this 

That  One  principal  Engineer,  &  Four  Inferior  Engineers,  be  ap- 
pointed, together  with  about  100.  Persons,  to  attend  the  Train,  who 
are  to  be  furnished  with  Victuals,  on  Board  their  own  Store  Ships,  by 
the  Commissioners  of  His  Majty's  Victualling. 

That  the  Provincial  Officers,  in  America,  shall  have  their  Rank  as- 
certained, in  the  following  manner;  viz1.  That  their  General,  &  Field 
Officers,  shall  not  roll  with  the  King's  Regular  Forces,  but  only  have 
the  Inspection,  &  Direction,  of  their  Provincial  Corps.— That,  If  any 
of  these  Provincial  Troops  should  be  employed  with  Detachments  of 
the  King's  Regular  Troops,  Their  Captains  shall  be  Junior  to  all  Cap- 
tains, who  have  the  King's  Commission:  In  like  manner,  Their  Lieu- 
tenants to  be  Junior  to  all  the  Lieutenants;  And  their  Ensigns  to  be 
Junior  to  all  the  Ensigns,  who  bear  the  King's  Commission:—  For 
which  purpose,  a  Regulation  shall  be  issued,  by  Order  of  Council;  & 
printed  Copies  thereof  shall  be  dispersed  in  N°  America.3 

Considerations  Relating  to  Measures  to  Be  Taken 

with  Regard  to  Affairs  in  North  America.1 

November  1754 


There  seem  to  be  three  Methods  of  disappointing  the  present  In- 
croachment  and  preventing  the  like  for  the  future, 
ist.  That  of  dispossessing  the  French  from  their  present  Establishment 
by  bringing  a  sufficient  Body  of  Forces  together  in  that  part,  European, 
Provincial  and  Indian,  with  a  proper  Quantity  of  Artillery  and  Stores, 
to  attack  and  drive  them  out  from  the  three  or  four  Forts  which  they 
have  already  built,  and  in  other  Places  to  remain  upon  the  Defensive; 
2d.  To  carry  on  other  Attacks  in  different  Places  at  the  same  time  in 
order  to  produce  a  Diversion  of  their  Forces; 

3d.  To  make  the  principal  Attack  in  other  Places,  (if  such  shall  be 
found  more  proper  for  that  purpose,)  whereby  their  present  intended 

3  This  statement  is  queried  in  the  Hardwicke  copy. 

1  The  author  of  these  "Considerations"  was  well  acquainted  with  New  York  prob- 
blems.  The  argument  for  building  a  fort  at  Tierondoquat  (the  Senecas'  landing-place 
between  Oswego  and  Niagara)  had  long  been  advanced  by  New  York  governors.  He 
knew  also  the  two  points  upon  which  the  ministry  were  determined:  to  commit  no 
overt  act  of  aggression  on  French  territory;  and  to  save  expense.  Lord  Halifax  best 
fits  these  qualifications. 


Project  may,  by  such  Diversion,  be  either  abandoned,  or  so  weakened, 
as  that  it  may  be  broke  up  by  a  very  small  Force. 

These  three  Methods  are  equally  just,  as  the  French  Establishments 
at  Niagara  and  Crown  Point  within  the  New  York  Frontier,  or  where 
they  possibly  may  attempt  one  further  down  upon  the  Ohio  on  the 
Frontier  of  Carolina,  are  Incroachments  upon  the  British  Rights 
equally  unjustifiable  with  that  of  their  present  one  upon  the  Head  of 
the  Ohio.  The  Preference  therefore  to  either  of  these  three  Measures 
is  to  be  determined  upon  from  Circumstances  of  Conveniency  only,  i.e., 
by  which  of  them  Great  Britain  may  be  enabled  to  bring  the  greatest 
Force  to  operate  most  effectually  and  with  the  least  Charge. 

With  respect  to  the  first,  there  seem  to  be  the  following  Objections 
to  it, 

ist.  The  Strength  of  the  French  by  their  Forts  already  built,  furnished 
with  Artillery,  Stores  &  Provisions,  and  the  Number  of  Forces  collected 
in  and  about  them  upon  a  digested  Plan  to  a  certain  point  of  view. 
2d.  The  established  Communication  by  water,  not  only  betwixt  that 
Place  and  Canada,  but  their  Settlements  among  the  Western  Indians, 
whereby  all  Convoys  of  Stores,  Provisions  and  auxiliary  Forces  may  be 
brought  to  them  with  the  utmost  Facility,  as  they  are  secured  by  a 
Chain  of  Forts. 

3th.  All  the  Indians  in  that  part  seem  to  be  in  a  great  measure  gained 
to  the  French  Interest. 

4th.  The  Western  and  Far  Indians  must  remain  and  continue  in  their 
Interest  from  the  same  Causes. 

5th.  The  Difficulty  on  the  part  of  the  English  of  bringing  any  proper 
Force  to  attack  these  Forts  with  a  probability  of  Success,  while  this 
Communication  is  suffered  to  remain  as  it  is,  from  which  Circumstance 
and  the  Nature  of  the  Ground,  it  seems  probable,  that  1200  French 
in  and  about  the  Forts  already  built,  with  their  Indian  Auxiliaries, 
may  be  able  to  defend  them  at  least  against  four  times  their  Number, 
which  could  not  be  brought  to  act  without  a  very  great  Expence  and 
very  great  Difficulty  from  the  back  Settlements  of  Virginia  150  Miles 
distant  from  these  Forts;  and  as  all  Convoys  of  Provision  for  their 
Subsistence,  as  well  as  the  Artillery,  must  be  brought  the  same  length 
of  Way  thro'  a  Country  full  of  Woods,  it  is  sufficiently  obvious  how 
liable  they  would  be  to  be  intercepted. 

6th.  The  great  Improbability  of  any  Indian  auxiliary  Force,  if  the 
Design  is  confined  to  the  single  Attempt  of  dispossessing  the  French 
from  their  present  Establishment  on  the  Ohio;  For  the  Indians  in  that 
part  are  already  lost  and  intimidated,  and  the  five  Nations  upon  the 


back  of  New  York  will,  it  is  feared,  hardly  be  brought  to  act  at  such  a 
distance  from  their  own  Residence,  while  the  Forts  Niagara,  Fron- 
tenac  and  Crown  Point  are  left  to  subsist  upon  their  Backs:  fear  would 
prevent  them,  whatever  their  Interest  or  Affection  might  otherwise 
lead  them  to;  and  from  the  Manners  of  those  People  it  is  hardly  to  be 
presumed,  that  they  would  have  any  great  Confidence  in  a  Scheme  for 
dislodging  the  French  from  an  Incroachment  upon  the  Territory  of 
Virginia,  while  such  manifest  ones  as  those  of  New  York,  and  in  which 
they  themselves  were  so  strongly  interested  were  suffered  to  subsist. 
7th.  Because  even  the  other  Colonies  will  hardly  be  brought  to  act  to 
a  proper  Extent  either  of  Force,  Money  or  Authority,  while  the  Project 
is  confined  to  Virginia. 

These  Objections  make  it  probable,  that  the  first  of  these  Methods 
is  not  the  most  eligible. 

As  to  the  second,  the  different  Attacks  upon  different  Places  seem 
to  be  the  most  effectual  Means  of  harrassing  and  distressing  the 
Enemy;  yet  as  unsuccessfull  Attempts  of  this  kind  are  attended  with 
manifest  Inconveniences,  and  to  make  them  all  with  a  probable  Ex- 
pectation of  Success,  would  require  a  very  large  Expence,  it  will  be 
found  perhaps  necessary,  that,  tho'  Preparation  should  be  made  for 
various  Attacks  in  order  to  distract  the  Forces  of  the  Enemy,  yet  that 
one  principal  one  should  be  chiefly  intended,  for  which  such  Prepara- 
tion should  be  made,  and  such  Measures  laid  down  as  to  leave  little 
human  Probability  of  a  Disappointment. 

It  is  therefore  necessary  the  third  Proposition  should  be  examined, 
viz.  If  there  are  not  to  be  found  some  more  convenient  Places,  where 
the  French  may  be  dispossessed  of  Incroachments  upon  the  back  of 
New  York  with  greater  Facility  than  from  this  on  the  Ohio,  and  which 
in  their  Consequences  might  even  make  this  more  easy  and  at  a  less 
Charge  of  Force  and  Expence. 

And  there  seem  to  be  the  following  Reasons  for  thinking,  that  this 
is  the  Case  both  with  respect  to  the  French  Forts  of  Niagara  and 
Crown  Point. 

ist.  The  Communication  from  Albany  to  Oswego  is  already  easy,  and 
from  thence  no  great  Difficulty  of  carrying  any  Force  or  Artillery  to 
drive  the  French  from  Niagara,  and  to  build  a  Fort  at  Terondoquat, 
which  is  assured  to  be  the  best  Harbour  upon  the  Lake  Ontario,  where 
armed  Vessels  may  be  built  and  an  Establishment  made  with  good 


2".  By  these  Measures  the  five  Nations  would  be  absolutely  detached 
from  the  French,  &  secured  in  the  Interest  of  Great  Britain. 
3'1.  The  whole  of  this  Indian  auxiliary  Force  would  be  brought  to 
operate  in  the  most  effectual  Manner  by  intercepting  all  Communica- 
tion between  the  French  upon  the  Ohio  and  Canada  by  the  Lake 
Ontario;  it  would  open  a  way  for  those  Indians  to  attack  the  French 
Western  Indians  and  their  Settlements  in  those  Parts,  to  the  Defence 
of  which  they  would  probably  be  obliged  to  recall  a  great  part  of  their 
Force,  French  as  well  as  Indian,  now  employed  upon  the  Ohio;  it 
would  open  a  Way  for  attacking  the  French  upon  the  Ohio  from  a 
different  Quarter  than  that  from  the  Back  of  Virginia;  and  would 
probably  have  a  very  great  Influence  in  recovering  the  Ohio  Indians 
from  their  present  Dependence  upon  the  French,  by  the  Authority  and 
Influence  of  the  five  Nations. 

4th.  It  would  insensibly  and  infallibly  engage  the  Province  of  New 
York  in  Measures  of  Hostility,  which  it  is  feared  will  hardly  be  accom- 
plished, if  an  Establishment  upon  the  Ohio  and  the  Interest  of  Vir- 
ginia appear  to  be  the  only  Object  of  them. 

5th.  This  Link  of  the  Chain  betwixt  Canada  and  the  Ohio  being  once 
broke  would  probably  make  the  French  abandon  their  present  Under- 
taking, or  at  least  reduce  them  to  the  employing  so  small  a  Force  upon 
it  as  would  put  it  in  the  power  of  the  Virginia,  Pennsylvania  and  Mary- 
land Governments  to  break  it  up. 

6th.  An  Attack  upon  Crown  Point  might  probably  be  made  with  Suc- 
cess, tho'  it  would  not  be  attended  with  all  the  Advantages  that  would 
result  from  the  taking  of  Niagara. 

The  New  York,  Massachusets  and  New  Hampshire  Governments 
would  probably  be  brought  to  relish  this  Undertaking,  and  its  Vicinity 
to  them  would  probably  render  it  easy  in  its  Execution;  but  it  plainly 
would  not  have  such  good  Effect  in  cutting  off  the  Communication  be- 
twixt Canada  and  the  Ohio,  nor  so  great  an  Influence  upon  our  In- 
dian Auxiliaries;  but  if  a  proper  Spirit  be  exerted  in  the  Colonies,  and, 
in  consequence  of  His  Majesty's  Orders,  a  considerable  Body  of  Men 
be  raised,  the  French  might  be  dispossessed  of  their  Incroachments 
both  at  Crown  Point  and  Niagara,  which  would  be  the  greatest  Service 
that  could  be  done  the  British  Cause  in  America,  and  the  greatest  and 
most  effectual  Check  that  could  be  given  the  ambitious  Designs  of 


Remarks  on  the  Pass  of  Niagara.  Nov.   1754  l 

To  Denonville  or  Niagara  Fort  by  way  of  the  Ohio  is  600  MILES 
and  Upwards,  but  from  SUSQUEHANNA  River  at  the  head  of 
CHESAPEAK  bay,  or  from  the  head  of  DELAWARE  River,  the  great- 
est Distance  does  not  exceed  250  Miles,  so  that  besides  the  Vast  differ- 
ence in  the  March,  the  following  Advantages  it  is  humbly  Appre- 
hended will  attend  going  first  to  NIAGARA. 

Taking  it  for  granted  that  the  Regular  Forces  now  intended  for  the 
OHIO,  with  what  Aids  they  will  receive  from  our  AMERICAN  Colo- 
nies, will  be  able  to  drive  the  French  from  every  post  they  now  hold 
in  that  Quarter,  And  to  demolish  their  little  Insignificant  Temporary 
Forts  there,  in  a  very  short  time;  if  this  should  happen,  the  French  will 
retire  from  place  to  place  untill  they  arrive  at  NIAGARA,  where  they 
have  several  Stone  Forts  comparatively  speaking  very  Strong,  &  if  ever 
they  are  able,  or  determin'd  to  make  a  Stand  in  any  part  of  NORTH 
AMERICAN  Disputed  Territories  it  will  be  there,  because  it  is  the 
only  Communication  they  have  from  CANADA  to  the  Rivers  OHIO 
or  MISSISSIPPI,  or  that  they  can  ever  acquire  so  as  to  enable  them  to 
Transport  a  great  Number  of  Men,  Artillery,  Stores  Provisions  &c. 
that  way,  because  the  Lake  ONTARIO  is  the  only  one  of  the  five  great 
Lakes  that  has  a  Communication  with  the  River  Sl  LAWRENCE,  or 
the  French  Metropolis  QUEBECK,  and  likewise  with  the  Lake  ERIE 
by  the  River  NIAGARA,  near  which  are  the  heads  of  the  OHIO,  S1 
JEROMES  &c,  So  that  by  the  loss  of  Niagara  the  French  on  the  OHIO 
will  be  obliged  to  Retire  or  Starve  in  a  few  Months,  which  will  answer 
the  same  End  as  if  they  were  beat  off. 

If  our  Army  should  be  finally  obliged  to  go  to  the  OHIO  it  is  Still 
humbly  thought,  that  the  best  scheme  is  to  reduce  NIAGARA  first,  for 
from  that  to  the  Ohio  is  all  Water  Carriage  but  about  20  or  30  Miles 
and  with  the  Stream  mostly,  And  the  French  there  can  receive  no  Sup- 
plys  from  CANADA,  if  we  are  possess'd  of  NIAGARA,  whereas  by  go- 
ing first  to  the  Ohio  that  Communication  remains  Uninterrupted  both 
to  and  from  Canada,  the  Consequence  of  which  will  be,  that  whatever 
Numbers  or  Supplys  that  Country  Can  afford  will  be  immediately  Sent 
to  Niagara,  which  with  the  French  Suppos'd  to  retire  before  us  from 
the  Ohio,  will  make  a  much  greater  Force  than  we  should  meet  with 

1  These  "Remarks"  can  be  tentatively  ascribed  to  a  London  merchant  concerned 
with  the  colonies,  perhaps  to  Sir  John  Barnard,  whose  plan  of  operations  was  dis- 
cussed at  a  cabinet  on  November  10,  Add.  MSS.  32,995,  f.  342. 


in  any  one  place  were  we  to  Attack  Niagara  first,  while  the  Freiu  li  ex- 
pect us  on  the  Ohio.  If  to  secure  possession  of  the  Ohio  it  is  thought 
Necessary  to  Build  Forts  on  it,  there  must  in  that  Event  be  three  at 
least,  &  these  at  a  vast  Distance  from  one  another,  Supported  at  a  great 
Expence  in  very  remote  &  Unsettled  Countries,  Whereas  the  pass  of 
Niagara  may  be  easily  fortify 'd  8c  defended  R:  may  at  all  times  be  well 
Supply'd,  as  it  lys  nearly  centrical  to  all  our  Colonies,  And  not  above 
150  Miles  from  Crown  point;  this  pass  being  yet  the  only  Communica- 
tion the  Canada  French  have  with  the  Ohio,  their  being  depriv'd  of 
it  will  render  any  Forts  there  unnecessary,  for  the  French  at  the  Mouth 
of  the  Mississippie  having  1000  Miles  &  more  to  the  Mouths  of  the 
OHIO  will  not  probably  attempt  comming  there,  when  they  find  their 
Communication  with  Canada  cut  of,  And  if  they  should,  one  Strong 
Fort  at  the  Mouth  of  Sl  Jeromes  River  where  it  joins  the  Ohio,  will 
intirely  prevent  them. 

Memorial  and  State  of  the  Exchange  with  the 
British  Colonies  in  North  America 


?  1754 

WHAT  is  calld  the  Par  of  Exchange  in  our  American  Colonies,  is 
the  price  fix'd  on  Dollars  by  the  Several  Legislatures,  or  the  Sum  of  the 
Respective  Currencies  which  by  the  same  Authority  is  made  the  Stated 
Equivalent  for  £100  Ster1.  But  as  Bills  of  Exchange  are  a  Merchandise, 
they  often  rise  &  fall  Considerably,  According  as  it  [is]  easie  or  difficult 
to  get  them,  or  the  Demand  for  them  greater  or  less. 

The  Purchasers  of  Bills  are  commonly  such  Merchants  as  want  to 
make  Remittances  to  Europe,  the  West  Indies  or  any  of  the  other 
Colonies,  and  the  Ballance  of  Trade  being  mostly  against  our  Colonies 
in  favour  of  Britain,  they  are  obliged  to  make  a  great  part  of  their 
Remittances  in  Money  or  Bills,  and  the  Exchange  or  price  they  give  for 
these  Bills,  is  a  good  deal  Regulated  by  the  price  of  Silver  in  London 
of  which  they  have  Advice  by  every  Ship.  And  when  Silver  is  so  dear 
in  London  as  to  bear  the  charge  of  Freight,  Insurance,  Commission  &c, 
Exchange  falls  in  America  or  the  Specie  is  remitted,  but  as  that  is  not 
allwise  the  Case,  they  generally  chuse  good  Bills  &  give  the  full  Value 
for  them  rather  than  be  at  the  trouble  of  Remitting  the  Cash;  but  if 
at  any  time  there  should  be  a  greater  Demand  for  money  than  for 
Bills  in  America,  (which  might  often  happen  if  a  Number  of  Troops 

a    1 

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were  amongst  them)  then  the  Merchants,  ever  Mindfull  of  their  own 
Interest,  would  not  fail  to  take  the  Advantage,  and  in  such  Event  the 
Proprietors  or  Sellers  of  Hills  must  lose  from  £5  to  i$p  Cent,  from 
which  it  is  Obvious,  that  Regular  Forces  sent  to  America  should  never 
be  totally  without  a  Resource  of  ready  Money  within  themselves  to 
prevent  their  being  under  a  Necessity  of  Selling  Bills  at  so  great  a  loss. 
Suppose  therefore  that  Six  Months  Subsistence  should  be  sent  with 
the  Troops  intended  for  America,  for  themselves  &  those  to  be  levied 
there,  it  would  Render  them  Independent  of  the  Merchants,  who  in 
that  Event  would  Court  their  Favour,  and  the  Principal  of  them  would 
probably  oiler  to  Contract  at  the  most  reasonable  Rate  for  what  Money 
might  be  Afterwards  wanted;  this  ready  Cash  however  not  to  be  ex- 
pended but  in  part,  &  only  at  times  &  places  where  Bills  cannot  be 
Sold  for  their  full  Value. 

The  Principal,  if  not  the  only,  places  where  Bills  need  be  Negotiat, 
are  Boston  in  New  England,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Maryland  & 
Virginia,  and  if  the  Par  of  Exchange  can  be  got  in  these  Several  places, 
it  amounts  to  near  the  same  Sum  as  if  all  the  Bills  were  Negotiat  in  one 
only,  for  tho  their  Currencies  differ  nominally  they  are  to  a  triffle  the 
same  in  real  Value,  &  there  is  further  this  Advantage  in  Selling  Bills 
in  different  places,  it  prevents  their  being  a  Drug  at  any  one  Market. 
In  the  four  Provinces  of  New  England  Specie  is  extreamly  Scarce,  & 
often  not  to  be  had  at  any  Exchange,  which  makes  it  more  Advan- 
tagious  to  Negotiat  Bills  in  the  Southern  Colonies  where  they  have 
generally  Plenty  of  Money. 

Sketch  of  an  Order  about  the  Rank  &ca  of  the 
Provincial  Troops  in  North  America  : 


WHEREAS  some  doubts  have  arisen  with  regard  to  the  Rank  and 
Command,  which  Officers  and  Troops  raised  by  the  Governors  of  Our 

1  The  same  as  the  sign-manual  order  of  November  12,  1754,  printed  in  New  Jersey 
Arch.,  1st  scr.  VIII.  pt.  2,  p.  29,  with  changes  as  indicated  below.  Precedents  for  this 
order  are  in  the  "Proposed  Regulations  relating  to  the  East  Indies,  February,  1 7^4" 
(also  in  the  Cumberland  Papers),  which  read  in  part: 

"13.  In  order  to  avoid  all  Disputes  or  Misunderstandings  between  the  Troops  in 
His  Majestys  service,  and  those  in  the  service  of  the  Company  His  Majesty  is  pleased 
to  order  that  the  Former  shall  always  take  Rank  of  those  of  the  Company:  That,  Of- 
ficers of  the  same  Degree  shall  roll  together  upon  Guards.  Parties  or  Courts  Martial: 
but  that  the  Officers  in  His  Majesty's  Service  shall  always  take  Rank  or  Precedence  of 
those  in  the  Companv's:  that,  in  Garrison,  the  Governor,  if  a  Military  Person,  shall 
have  the  Honours  directed  by  His  Majesty's  Regulation  and  the  confirming  of  Sen- 


Provinces  in  North  America,  should  have  when  joyned  or  serving 
together  with  Our  Independent  Companies  of  Foot  doing  Duty  in  Our 
said  Provinces;  In  order  to  fix  the  same  and  to  prevent  for  the  future 
all  Disputes  on  that  Account,  We  are  hereby  pleased  to  declare,2  It  is 
Our  Will  &  Pleasure,  that  all  Troops  serving  by  Commissions  signed 
by  Us,  or  by  Our  General  Comanding  in  Chief  in  North  America,3 
shall  take  Rank  before  all  Troops  which  may  serve  by  Commission 
from  any  of  the  Governors  or  Councils4  of  Our  Provinces  in  North 
America:  And  It  is  Our  further  Pleasure,  that  the  Generals  5  and  Field 
Officers  of  the  Provincial  Troops  shall  have  no  Rank  with  the  Gen- 
erals 5  &  Field  Officers  who  serve  by  Commissions  from  Us:  But  that 
all  Captains  &  other  inferior  Officers  of  Our  Forces,  who  are  or  may 
be  employed  in  North  America,  are  on  all  Detachments,  Courts  Mar- 
tial or  other  Duty,  wherein  they  may  be  joyned  with  Officers  serving 
by  Commissions  from  the  Governors  or  Councils  4  of  the  said  Provinces, 
to  command  and  take  Post  of  the  said  Provincial  Officers  of  the  like 
Rank,  though  the  Commissions  of  the  said  Provincial  Officers  of  the 
like  Rank,  should  be  of  elder  Dates. 

We  are  further  pleased  to  declare,  that  the  Troops  which  may  serve 
by  Commissions  from  the  Governors  or  Councils  of  the  Provinces 
aforesaid,  are,  whenever  they  shall  be  joyned,  or  serve  with  Our  Regu- 
lar Forces,  to  be  under  the  same  Rules  &  Articles  of  War  with  them, 
and  are  to  be  liable  to  the  like  Pains  8c  Penalties.*5 

tences  of  Courts  Martial.  But  if  no  military  officer,  the  Discipline  of  the  Troops  and 
the  confirming  of  Sentences  of  Courts  Martial  shall  be  in  the  Hands  of  the  Command- 
ing Officer  of  the  Troops. 

"14.  That  all  Courts  Martial  be  held,  and  Sentences  thereof  put  in  Execution, 
agreeable  to  His  Majestys  Rules  and  Articles  of  War." 

2  Sign-manual  order  inserts  "That." 

3  This  clause  is  inserted  in  the  margin,  the  document  being  in  a  memorandum 

4  Sign-manual  order  reads:  "Governors,  Lieutenant  or  Deputy  Governors,  or  Presi- 
dent for  the  time  being." 

5  Sign-manual  order  reads:  "General." 

e  This  paragraph  was  omitted  in  the  sign-manual  order,  as  needing  parliamentary 
authority.  A  clause  was  inserted  in  the  Mutiny  Act,  in  committee,  December  11;  the 
act  received  royal  assent  December  19. 


Sketch  for  the  Operations  in  North  America. 

Nov"   16:    1754  x 


His  Majesty's  Intentions  in  sending  the  Forces  to  North  America 
being  to  recover  the  Territories  belonging  to  His  Colonies  there  &  to 
His  subjects  &  allies  the  Indians,  which  the  French  have  (most  un- 
justly &  contrary  to  Solemn  Treaties  subsisting  between  the  two  Crowns 
of  Great  Britain  &  France)  invaded,  &  possessed  themselves  of,  &  raised 
Fortifications  upon:  the  most  speedy  &:  most  effectual  Means  should 
be  taken  to  drive  them  therefrom;  to  destroy  their  strong  Holds,  &  to 
secure,  for  the  future,  His  Majesty's  subjects  &  allies  in  the  just  Pos- 
session of  their  respective  Lands  &  Territories. 

The  French  will,  in  all  Probability,  endeavour  to  reinforce  the 
several  Posts  they  now  have  on  the  River  Ohio;  8c  on  the  Lakes  to  the 
Westward  of  it,  by  sending  Troops  up  the  River  Mississipi:  as  the 
season  will  allow  the  King's  Troops  to  take  the  Field  much  sooner 
in  those  southern  Parts  than  in  any  other  Part  of  the  Colonies;  the 
operations  should  begin  there  as  soon  as  the  Weather  will  permit. 
The  Troops  should  therefore  be  carried  up  the  Potomach  River,  as 
high  as  Will's  Creek,  where  Covering  is  ordered  to  be  erected  for  them 
by  Deputy  Quarter  Master  general  Sir  John  Sl  Clair;  as  also  Maga- 
zines &  a  Park  for  the  amunition  &  artillery,  which  may  be  necessary 
upon  this  first  Part  of  the  Expedition:  the  Quarter  Master  general 
having  likewise  orders  to  prepare  conveniencies  for  the  gen1  Hospital 
at  Hampton,  &  for  a  flying  one  at  the  Creek  before  mentioned. 

When  the  French  shall  be  drove  from  their  Posts  upon  the  Ohio; 
a  good  Fort  should  be  erected  on  the  most  convenient  Pass  upon  that 
River;  &  a  strong  Garrison  of  the  three  independant  companies  now 

1  This  document  is  in  memorandum  form.  A  copy  is  in  the  Newcastle  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.  33,029,  f.  144.  This  sketch  formed  the  basis  for  Braddock's  secret  instructions 
(E.  B.  O'Callahan,  ed.,  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of 
New  York  [hereafter  cited  as  A'.  Y.  Col.  Docs.],  VI  (1855),  920-922).  Cumberland 
discussed  them  orally  with  Braddock  and  added  details  in  a  letter  from  Napier  to 
Braddock,  November  25,  1754,  printed  in  J.  B.  Moreau,  A  Memorial  containing  a 
summary  View  of  Facts  .  .  .  (1757),  pp.  114-117. 


in  Virginia,  sustained  by  such  a  Part,  or  the  Whole  of  the  Provincial 
Troops,  be  left  to  defend  it,  &  to  protect  the  Indians  in  those  Parts, 
as  well  as  the  Brittish  Settlements  lately  broken  up. 

The  next  service  &  which  is  of  the  greatest  importance,  therefore 
demands  the  utmost  Care  &  attention,  is,  the  dislodging  the  French 
from  the  Forts  they  now  have  at  the  Falls  &  Passes  of  Niagara;  &  the 
erecting  such  a  Fort  there  as  shall,  for  the  future,  make  His  Majesty's 
subjects  masters  of  the  Lake  Ontario,  by  that  Means  cutting  off  the 
Communication  between  the  French  Forces  on  the  Mississipi  &  those 
on  River  Sl  Lawrence:  and,  if,  for  this  Purpose,  the  General  should 
think  it  necessary  to  have  ships  upon  the  said  Lake  Ontario,  he  should 
have  Power  &  orders  for  constructing  such  Vessels  as  shall  be  deemed 
most  proper  for  that  service. 


By  that  time  that  the  service  on  the  Ohio  is  finished,  it  is  hoped  that 
the  Regiments  of  Shirley  &  Pepperel  will  be  raised:  if  then  he  should 
find  it  necessary  (as  he  probably  will)  to  march  his  whole  Force  to 
make  himself  master  of  the  Posts  before  mentioned  at  Niagara;  he 
should  take  the  most  prudent  &  effectual  Means  of  joyning  his  said 
Forces  with  the  two  Brittish  Battalions,  to  effect  this  most  necessary  & 
essential  service:  and  when  he  has  performed  it,  he  will  leave  the  re- 
maining independant  companies,  &  such  other  Reinforcement  of 
Troops  as  he  shall  judge  to  be  a  sufficient  Garrison  for  the  Fort  or 
Forts  he  shall  erect  there. 


If  the  General  should  find  that  the  two  British  Regiments  will  be 
sufficient  for  performing  the  service  at  Niagara,  the  two  American 
Regiments  may,  at  the  same  time  be  employed  in  dispossessing  the 
French  from  their  Post  at  Crown  Point  on  the  Lake  Chamblois,  which 
is  the  next  Point  to  be  gained.  But,  no  positive  Instructions  can  be 
given  him  on  this  Head,  as  he  only  can,  hereafter,  be  judge  whether 
such  a  separate  operation  can  be  undertaken  at  the  same  time  that  he 
is  to  make  himself  Master  of  that  most  material  one  at  Niagara.  How- 
ever, after  being  possessed  of  the  Niagara  Forts,  and  a  secure  co- 
munication  opened  betwixt  that  &  Osivego,  which  will  not  only  secure 
the  back  Settlements,  but  likewise  bring  back  those  Indians  who  may 


have  fallen  off  from  His  Majesty's  interest,  &  joyned  the  French,  the 
next  service  is 

The  reducing  the  Fort  at  Crown  Point,  &  erecting  an  other  upon 
the  Lake  Chamblois,  in  such  Part  as  shall  be  found  most  effectual  for 
bridling  the  French  Indians  in  those  Parts,  and  for  securing  &  pro- 
tecting our  Neighbouring  Colonies. 


The  last  &  material  service  to  be  performed  is  the  destroying  the 
French  Fort  of  Beausejour,  &  by  that  means  recovering  His  Majesty's 
Province  of  Nova  Scotia.  But,  on  this,  no  positive  instructions  can  be 
given  to  the  General;  only,  that  he  should  correspond  constantly  with 
Lieu1  Colonel  Lawrence  who  commands  H:M:'s  Forces  in  that  Prov- 
ince; and,  if,  whilst  the  service  of  Niagara,  or  Crown  Point  is  going 
on  (which  must  necessarily  divide  the  French  Forces)  Co1  Lawrence 
can,  with  a  moral  Certainty,  undertake  the  reducing  that  Fort  with 
the  King's  Forces  which  are  now  there;  or,  by  an  addition  of  j:  or 
500:  of  the  Provincial  Forces,  &  that  the  General  could  spare  such 
Numbers;  it  would  be  gaining  much  time  in  finishing  the  operations. 
But,  if  it  should  be  found  adviseable  for  Co1  Lawrence,  to  undertake 
that  service  in  the  manner  before  mentioned,  but  that  it  should  re- 
quire a  greater  Force:  the  General  should  be  directed  after  his  having 
finished  the  Reduction  of  Crown  Point  &  fixing  a  proper  Fort  there, 
to  proceed  with  such,  or  all  of  his  Forces  to  Nova  Scotia;  &  there  to 
make  himself  thoroughly  master  of  Beausejour;  &  by  that  means,  of 
the  whole  Province. 

The  two  Companies  of  Artillery  in  Newfoundland  &  Nova  Scotia 
will  afford  a  sufficient  supply  of  artillery  officers  &  Gunners  for  any  of 
the  services  before  mentioned:  and  His  Majesty's  ships  of  war  should 
have  orders  to  give  all  the  Assistance  possible  in  their  way. 

The  General  should  cultivate  the  best  Friendship  &  Harmony  pos- 
sible with  the  Governours  of  the  Provinces,  &  the  Chiefs  of  the  In- 
dian Tribes;  &  should  transmit,  by  every  opportunity,  particular  Ac- 


counts  of  his  Transactions  and  situation,  to  His  Majesty's  Secretary 
of  State. 

Quaere,  Prisoners. 

Quaere,  next  Winter  Quarters. 

Instructions  from  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  to 

Admiral  Keppel  1 


By  the  Commissioners  for  executing  the  Office  of  Lord  High  Ad- 
miral of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  &c 

Instructions  for  the  Honble  Augustus  Keppel,  Comamnder  in  Chief 
of  His  Majesty's  Ships  and  Vessels  employed  and  to  be  employed  on 
the  Coast  of  North  America. 

WHEREAS  His  Majesty  hath  been  pleased  to  direct,  That  two  of 
His  Ships  of  the  Line,  and  Two  Frigats,  should  be  got  ready  to  be 
employed  in  North  America  for  the  Protection  of  His  Colonies,  and 
that  a  sufficient  Number  of  Transport  Ships  should  be  provided  and 
Victualled,  for  carrying  from  Cork  in  Ireland  to  Virginia  in  North 
America  Sir  Peter  Halket's  &  Colonel  Dunbar's  Regiments  of  Foot, 
each  consisting  of  644  Persons,  together  with  74  Commission  Officers 
their  Servants  and  Baggage;  and  354  Tuns  of  Arms,  Accoutrements 
&ca  for  Col0  Shirley's  and  Sir  William  Pepperel's  Regiments  to  be 
raised  in  New  England;  likewise  for  the  Director  of  an  Hospital,  with 
a  Number  of  Officers,  Servants  &  Stores  amounting  in  the  whole  to 
about  100  Tuns;  also,  for  taking  on  board  one  thousand  Barrels  of 
Beef,  and  Ten  Tuns  of  Butter,  for  the  Use  of  the  said  Forces;  to  pro- 
ceed under  Convoy  of  the  Two  aforementioned  Frigats;  And  Thirteen 
Transport  Ships  being  provided  for  this  purpose  (as  in  the  List  here- 
unto annexed,  wherein  is  the  Disposition  of  Officers,  Soldiers,  and 
Stores  for  each) 2  and  Victualled  for  the  Numbers  of  Persons  they  are 
to  carry,  with  Four  Months  Proportion  of  Beef  and  Pork,  and  Three 
Months  of  all  other  Species,  at  Whole  Allowance,  altho'  the  Persons 
on  board  are  to  be  Victualled  at  Two  Thirds,  as  usual;   the  said 

1  This  document  is  in  memorandum  form,  half  the  page  having  been  left  blank 
for  corrections  and  additions. 

2  On  these  thirteen  transports,  with  a  total  tonnage  of  3,525,  was  space  for  150  offi- 
cers, 1,620  men,  and  354  tons  of  baggage.  This  is  the  usual  mathematical  proportion 
of  two  tons  a  man,  which  to  prevent  crowding  and  sickness  was  seldom  followed 
on  trans-Atlantic  voyages. 


Thirteen  Ships,  with  Three  others  laden  with  Ordnance  Stores  in  the 
Service  of  that  Office,  are  ordered  to  proceed  directly  from  Cork  to 
Virginia,  under  Convoy  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  the  Seahorse  and  Night- 
ingale, commanded  by  Captains  Pallisser  and  Digges. 

And  whereas  we  did,  on  the  9th  of  last  Month,  appoint  you  Com- 
mander in  Chief  of  His  Majestys  Ships  and  Vessels  employed  and  to 
be  employed  on  the  Coast  of  North  America,  empowering  you  to  hoist 
a  broad  Pendant  on  board  such  of  them  wherein  you  may  be,  and  to 
have  a  Captain  under  you;  And  we  having  ordered  His  Majesty's 
Ship  the  Centurion,  now  in  her  Passage  to  Spithead,  to  be  fitted  for 
your  Reception,  You  are  hereby  required  and  directed  to  repair  on 
board  and  take  her  under  your  Command,  as  also  the  Norwich  (which 
Ship  We  have  appointed  to  receive  Major  General  Braddock,  with 
his  Attendants,  Servants,  and  Baggage,)  and  proceed  with  them  to 
Virginia;  but  if  the  General  should  be  embarked,  &  the  Centurion  not 
arrived,  You  are  to  permit  the  Captain  of  the  Norwich  to  proceed 
agreeable  to  the  Orders  he  hath  received  from  Us,  and  to  follow  in 
the  Centurion  without  calling  at  any  Place  whatever  in  your  Passage.' 
When  you  arrive  at  Virginia,  in  the  Centurion,  you  will  probably 
find  there  the  Three  other  aforementioned  Men  of 
Syren.  War,  with  the  Transports;  and  also  the  Ships  named 

Pomnahon.  in  tne  Margin,  which  are  Stationed  in  North  America; 

Mermaid.  and  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Virginia;  All  which 

BakYmore.J  slooPs-  you  are  to  take  under  your  Command,  if  you  find 
them  at  that  place,  or  as  they  shall  arrive  there. 
And  His  Majesty  having  appointed  Major  General  Braddock  to  be" 
Commander  of  His  Forces  that  are  or  shall  be  raised  in  North  America, 
We  do  hereby  require  &  direct  you  to  cultivate  a  good  Understanding 
&  Correspondence  with  the  said  General,  during  your  Continuance 
upon  the  Service  with  which  you  are  now  entrusted,  the  said  General 
having  received  Directions  of  a  like  Nature,  with  regard  to  his  Con' 
duct  &  Correspondence  with  you. 

Whenever  the  General,  or  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Forces  shall 
find  it  necessary  to  call  to  his  Assistance  a  Council  of  War,  by  the' 
Advice  of  whom  all  Operations  to  be  performed  by  the  said  Forces 
under  his  Command  are  to  be  determined,  as  well  as  all  other  im- 
portant Points  relating  thereto,  you  are  to  assist  thereat,  if  the  same 
be  held  at  a  convenient  Distance. 

If  on  your  arrival  at  Virginia,  you  find  the  Transports  with  the 
Forces  there,  and  not  disembarked;  or,  when  they  arrive  within  the 
Capes  of  Virginia,  You  are  to  Consult  with  the  General,  and  the  Gov- 


ernor,  where  it  may  be  most  convenient  they  should  debark,  and  if  it 
shall  be  judged  necessary  to  send  them  up  any  of  the  Rivers  in  that 
Province,  you  are  to  direct  the  Transports,  with  such  of  His  Majesty's 
Ships  as  may  be  fit  for  that  purpose,  to  proceed  accordingly  as  far  up 
as  the  Pilots  will  take  Charge  of  them,  and  to  give  all  necessary  Assist- 
ance from  the  Ships  in  landing  the  Forces,  Artillery,  Stores  &ca,  and  in 
Case  a  proper  Quantity  of  Provisions  shall  not  be  provided  in  the 
Country  for  the  Subsistance  of  the  Forces,  You  are  to  cause  the  Gen- 
eral to  be  supplyed  (if  he  desires  it)  with  the  Thousand  Barrels  of 
Beef  and  Ten  Tuns  of  Butter  beforementioned,  and  as  much  more  of 
those  Species  of  Provisions,  or  any  other,  as  may  be  remaining  on  board 
the  Transports  after  the  Forces  are  landed,  taking  Care  that  proper 
Receipts  be  given  for  what  shall  be  supplied. 

And  whereas  there  are  now  dispersed  on  board  the  Transports  74 
Commission  Officers,  with  their  Servants,  and  also  354  Tuns  of  Arms, 
Accoutrements  &ca  belonging  to  Colonel  Shirley's  and  Sir  Will"1  Pep- 
perel's  Regimts  to  be  raised  in  New  England,  You  are  to  cause  them 
forthwith  to  be  put  together  on  board  such  of  those  Ships  as  shall  be 
found  most  convenient,  with  a  proper  Quantity  of  Provisions,  and 
order  them  to  proceed  to  Boston  in  New  England,  under  the  Convoy 
of  one  of  His  Majesty's  Ships,  or  a  Sloop,  the  first  Opportunity  that 
offers;  and  having  landed  the  Officers,  Arms  &ca,  the  Masters  of  the 
Transports  are  forthwith  to  return  the  Remains  of  the  Kings  Pro- 
visions, Cask  &ca  which  the  Commander  of  the  Convoy,  after  taking 
so  much  on  board  the  Ship  under  his  Command  as  she  can  con- 
veniently stow,  is  to  get  secured  in  a  proper  Place  till  there  may  be 
an  Opportunity  of  bringing  the  same  to  you  in  one  of  His  Majesty's 
Ships,  and  the  said  Commander  is  also  to  give  the  Masters  of  the 
Transports  Receipts  for  what  they  so  return,  together  with  Certificates 
of  their  being  discharged  the  Service;  which  done,  he  is  to  permit  them 
to, proceed  where-ever  they  please,  and  then  he  is  to  return  to  you  with 
the  Ship  or  Sloop  under  your  Command.  But  if  you  find,  there  is 
more  probability  of  a  Passage  being  gained  to  Boston  by  Ships  of 
War,  than  by  the  Transports,  You  are  to  appoint  One,  or  more,  of 
the  Ships  of  your  Squadron,  if  the  same  can  be  spared,  to  carry  the 
said  Officers,  Servants,  Arms,  and  Accoutrements  &c  thither. 

You  are  to  Order  Lieu1  William  Shackerly,  who  is  appointed  to  Act 
as  Agent  for  the  Transports,  to  clear  them,  immediately  after  the 
Debarkment  of  the  Forces,  of  their  Provisions  &  Stores,  to  prevent  the 
Charge  of  Demurrage,  which  commences  within  Twenty  Days  after 
their  arrival  within  the  Capes  of  Virginia,  and  to  distribute  amongst 


the  Ships  under  your  Command  such  Part  of  the  Provisions  as  they 
may  want,  and  to  provide  Store-room  for  the  Remainder,  with  the 
Stores,  either  at  Hampton,  or  whatever  place  you  shall  find  most  con- 
venient, and  immediately  to  discharge  the  Transports,  unless,  upon 
advising  with  the  General,  and  Governor,  it  shall  be  found  expedient 
to  keep  part  of  them  in  the  Service,  which  in  that  Case  you  are  at 
liberty  to  do,  but  to  have  regard  to  the  Contracts  made  with  the  Navy 
Board  for  those  Ships,  in  some  of  which  it  is  expressly  stipulated  they 
shall  be  discharged  upon  their  Arrival  at  Virginia. 

You  are  to  employ  His  Majesty's  Ships  under  your  Command  in 
such  manner  as  shall  be  most  conducive  to  the  Protection  of  His 
Colonies  in  North  America,  and  to  that  end  you  are  at  liberty,  when 
it  shall  be  judged  for  the  Good  of  the  King's  Service,  to  land  any 
Number  of  Men  that  can  be  conveniently  spared  from  the  Ships,  with 
discreet  Officers,  to  co-operate  with  the  Land  Forces,  or  act  in  such 
manner  as  may  be  agreed  on  at  a  Council  of  War,  where  you  have 
been  present  and  concurred. 

Whereas  we  have  thought  it  necessary,  that  Two  Lieutenants  of 
His  Majesty's  Fleet  should  serve  under  You,  in  addition  to  the  proper 
Number  of  Lieutenants  belonging  to  each  Ship,  to  be  employed  in 
attending  the  Land  Forces  in  their  Marches,  in  order  to  assist  in  mak- 
ing Floats  for  their  passing  the  Rivers,  Drafts  of  the  Country  through 
which  they  pass,  and  on  such  other  Services  as  you  shall  find  neces- 
sary; And  We  having  appointed  Lieutenants  William  Shackerly  and 
Charles  Spendelow  to  perform  these  Services,  You  are  to  employ  them 
accordingly,  keeping  one  of  them  constantly  with  the  Forces,  par- 
ticularly Lieu1  Spendelow,  he  being  furnished  with  Instruments  for 
taking  Observations,  and  making  Drafts;  and  you  are  to  direct  him 
to  be  very  particular  therein,  and  to  transmit  the  same  to  Us,  from 
time  to  time,  through  your  Hands. 

And  it  having  been  represented  to  us  that  two  or  three  small  Armed 
Vessels  to  be  employed  upon  the  Lake  Ontario  would  Countenance  the 
Trade  of  His  Majesty's  Subjects  in  these  Parts,  and  be  a  Security  to 
our  Rights  and  Possessions,  You  are  to  consult  with  the  General  and 
Governors  of  His  Majesty's  Provinces  thereupon,  and  if  it  shall  appear 
to  You  and  them  to  be  of  the  Service  represented,  You  are  to  cause 
proper  Vessels  to  be  built  and  fitted  upon  the  Boarders  of  the  Lake 
in  the  most  frugal  manner,  We  having  directed  the  Navy  Board  to 
put  a  sufficient  Quantity  of  Iron  Work,  Cordage  &  Canvas  on  board 
the  Centurion  for  One  of  them  (a  particular  Account  whereof  is  an- 
nexed) and  also  to  give  you  the  Draught  of  an  Armed  Vessel  of  about 


Sixty  Tuns,  which  you  will  make  Use  of,  or  otherwise  as  upon  further 
Enquiry  in  the  Country  You  may  find  most  proper,  and  you  are  to 
draw  Bills  upon  the  Navy  Board  for  the  Expence,  and  when  these 
Vessels  are  properly  fitted,  You  are  to  put  on  board  them  Ten  Swivel 
Guns  from  the  Ships  &  Sloops  under  your  Command  with  a  propor- 
tion of  Ordnance  Stores,  and  small  Arms,  causing  them  to  be  Mann'd 
with  25  or  30  Men,  and  to  appoint  Lieu4  Spendelow  to  take  the 
Command  of  One,  who  is  not  only  to  be  Employed  for  the  Purposes 
beforementioned,  but  to  make  an  Accurate  Survey  of  the  Lake  and 
adjacent  Country,  and  to  continue  on  this  Service  till  further  Order. 

In  case  Major  General  Braddock  shall  apply  for  the  Assistance  of 
the  Kings  Ships  to  bring  two  Companies  of  Artillery  or  part  of  them 
from  Sl  Johns  in  Newfoundland  or  Nova  Scotia,  You  are  to  Order 
such  of  the  Ships  under  your  Command  to  perform  this  Service,  as 
you  shall  judge  proper. 

It  having  been  represented  to  His  Majesty,  that  an  Illegal  Corre- 
spondence and  Trade  is  frequently  carried  on,  between  the  French  and 
the  King's  Subjects  in  the  several  Colonies,  You  are  to  take  all  pos- 
sible Measures  to  prevent  the  Continuance  of  such  dangerous  Prac- 
tices, and  more  particularly  to  hinder  the  French  being  supplied,  on 
any  Account  whatever,  with  Provisions,  or  Naval  or  Warlike  Stores. 

In  Case  the  Whole,  or  any  Part,  of  the  aforementioned  1000  Barrels 
of  Beef,  Ten  Tuns  of  Butter,  and  Remains  of  Provisions  in  the 
Transports  at  the  Debarkment  of  the  Forces,  shall  not  be  desired  by 
the  General,  for  the  Use  of  the  said  Forces,  you  are  to  cause  the  same 
to  be  distributed  and  expended  on  board  His  Majesty's  Ships  under 
your  Command. 

You  are  to  remain  on  this  Service  till  you  receive  further  Orders; 
but  you  are  not  to  keep  with  you,  longer  than  you  shall  find  necessary, 
the  Ships  and  Sloops  stationed  at  the  several  Colonies,  but  to  send 
them  back  to  their  Stations  so  soon  as  the  Service  will  admit;  and, 
in  the  mean  time,  to  let  them  visit  the  Colonies  they  are  Stationed  at, 
as  frequently  as  you  can  spare  them  long  enough  to  do  so,  and  you  are 
not  to  take  the  Nova  Scotia  Ship  and  Sloop  away  from  that  Station, 
without  an  absolute  Necessity  for  your  so  doing. 

When  you  shall  return  to  England,  You  are  to  take  Care,  that  the 
Ships  which  shall  be  ordered  home  with  you,  have  not  more  than 
Three  Months  Provisions  on  board  for  their  Passage;  nor  are  any  of 
the  Ships  under  your  Command  to  have  their  Provisions  at  any  time 
compleated  to  more  than  a  Three  Months  Proportion,  unless  you  shall 
find  any  particular  Service  you  may  employ  them  upon  shall  render 


more  necessary;  and  You  are  to  take  Care,  that  timely  Demands  be 
made  upon  the  Contractors,  or  their  Agents,  for  what  may  be  wanted. 

For  the  better  maintaining  a  proper  and  good  Government  and 
strict  Discipline  in  the  Squadron  under  your  Command,  We  do  hereby 
Authorize  You  to  call  and  assemble  Courts  Martial  in  Foreign  Parts, 
as  often  as  there  shall  be  Occasion. 

And  whereas  Vacancies  of  Officers  may  happen  in  the  said  Squad- 
ron, We  do  empower  You  to  fill  up  such  as  shall  be  occasioned  by 
Death,  or  Dismission  by  a  Court  Martial;  which  are  the  only  Cases  in 
which  we  shall  confirm  Officers  appointed  by  Commanders  in  Chief 

Private  Instructions  for  Major-Gen.  Braddock 


George,  R.  Private  Instructions  for  our  trusty  &  well-beloved 
Edward  Braddock,  Esq1"  Major  General  of  our  Forces,  &  whom 
we  have  appointed  General  &  Commander  of  all  and  singular  our 
Troops  &  Forces  that  are  now  in  North  America,  &  that  shall  be 
sent  or  raised  there  to  vindicate  our  just  Rights  and  Possessions 
in  those  Parts.  Given  at  our  Court  at  S*  James's  the  25th  Day  of 
Novr  1754:  in  the  28th  Year  of  our  Reign. 

Whereas  You  are  acquainted  by  the  6th  &  7th  Articles  of  our 
General  Instructions  x  with  the  Dispositions  that  we  have  ordered 
to  be  made  in  our  Colonies,  for  establishing  a  common  Fund,  to 
be  employed  provisionally  for  our  Service  in  North  America  & 
particularly  for  the  Charge  of  Levying  Troops;  You  will  be  very 
diligent  in  informing  yourself,  upon  your  arrival  what  has  been, 
or  what  is  likely  to  be  done  for  that  Purpose;  and,  in  case,  you 
should  find  that  the  several  Colonies  do  not  contribute  a  suffi- 
cient sum  to  the  said  common  Fund,  to  enable  you  to  defray  the 
Charge  of  raising  the  Troops  intended,  you  will  then,  &  in  that 
Case,  cause  such  an  addition  to  be  made  thereto,  out  of  the  money 
deposited  in  the  Hands  of  our  Pay-Master  in  North  America,  as 
shall  be  sufficient  to  pay  each  private  man,  so  raised,  by  way  of 
Levy-money,  a  sum  not  exceeding  £5:  sterling  p  man.  However, 
that  our  service  may  not  be  disappointed,  or  the  intended  Troops 
not  be  raised  for  want  of  the  full  Levy-money  that  may  be  re- 

1  Printed  in  Pennsylvania  Archives,  1748-1763,  p.  203,  and  in  Winthrop  Sargent. 
The  History  of  the  Expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne  in  1755  under  Major-General 
Braddock,  Appendix  I,  p.  393. 


quisite,  in  case,  the  said  £3:  sterling  p  man  shall  not  prove  suf- 
ficient, we  are  hereby  pleased  to  authorise  &  empower  You,  upon 
such  Emergency  only,  to  exceed  the  said  sum  of  £3:  sterling  p 
man,  as  far  as  you  shall  find  the  same  to  be  absolutely  necessary 
&  unavoidable. 


John  Winslow  l  to  Charles  Gould  2 


Boston,  New  England. 
Decr  30th  1754. 
Good  Sir, 

My  last  to  you  was  from  the  Camp  at  Bangs  Island  Casco  Bay  the 
latter  end  of  June  past  if  I  remember  right  (My  papers  being  all  in 
the  Country)  wherein  I  inform'd  you  I  was  at  the  head  of  Eight  hun- 
dred of  my  Country  Men  bound  up  the  river  of  Kennebeck,  shall  for 
your  Amusement  without  Ceremony  give  you  a  Short  Narration  of  our 
proceedings  hope  you  will  excuse  all  Slips  &  Mistakes  in  Stile  as  you 
know  I  am  no  Scholar.  To  Begin— 

We  Decampt  from  Bangs  Island  July  4th  and  Embarqued  on  Board 
our  several  Vessells  in  the  Morning,  and  in  the  Evening  Anchored  in 
the  Mouth  of  the  river  Kennebeck  Distance  about  Ten  Leagues  on 
the  5th  &  6th  our  whole  Force  got  up  as  far  as  Richmond  Fort  a  Num- 
ber of  Indians  also  Arriving  at  the  same  time,  I  ordered  them  to  In- 
camp  on  the  Opposite  side  of  the  river  from  the  Fort,  this  is  a  Wood 
Fortification  Built  with  hewen  Timber,  Mounts  Ten  Guns,  and  is 
used  as  a  place  of  Trade  with  the  Indians  carryed  on  by  this  Govern- 
ment, and  is  Twenty  five  Miles  tip  the  river  from  its  Entrance  into  the 
Sea,  and  stands  on  the  West  side.  On  the  7th  orderd  our  Men  under 
the  Cover  of  our  Guns  to  Incamp  on  shore  &  refresh  themselves,  and 
that  Lieu1  Coll0  Preble  with  one  hundred  &  Fifty  Men  reconnite  the 
Country,  and  to  assist  the  Carpenters  to  bring  up  Timber  &c.,  which 
the  Government  before  hand  had  procured  in  order  for  Building  a 

1  John  Winslow,  a  native  of  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  had  served  as  a  captain  of 
Massachusetts  troops  on  the  Cartagena  expedition,  had  transferred  into  Phillips's 
regiment  at  Halifax,  thence  into  Shirley's  regiment  formed  in  1746.  On  British  half 
pay  in  1754,  Shirley  appointed  him  to  the  Kennehec  River  command. 

2  Charles  Gould  was  a  son  of  King  Gould,  agent  for  Nova  Scotia  until  1749  and 
army  agent  for  the  40th  regiment  until  about  1753,  who  died  at  Little  Ealing  in  1756. 
Charles  Gould's  answer  of  March  4,  1755,  is  printed  in  Winslow's  journal  in  Nova 
Scotia  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  IV  (1884),  170. 


Fort.  On  the  8th  reimbarq'd,  Sc  came  to  sail,  pass'd  by  Frank  Fort, 
which  is  two  Blockhouses  well  Picquetted  in  standing  on  the  East  side 
of  the  river,  which  was  Built  and  is  Maintain'd  at  the  Cost  of  the  Pro- 
prietors called  the  Plymouth  Company,  who  have  also  near  it  divers 
Settlements  on  the  same  side  of  the  river  and  is  Distance  from  Fort 
richmond  a  Mile  &  Quarter  and  is  the  Uttermost  English  Settlement  on 
the  river  Kennebeck,  and  that  Evening  arriv'd  at  a  place  call'd  Cobesa- 
conte  Ten  Miles  above  richmond  on  the  Eighth  proceeded  up  the 
river  having  a  Captins  Command  Marching  on  each  side  thereof  to 
prevent  a  Surprize  from  the  Indians,  and  as  this  has  been  a  Navigation 
disused  by  the  English  for  Eighty  years  past,  I  proceeded  with  our 
Whale  Boats  &  Masters  of  Vessells  in  their  Boats  to  sound  the  river  as 
we  went,  and  for  four  Miles  above  Cobesaconte  found  a  fine  Twining 
Channel,  at  the  end  of  which  we  were  strangely  Embarras'd  with  Rocks 
&  Shoals  at  the  Entrance  whereof  we  Anchored,  gth  10th  nth  Spent 
in  Sounding  the  river,  examining  the  Country  to  find  a  proper  place 
to  erect  a  Fort,  and  as  the  Tide  &  Weather  would  admit  kept  moving 
up  the  river  with  our  Vessells  on  the  12th  at  a  Council  of  War  deter- 
mind  to  Build  our  first  Fort  at  a  place  called  Cushenoc  Near  the  Spot 
where  one  hundred  years  ago  the  late  Plymouth  Colony  had  a  Garri- 
son, and  is  Seventeen  Miles  above  Richmond,  and  on  the  East  side 
of  the  river,  &  is  at  the  end  of  Navigation  for  Vessells  of  Burthen,  as 
the  Falls  begin  within  a  Mile  of  it,  and  even  to  this  is  Common  Tides 
we  carry  but  about  eight  foot  of  Water,  and  here  we  Incampt  raisd  our 
Blockhouse,  Houses  &  Pallasaded  them  in,  and  put  ourselves  in  a 
posture  of  Defence,  cleard  the  Land  all  round  to  the  Distance  of  two 
Musquett  Shott,  which  employd  all  our  Men  except  a  party  we  sent  to 
reconniter  the  River  as  far  as  the  great  Falls  of  Teconnett  which  is 
Eighteen  Miles  Distant  from  Cushnoe  R:  took  us  till  the  21th  Day  when 
we  set  forward  with  two  Gundeloes,  (Boats  built  some  what  like  your 
West  Country  Barges,  but  draw  less  Water)  with  our  heavy  Stores  and 
train  of  Artillery,  Consisting  of  Eight  Cannon,  two  Mortars,  and  some 
Swifells,  ten  Whale  Boats,  Twenty  Battoes  of  our  own  Building,  & 
some  Canoes.  And  altho  the  party  sent  up  the  river  returnd  and  gave 
us  an  Account  that  it  was  Impracticable  to  proceed  with  the  Gunda- 
loes,  yet  I  was  determined  to  attempt  it,  being  sensible,  that  if  those 
Boats  could  not  be  got  up  we  must  leave  our  Train  of  Artillery;  being 
thus  equipt  for  Sailing  or  rather  Rowing  &:  Towing  we  set  forward  with 
about  Six  hundred  Men  by  Land  &  Water  determind  at  events  to  gain 
our  point  and  well  it  was  we  were  so  for  it  took  us  five  days  to  March 
Row  &  Tow  eighteen  Miles,  and  was  five  days  of  the  hardest  Duty  that 


ever  I  saw  any  Troops  employ 'd  on,  we  were  Continually  in  the  Water 
from  Morning  till  Night  getting  our  Boats  over  Rocks,  Sand  &  Falls 
many  places  of  which  there  was  scarse  half  the  "Water  they  drew,  and 
as  these  were  Difficulties  that  the  Men  thought  unsurmountable,  the 
Officers  were  Obligd  to  exert  themselves,  and  I  assure  you  that  I  on 
this  Occasion  was  not  Lacking,  and  dont  Remember  any  of  these  Days, 
but  that  I  was  some  hours  of  each  in  the  "Water  and  once  in  a  while 
put  to  Swimming,  but  however  at  the  last  on  the  25th  Arrivd  safe 
without  the  Loss  of  a  Man,  within  Cannon  Shott  of  the  Falls  of  Te- 
connett  where  on  a  Point  made  by  the  river  Sebastacook  emptying 
itself  into  the  River  Kennebeck  we  Incampt,  and  on  the  26th  got  up 
our  Cannon,  &  Fortified  our  Campt  Landed  our  Stores  &c,  and  also  in 
a  Council  of  War  determind  where  to  set  our  Fort,  and  on  the  next 
Day  laid  out  the  Ground  began  to  clear  it,  seated  our  Guns  &  Mortars, 
Hoisted  the  Kings  Colours  with  the  Beat  of  Drum,  and  sound  of 
Trumpet,  and  the  Discharge  of  our  whole  Artillery,  and  small  Arms 
Drank  his  Majesty,  and  calld  this  place  Fort  Hallifax,  as  we  before 
that  below  had  calld  Fort  Western,  (and  this  by  his  Excellency  Gov 
Shirley's  Direction)  by  which  names  I  shall  hereafter  call  them,  in  this 
place  we  continued  Imploying  our  people,  as  well  Soldiers  as  Artificers 
&  Labourers  in  Cutting  Timber  and  Picquets,  and  erecting  them,  saw- 
ing Boards  &  Plank,  Building  Store  Houses,  getting  Clapboards  & 
Shingles,  procuring  Stones  out  of  the  river,  making  Bricks,  Burning 
Coals  &c.  and  by  the  Seventh  of  August  got  in  a  good  posture  of  De- 
fence, and  on  that  Day  at  a  Council  of  War  determind  to  proceed  as 
high  up  the  river  as  the  Indian  Carrying  place,  and  from  that  to  half 
the  Distance  to  the  river  of  Shodier  which  falls  into  the  river  of  St. 
Lawrence  near  Quebeck  and  thro  which  the  Indians  go  to  Cannada, 
and  to  examine  that  pass,  and  on  the  next  day  began  to  put  that 
projection  in  execution,  setting  out  with  five  hundred  Men  for  that 
purpose  LeavK  Two  hundred  Men  at  Fort  Halifax  &  one  hundred  at 
Fort  Western  besides  Labourers,  having  with  us  fifteen  Battoes  for 
Transporting  Provissions  which  Boats  &:  all  we  were  Obligd  to  carry 
over  Land  half  a  Mile  on  Mens  shoulders  round  the  Falls  of  Teconnett 
and  found  great  Difficulty  afterwards  in  getting  up  the  river,  the  Water 
being  low  at  that  Season  and  at  that  time  a  great  Drouth  which  ren- 
derd  them  more  so,  however  we  kept  on  having  a  Surveyor  &  Chain 
Men  aserting  the  Distance  of  our  March  as  well  as  the  Course  of  the 
river  by  Compass  &  Measure  till  the  Ninth  (Unhappy  Day  to  me)  when 
after  Marching  very  hard  &  being  extream  Hot,  I  came  across  a  fine 
Spring  of  Water,  Drank  plentifully,  and  Marching  with  the  Advancd 


party,  and  fatigued  throw'd  myself  under  a  Tree  to  sleep  till  the  rear 
came  up,  but  was  presently  awak'd  in  an  od  Condition  a  Universal 
stagnation,  Crampt  and  Convulst  to  the  last  Degree,  My  Surgeon  be- 
ing with  me  took  from  me  Two  pound  of  Blood,  gave  me  Volatives 
by  the  help  of  which  after  laying  about  three  hours  I  March  on  two 
Miles;   which   Brought  us  nine   Miles   Distance   from   Fort   Hallifax 
where  we  Campt  under  the  Bows  of  Trees,  and  provd  a  Raincy  Night, 
the  next  Morning  found  my  Self  so  Weak  and  faint,  and  my  Nerves  & 
Mussells  so  disordered  as  to  render  me  unfit  for  Marching  Duty,  there- 
fore on  the  tenth  in  the  Morning  sent  for  Coll0  Prebble  gave  him  the 
Command  &  orders  to  Compleat  the  Match  I  had  begun,  Kept  with 
me  an  Officer  &  fifteen  Men  &  two  Boats  to  return  to  the  Garrison. 
This  March  Coll0  Preble  performd  agreeable  to  the  plan  herewith 
sent  and  returnd  to  Fort  Hallifax  in  fifteen  Days  having  lost  one  Man 
only  and  of  him  they  could  give  no  Account,  at  the  end  of  which  the 
pond  Mark'd  we  supose  &  are  pretty  certain  by  the  Degrees  of  Lattitude 
to  be  within  Fourteen  Leaques  of  Quebeck  the  Capital  of  Cannada.3 
but  to  return  to  my  Self  got  to  Fort  Hallifax  in  the  Evening  of  the 
tenth;  lay  by  the  next  day,  found  the  Regiment  801  Effective,  besides 
Artificers  &  Labourers.  On  the  12th  set  out  for  Casco,  arriv'd  at  Fort 
Western,  13th  View'd  the  Fort,  gave  the  proper  orders,  continued  my 
Route  for  Casco  to  wait  on  his  Excellency  the  Governour  arrivd  on 
the  14th  at  Night  continued  there  with  his  Excellency  to  settle  a  plan 
for  our  future  Opperations  till  20th,  receivd  directions  relaiting  to  the 
Fortifications  yet  to  be  erected,  set  out  for  Fort  Hallifax,  arrivd  there 
the  21th  at  Night  Distance  from  Casco  to  Fort  Hallifax  76  Miles.  On 
the  22nd  gave  orders  for  Building  the  Fortifications,  and  Barracks, 
agreeable  to  the  Plan.  Kept  all  hands  at  Work,  and  Continued  in  it, 
till  the  20th  Septemr  when  we  were  Obliged  by  our  Terms  of  Enlist- 
ment to  Disband.  On  the  21st  Embarqued  for  Boston  and  arrivd  here 
the  30th.  Thus  I  have  Led  you  a  Wild  Goose  Chase  in  a  Wild  'Wilder- 
ness, &  like  the  Moose  &  Bears  the  Native  Inhabitants,  and  the  more 
savage  Aboriginals  the  Indians,  Made  Mother  Earth  our  Bed,  and  the 
Canopy  of  Heaven  our  Covering,  yet  thro  Gods  goodness  lost  but  three 

3  It  was  sixty-four  miles  from  the  place  Preble  left  Winslow  (near  Hinckley)  to  the 
beginning  of  the  carry  above  Carritunk.  From  there  to  Dead  River  was  twelve  miles, 
from  Dead  River  to  the  Chain  Ponds  at  the  foot  of  the  Height  of  Land  about  fifty- 
six  miles,  twenty-one  miles  across  the  Height  of  Land  to  Lake  Mcgantic.  and  137 
miles  more  to  Quebec.  If  Preble  went  at  the  same  rate  as  Winslow  had  done  the  first 
day,  nine  to  ten  miles  a  day,  and  returned  within  fifteen  days,  he  could  not  have  got 
much  further  than  the  carry  itself.  The  pond  he  reached  was  probably  one  of  the 
three  Carry  Ponds.  The  best  description  of  this  route  is  in  Kenneth  Roberts,  Arundel 
(rev.  ed.). 


Men  only  and  not  one  of  them  fairly.  By  this  I  judge  you  are  Tyred, 
and  shall  therefore  Drop  the  Doctrimental  part,  and  proceed  to  the 
Application.  Vizt— That  by  Govr  Shirleys  Unwearied  Endeavours  to 
serve  this  province,  as  well  as  the  King  of  Great  Britain  whome  he 
honours  by  being  faithfull  to  his  Trust  and  the  Dilligence  of  me  his 
Substitute  a  nearer  way  is  found  to  Quebeck  than  has  ever  heretofore 
been  thought  of,  and  I  am  in  no  Doubt,  but  that  all  these  things  have 
been  properly  Laid  before  the  people  at  Home  [?]  by  the  Governour  yet 
notwithstanding,  whenever  you  think  proper  you  may  Shew  these 
things,  and  depend  on  it  they  are  Facts.  And  should  His  Majesty  want 
any  Service  done  on  this  side  the  Water  it  may  be  rely'd  on,  I  am  both 
able  &  Willing  to  Obey  &  persuade  my  self  can  bring  more  effective 
Men  into  the  Feild  than  any  Man  on  the  Continent,  (my  Gov1-  ex- 
cepted) have  Briefly  Mentiond  these  Things  to  your  Hond  Father,  and 
also  told  him  you  would  shew  him  this  Epistle,  and  am  persuaded  that 
your  joint  Friendship,  could  carry  any  thing  into  Execution  with  the 
little  pretentions  I  have  and  every  thing  will  be  acknowledg'd  that  is 
done  for  me,  shall  hear  further  from  me  soon,  Service  to  all  Freinds, 
and  be  assured  I  am— 

Your  Sincere  Friend  &  humble  Servant 

John  Winslow 

Sir  John  St.  Clair1  to  Robert  Napier 


Williamsbourg  Febry  the  10th  1755. 

I  know  no  better  way  of  giving  you  an  account  of  my  proceedings  in 
this  Country  than  to  transcribe  two  Letters  which  I  wrote  to  General 
Braddock,  the  one  of  the  15th  of  Janry  and  the  other  of  the  9th  of 
Febry;  which  I  hope  will  be  satisfactory. 

Sir,  Williamsbourg  Jany  the  15th  1755. 

"I  was  very  sorry  that  I  had  it  not  in  my  power  to  receive  your  Com- 
mands before  I  embarked  for  America,  least  you  may  find  any  thing 
neglected  on  your  Arrival.  I  landed  at  Hampton   the  9th  Ins1  and 

1  Sir  John's  title  was  probably  spurious  (George  E.  Cockayne,  cd.,  Complete  Baron- 
etage (1904),  IV,  301).  He  was  the  son  of  Sir  George  St.  Clair  or  Sinclair  of  Rinnaird, 
life.  He  served  as  deputy  quartermaster  general  in  North  America  from  1754  until  his 
death  in  1767,  an  efficient  officer  in  that  important  post.  He  married  an  American  girl, 
Betsy  Moland.  His  will  is  in  New  Jersey  Arch..  1st  ser.  XXXIII,  370.  A  sketch  of  him  by 
C.  R.  Hildeburn  is  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  IX  (1885),  1-14. 


have  ever  since  been  endeavouring  to  comply  with  my  orders:  I  shall 
here  send  you  the  Heads  of  them,  and  shall  inform  you  what  Steps  I 
have  taken  in  the  Execution  of  them. 

1st.  To  provide  an  Hospital  at  Hampton  or  Williamsbourg  for  150 

2(lly.  To  provide  provisions  against  the  landing  of  the  Troops  and 
during  their  stay  at  Wills's  Creek. 

3.  Bass  Horses  to  be  provided  for  the  Odicers  when  they  arrive. 

4.  To  consult  with  the  Governour  the  proper  Measures  for  erecting 
Log  Houses  or  Barns  at  Wills's  Creek. 

5.  Floats  or  Batteaus  for  the  transporting  the  Artillery  and  Bagagc 
from  the  falls  of  the  Pattomack  to  Wills's  Creek. 

6.  To  settle  with  the  Governour  the  best  and  speediest  manner  to 
compleat  the  two  Battalions  with  200  good  Men  each.  The  10th  I 
went  to  Williamsbourg  and  delivered  my  Dispatches  to  the  Gov1".  The 
next  day  I  consulted  with  His  Excellency  the  properest  Methods  for 
going  to  work  on  this  urgent  piece  of  Service.  That  Day  one  hundred 
Horses  were  contracted  for,  40  of  which  were  to  be  deliver'd  the  1st 
week  in  Fcb,y  and  the  remaining  part  the  first  day  of  March;  each  of 
these  Horses  are  to  carry  200  lb  of  Flower  to  Wills's  Creek. 

"The  12th  I  went  with  the  Governour  to  Hampton  in  order  to 
provide  an  Hospital  &  lodging  for  its  proper  Officers.  Next  day  I  went 
and  examined  the  whole  Town  of  Hampton  but  cou'd  not  find  any 
one  place  Sufficient  to  contain  any  Number  of  Sick;  all  I  cou'd  get 
was  two  very  small  Ware  Houses;  But  there  are  no  Houses  in  Town 
which  will  be  shut  to  us  on  this  occasion:  So  how  disagreeable  it  may 
be  to  the  Surgeons  to  have  their  Sick  separate,  there  is  a  necessity  for 
it  at  present.  There  are  Numbers  of  indigent  people  who  will  take  the 
Sick  into  their  Houses,  and  least  Bedsteads  may  be  wanting  I  have 
given  Directions  for  100  Cradles  to  be  built.  I  have  provided  extreme 
good  Lodgings  at  the  Town  Clerks  House  for  two  of  the  principal 
Officers  of  the  Hospital,  the  others  may  lodge  with  those  people  who 
keep  publick  Houses  untill  Mr.  Graham  leaves  his  dwelling  house 
which  will  be  towards  the  End  of  Febry.  I  shou'd  not  have  hesitated 
one  Moment  in  running  up  a  large  Hospital  of  Boards  if  I  cou'd  have 
got  a  Sufficient  Quantity  of  Deal  and  Artificers,  but  both  are  wanting. 

"I  gave  Directions  to  Mr.  Hunter  (who  delivers  you  this)  concern- 
ing a  Stock  of  fire  wood  for  the  Hospitals,  and  to  get  as  much  fresh 
Provisions  collected  together  for  the  Sick  as  possible;  as  likewise  to 
throw  on  board  of  the  Transports  some  Sheep  and  fresh  Pork,  and 
some  Beefs  if  they  are  to  be  had. 


"The  Governour  has  been  extremely  active  and  diligent  in  gather- 
ing together  all  kind  of  Provisions  for  Wills's  Creek,  &  to  make  a  de- 
posite  at  Fredericksbourg  &  Winchester  to  be  near  at  hand.  The  Car- 
riage to  the  Creek  is  immensely  difficult  at  this  Season  on  account  of 
the  Scarcity  of  Horses,  and  if  we  had  them,  Forage  is  scarce  to  [be]  had. 
I  am  in  Hopes  we  shall  be  able  to  collect  200  Horses.  If  we  had  more, 
how  are  they  to  be  fed?  I  return'd  to  Williamsbourg  the  13th  in  the 

"Jan:  14th  I  saw  some  more  Horses  bought  for  the  use  of  the  Troops. 
I  wrote  Letters  to  the  Governours  of  all  the  Provinces  &  sent  my  Dis- 
patches to  them. 

"I  must,  Sir,  refer  you  to  the  Governour  with  regard  to  compleating 
Sir  Peter  Halketts  &  Col:  Dunbar's  Regiments,  all  I  shall  say  [is]  that 
Men  will  not  be  wanting  when  you  please  to  call  for  them. 

"That  part  of  my  Instructions  which  regards  the  building  of  Bat- 
teaus  or  Floats  on  the  Pattommack  at  the  Falls  of  Alexandria,  I  am 
obliged  to  delay  executing,  as  I  am  informed  the  doing  of  it  wou'd 
be  in  vain,  for  that  in  Winter  the  Stream  is  so  rapide  that  there  is  no 
rowing  heavy  Boats  against  the  Current,  and  that  in  Summer  there 
are  many  flatts  and  Shoals  which  will  render  the  Navigation  almost 
impracticable.  On  the  whole  I  have  acted  to  the  best  of  my  Capacity, 
and  whatever  Difficultys  may  arrise  I  shall  do  what  I  can  to  surmount 

"I  propose  going  to  morrow  morning  from  hence  to  Wills's  Creek, 
I  shall  go  the  one  Road  and  return  the  other;  my  Journey  will  take 
me  at  least  twelve  Days  going  and  coming  back,  being  600  Miles  with 
the  same  Horses;  I  shall  stay  there  about  Six  Days  which  I  hope  will 
be  Sufficient  to  see  our  Barracks  in  a  fair  way  of  being  built.  Shou'd 
you  arrive  with  the  Troops  before  my  return  I  beg  of  you  to  send  me 
your  Orders  by  an  Express  that  I  may  know  how  to  conduct  my  Self. 

"I  have  been  talking  to  the  Governour  concerning  the  properest 
Method  of  landing  the  Troops;  He  is  of  opinion  they  shou'd  proceed 
to  Alexandria  in  their  Transports,  and  march  as  soon  as  possible  to 
Wills's  Creek;  For  if  they  were  to  land  at  Hampton  &  be  dispersed 
about  the  Country,  they  wou'd  have  a  long  march  by  land,  that  all  the 
Horses  &  Carriages  which  will  be  wanted  to  carry  Provisions  to  the 
Depositcs,  wou'd  be  wanted,  to  attend  the  Troops,  on  their  march  to 
Alexandria;  and  that  if  they  were  to  march  by  land,  they  have  Ferrys 
to  cross,  which  might  be  attended  with  a  long  delay.  After  examining 
the  situation  of  the  Country,  and  the  quick  Dispatch  that  Affairs  re- 


quire,  I  am  of  the  above  opinion  with  the  Governour,  for  we  shall  at 
least  gain  three  Weeks  by  going  up  directly  by  Water. 

"I  am  in  hopes  we  shall  not  want  Mower  and  Salt  Pork,  which  is 
what  is  easiest  to  be  had  in  this  Country.  The  Governour  has  wrote  to 
New  England  for  a  Cargoe  of  Salt  Fish,  and  if  you  are  of  opinion  that 
Rice  will  do  for  our  Men,  it  may  be  easily  had.  We  may  get  some 
Calavances  of  the  Pea  kind  which  I  believe  our  People  will  be  fond 
of.  That  you  may  be  the  better  Judge  of  the  Difficulty  of  carriage  from 
Alexandria  to  Wills's  Creek,  the  Gov1"  pays  20  Shillings  for  the  carriage 
of  each  Barrell  of  Beef,  for  the  900  [?]  Men  that  have  been  building  a 
Fort  at  that  place  &  who  continue  at  Work. 

"I  think  if  no  unforseen  accident  happens  to  me  that  1  shall  return 
hither  the  2(i  Day  of  Febry  or  sooner  if  I  can  do  my  business,  f  have 
the  Honour  of  being  with  the  greatest  Respect  Sir,  Your  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  Servant. 

John  St.  Ci.air 
"pS.  If  a  large  quantity  of  Iron  is  not  brought  out  with  the  Artillery, 
it  will  be  necessary  that  a  Dozen  of  Quintal  shoud  be  bought  at  Hamp- 
ton to  make  portable  Ovens. 

"To  Major  General  Braddock." 

"Sir  Williamsbourg  Feb1"5'  the  9th  1755. 

"I  did  my  self  the  Honour  of  writing  a  Letter  to  you  of  the  15th  of 
January,  giving  you  an  account  of  my  proceedings  till  that  time,  least 
you  shou'd  have  arrived  during  my  absence.  I  shall  now  let  you  know 
in  what  manner  I  have  been  employ'd  since  the  Date  of  my  last  Letter, 
least  my  Duty  shou'd  call  me  from  this  place  or  from  Hampton,  which 
might  deprive  me  of  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  Commands  untill 
my  Return. 

"The  16th  of  Jan:  I  set  out  for  Fredericksbourg,  and  got  to  that 
place  the  18th  being  104  Miles  of  very  good  Road.  I  saw  at  that  place 
190  Men  of  the  Companys  raised  in  this  Province.  I  was  from  the  19th 
to  the  22d  in  getting  to  Winchester  which  is  93  Miles  of  very  bad  Road, 
I  saw  a  Detatchment  of  70  Men  of  the  same  Troops.  From  the  23d  to 
the  26th  I  was  on  the  Road  to  Wills's  Creek,  this  is  85  Miles  of  the 
worst  Road  I  ever  travelled;  and  greatly  lengthen'd  by  the  Roads  being 
in  the  Channells  of  the  Rivers,  when  they  might  be  shorten'd  by  cut- 
ting them  along  the  Ridges  of  the  Mountains:  Which  Lord  Fairfax 
promised  me  shou'd  be  done  about  this  time.  This  will  shorten  that 


Road  about  15  Miles,  and  avoid  the  bad  Road  by  Patersons  Creek. 

"When  I  had  got  about  two  Miles  on  the  other  Side  of  the  South 
branch,  I  had  a  full  view  of  the  Mountains  on  each  side  of  the  Patto- 
mack  above  Wills's  Creek,  and  from  what  I  cou'd  see,  there  is  a  Road 
easily  to  be  made  across  the  Country  to  the  Mouth  of  Savage  River 
which  will  be  gaining  30  Miles:  If  I  am  not  more  deceived  than  I  have 
been  of  late  with  regard  to  Ground,  the  Mouth  of  Savage  River  is  the 
place  where  we  ought  to  cross  the  Allegany  Mountains.  I  have  only 
been  able  to  find  one  Woodsman  who  can  give  me  any  distinct  Account 
of  that  Ground,  which  gives  me  great  Satisfaction.  I  have  wrote  to 
Lord  Fairfax  to  have  the  Road  marked  out  to  the  mouth  of  Savage 

"I  cannot  learn  what  cou'd  induce  People  ever  to  think  of  making 
a  fort  or  a  Deposite  for  Provisions  at  Wills's  Creek;  It  covers  no  Coun- 
try, nor  has  it  the  Communication  open  behind  it  either  by  Land  or 
W7ater;  the  River  not  navigable  and  by  the  least  Rains  that  fall,  the 
Rivers  which  one  has  to  cross  (some  of  them  five  times)  were  without 
Floats  or  Canoes,  untill  within  these  few  Days  that  they  have  been  set 
about  to  be  built. 

"I  found  the  Governour  of  Maryland  at  Wills's  Creek,  who  had  been 
at  that  place  but  a  few  Days,  not  long  enough  to  make  any  Consider- 
able alteration  nor  to  reconoitre  the  Country.  He  had  with  him  at  the 
Fort  (or  more  properly  a  small  piece  of  Ground  inclosed  with  a  Strong 
Palisade  joined  pretty  close)  three  Independent  Companys,  the  one  of 
South  Carolina,  and  the  other  two  of  New  York:  the  latter  seem  to 
be  draughted  out  of  Chelsea.  The  Excuse  they  make  for  having  so 
many  old  Men  does  very  little  Honour  to  those  Companys  that  are  left 
behind  at  New  York;  for  they  say  that  they  are  draughted  from  them. 
The  Carolina  Company  is  in  much  better  order  and  Discipline.  I  like- 
wise saw  at  Wills's  Creek  80  Men  of  the  Troops  raised  in  Maryland, 
they  are  a  good  body  of  Men,  and  if  the  rest  of  the  Troops  raised  in 
that  province  be  as  good  (which  the  Govr  has  reason  to  expect)  we  may 
get  150  Men  from  that  Province  to  enable  us  to  complete  the  two 
British  Regiments. 

"Least  it  shou'd  be  still  more  adviseable  to  pass  the  Mountains  at 
Wills's  Creek,  there  are  a  Number  of  Trees  cut  down  for  erecting  Log- 
houses,  and  I  gave  directions  for  Palisading  a  House  near  the  Fort  for 
a  Powder  Magazine. 

"In  my  last  letter  to  you,  I  acquainted  you  that  Governor  Dinwiddie 
told  me  that  the  Navigation  of  the  Pattommack  is  impracticable,  this 
I  can  now  affirm  from  Experience,  for  Governour  Sharp  and  I  found 


it  so  for  all  other  Vessells  but  Canoes  cut  out  of  a  Single  Tree;  We 
attempted  to  go  clown  the  River  in  this  Sort  of  Boat,  but  we  were 
obliged  to  get  on  Shore  and  walk  on  loot  especially  at  the  Shannondeau 
Falls:  So  that  the  getting  Batteaus  or  Floats  made  lor  the  transport  of 
the  Artillery  and  the  Bagage  of  the  Regiments,  cou'd  serve  for  no  other 
thing,  but  to  throw  away  the  Governments  Money  to  no  purpose,  and 
loose  a  great  deal  of  time. 

"As  Governour  Sharp  expected  to  have  found  you  arrived,  he  came 
to  this  place  by  Alexandria  and  Fredericksbourg,  at  the  latter  I  saw 
him  review  80  Men  of  the  Virginia  Troops,  which  amount  by  this  time 
to  700  or  800  Men:  By  what  I  saw  of  them,  I  am  afraid  the  Officers  who 
recruited  them,  have  looked  more  to  their  Numbers  than  to  the  good- 
ness of  the  Men.  These  80  were  the  only  ones  which  Govr  Sharp  has 
seen.  I  make  no  doubt,  but  that  from  the  Report  I  made  to  Gov1  Din- 
widdie  of  his  new  Leavies,  that  their  Numbers  will  be  diminished  be- 
fore you  arrive. 

"As  the  Nature  of  the  Service  we  are  going  on,  will  require  a  great 
Number  of  Carpenters,  a  Company  totally  composed  of  these  is  now 
a  forming  of  100  Men,  from  whom  we  may  expect  great  advantage.  I 
wish  we  may  be  able  to  find  people  to  form  into  two  Companys  of 

"Whatever  Scheme,  Sir,  you  may  think  proper  out  of  your  prudence 
to  pursue;  the  first  thing  to  be  clone  at  all  Events  is  to  have  our  Ar- 
tillery, Bagage  and  Provisions  carried  up  to  Winchester  from  Alexan- 
dria; for  which  reason  I  have  ordered  all  kinds  of  provender  for  Horses 
to  be  laid  in  at  these  two  places,  in  as  great  quantity  as  the  Country 
can  afford,  which  is  but  small.  I  expect  100  Waggons  with  Flower  from 
Pensilvania  at  Winchester  by  the  15th  of  March,  which  Waggons  will 
serve  for  carrying  the  Amunition  and  Stores  from  Alexandria,  least 
the  Horses  of  this  Country  employ'd  before  that  time  shou'd  fall  off. 
On  this  depends  the  dispatch  we  shall  be  able  to  make,  I  hope  to  get 
as  much  Oats,  Hay  and  Indian  Corn  Blades  as  will  enable  us  to  trans- 
port the  whole  to  Winchester:  But  I  am  afraid  we  shall  not  be  able  to 
cross  the  Mountains  till  the  latter  End  of  April  when  the  Grass  begins 
to  shoot. 

"During  the  Transport  of  the  Artillery  to  Winchester,  there  will  be 
sufficient  time  to  cut  the  Road  to  Savage  River,  and  to  reconoitre  the 
Ground  towards  the  head  of  the  Youghangany,  one  branch  of  which 
seems  to  lock  in  with  the  former. 

"As  I  have  seen  most  of  this  Country,  I  shall  more  freely  give  my 
oppinion  with  regard  to  the  Disposition  of  the  Troops  on  their  Arrival, 


both  for  the  Security  of  our  Magazines,  Subsistance  of  the  Troops,  ease 
of  the  Inhabitants  and  that  as  few  Countermarches  may  be  made  as 

"That  the  Transports  which  have  on  board  one  Regiment  may  stop 
in  the  River  Pattommack  as  near  Fredericksbourg  as  they  can,  that 
Regiment  may  be  quartered  in  the  following  manner. 
314  Companys  at  Winchester  6  Days  march  from  Fredericksbourg 

14  of  a  Company  at  Conogogee  8  Days  by  Winchester 
6       Companys  at  Fredericksbourg  &  Falmouth,  one  march  from  their 

"The  other  Regiment 
5  Companys  at  Alexandria  with  the  Company  of  Artillery  &  Stores  of 

all  kind. 
1  Company  at  Dumfries  2  Days  march  from  Alexandria. 
1   Compy  at  Upper  Marlbro'  1  Days  march  -1 

1  Company  at  Bladensbourg  1  Days  March         L         in  Maryland 

2  Companys  at  Frederick  6  Days  march  J 

"By  this  Disposition  the  Companys  which  are  quartered  at  Win- 
chester Conogogee  and  Frederick  form  the  Chains,  to  cover  our  Maga- 
zines, and  will  be  near  at  Hand  to  advance  either  to  Wills's  Creek  or 
Savage  River  as  you  shall  Judge  most  proper. 

"I  have  pressed  the  Governour  of  Pensilvania  to  have  his  Country 
reconoiter'd  towards  the  head  of  the  Youghangany  and  to  have  the 
Road  leading  to  it  marked  out,  ready  to  be  cut;  or  if  there  is  any 
nearer  way  to  the  french  Forts,  to  have  all  these  Roads  marked  out: 
For  that  when  we  cross  the  Mountains  we  must  depend  a  great  deal  on 
the  Supplys  of  Provisions  from  that  Province.  I  am  with  the  greatest 
Respect  Sir,  Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  Servant 

John  St.  Clair. 

"To  Major  General  Braddock." 

I  am  in  Hopes  Sir  that  this  will  give  you  some  light  into  our  present 
Situation,  if  I  have  not  been  full  enough,  great  allowance  is  to  be  given 
to  one  coming  into  a  Country  where  he  is  an  intire  Stranger,  and  I 
may  say  where  the  Inhabitants  are  totally  ignorant  of  Military  Affairs: 
Their  Sloth  &  Ignorance  is  not  to  be  discribed;  I  wish  General  Brad- 
dock  may  be  able  to  make  them  shake  it  off.  I  shall  undertake  to  talk 
to  the  Germans  in  the  language  they  have  been  brought  up  under  in 
Germany.  There  is  no  such  thing  as  to  perswade  any  of  them  to  enlist 
in  the  Virginia  Companys. 


I  have  not  had  time  to  make  my  self  Master  of  the  Indian  Affairs,  so 
shall  only  say  in  General  Terms  that  I  am  afraid  the  French  have 
drawn  most  of  them  over  to  their  Interest,  especially  the  Six  Nations. 
We  may  expect  to  see  a  great  Number  of  them,  but  never  to  feel  them. 
Since  I  came  from  Wills's  Creek  there  are  some  Letters  come  to  Gov- 
ernours  Dinwiddie  and  Sharp  of  the  3'1  of  Febry  which  makes  them 
apprehensive  of  being  attacked,  as  the  french  are  making  great  quan- 
tity of  Indian  Shoes  at  their  fort,  that  the  fust  Column  of  the  Indians 
are  arrived,  and  two  more,  on  their  March.  The  Commanding  Officer 
at  the  Fort  has  orders  to  be  on  the  defensive,  but  that  is  not  necessary 
for  two  of  his  Companys  have  neither  Legs  to  get  upon  the  Heights 
nor  to  run  away  thro'  the  Valleys. 

I  am  in  great  hopes  that  this  advice  is  true,  and  that  they  will  make 
their  Attacks  in  different  parts,  if  so  they  are  already  in  a  Pannick;  but 
on  the  Contrary  if  they  are  lying  quiet  and  relieving  their  out  posl> 
often  and  at  irregular  Hours,  then  their  Attacks  will  follow,  and  may 
succeed.  I  shoud  be  pleased  they  were  making  Incursions  in  the  Coun- 
try, for  the  above  reason,  this  is  the  only  thing  will  awake  the  Sleepy 
headed  Mortals  of  this  and  the  Neighbouring  Provinces. 

I  shall  now  acquaint  you  in  what  manner  I  am  to  be  employ 'd  for 
some  time  to  come,  if  General  Braddock  with  the  Troops  do  not  ar- 

Governour  Sharp  goes  to  morrow  for  Maryland,  being  obliged  to 
meet  his  Assembly  the  20th.  He  takes  his  Road  thro'  Fredericksbourg 
and  Alexandria:  at  the  former  he  is  to  review  the  Virginia  Detatch- 
ment,  Discharge  the  bad  Men  (which  are  too  numberous)  and  choose 
out  those  who  are  fit  to  fill  up  our  Regiments:  at  the  latter  he  is  to 
form  the  Company  of  Carpenters  to  be  ready  on  our  Troops  landing. 

I  shall  carry  this  Letter  to  Hampton  with  my  others  on  the  14  (as  the 
16th  is  fixed  for  Capt.  Sprys  sailing)  and  shall  see  the  Hospitals  and 
every  thing  in  order  for  the  Sick.  I  shall  return  to  Williamsbourg  the 
16th  and  the  18th  set  out  for  Winchester  where  I  shall  execute  the 
same  thing  that  Gov1"  Sharp  does  at  Fredericksbourg  on  600  of  the 
Virginian  Troops,  and  see  that  Forage  is  laid  in;  This  may  take  me  up 
some  Days:  Then  I  go  to  Alexandria  either  to  wait  General  Braddocks 
Arrival  or  go  where  the  Service  requires  me  most.  I  wish  I  have  not 
tired  your  patience  with  a  long  Letter,  but  if  you  find  that  I  have  been 
too  particular,  I  am  sorry  for  it;  I  thought  it  was  erring  in  the  safe 
Side.  I  am  with  great  Sincerity  Sir,  Your  most  obedient  and  most 
obliged  humble  Servant 

John  St  Clair 


pS.  In  Jeffery'ss  Map,  Winchester  is  marked  Frederick.  Wills's  Creek 
is  marked  Caicuctuck  Creek.  The  Road  to  Savage  River  which  I  men- 
tion runs  from  a  small  River  which  runs  from  the  West  into  the  South 
Branch.  I  send  you  an  Account  of  the  Strength  of  the  French  which  I 
look  upon  to  be  genuine,  and  an  uncorrect  Map  of  the  Country  on  the 
other  Side  of  the  Allegany  Mountains. 

John  Barrell  x  to  Cumberland 


May  it  Please  your  highness 

When  the  Borders  of  a  Country  are  Attack'd,  by  an  Enterprising 
Treacherous  Enemy:  I  am  Sensible  a  Treatise  on  the  further  Improve- 
ment of  their  produce,  may  at  first  View  appear  Premature,  but  May 
It  Please  Your  Highness. 

The  Inclosed  Plan  for  the  Amendment  of  One,  making  another,  and 
droping  the  third  Act;  is  to  be  presumed  to  be  pursued  or  delay 'd 
agreeable  to  the  Exigency  of  the  State,  especialy  in  Such  Articles  as  are 

But  the  Northern  Colonies  Abounding  in  the  Articles  of  White  Oak 
and  Pine  Timber;  and  their  Consumption  Immence  in  Great  Britain; 
Ought  immediatly  to  be  Encouraged;  because  they  are  now  purchased 
with  money  of  Forreigners!  Whereas  in  Justice  and  good  Policy,  they 
should  be  purchased  of  the  Plantations  (to  the  great  Emolument  of 
the  British  trade),  who  would  gladly  Barter  their  Deal  &c  for  English 
manufactures,  could  they  do  it  without  loss.  But  when  with  the  Beni- 
fits  to  Trade  it  is  Consider'd,  the  great  addition  the  Supply  of  lumber 
from  America  would  make  to  the  English  navigation;  and  the  vast 
increase  of  seamen  for  the  British  navy;  with  great  humility  is  hoped 
will  appear  to  your  royal  highness  at  this  crisis,  as  Necessary  and  as 
Interesting  a  Point,  as  any  yet  thought  of;  for  the  Utility  &  Security  of 

i  This  is  probably  John  Barrell  of  Boston  (b.  1707,  Report  of  Record  Commission- 
ers of  Boston,  XXIV)  who,  with  Joseph  Gerrish,  was  a  merchant  there  in  the  1740s 
and  early  1750s  (Acts  and  Resolves  of  Mass.  Bay,  XIII,  287;  XIV,  159,  499,  525,  664). 
There  is  a  draft  of  an  unimportant  letter  in  the  Cumberland  Papers,  Cumberland  to 
Joseph  Gerrish  of  Boston,  January  25,  1749/50,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  a 
haunch  of  American  venison.  The  partnership  would  seem  to  have  broken  up  in 
1753  or  1754,  when  Barrell  went  to  London  and  Gerrish  to  Nova  Scotia,  where  he 
became  a  member  of  the  council  and  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  (New 
Eng.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  LXVII,  110).  There  is  a  John  Barrell,  merchant  of 
London,  in  the  list  of  bankrupts  for  1768  (Gentleman's  Mag.,  XXXVIII,  495). 


the  British  empire!  and  may  be  Effected  without  any  Inconvenicncy 
to  the  government;  by  Exchanging  the  bounty  on  tar  (brought  to 

MATURITY)  for  a  BOUNTY  ON   DEALS  8c°. 

Neither  Can  I  think,  of  a  more  prudential  well  limed  Encouragement 
to  the  northern  colonies;  nor  of  any  other  Plan,  (without  an  Addi- 
tional Expence  to  the  Nation)  that  would  give  Such  a  Spring  to  their 
Navigation,  as  a  bounty  on  deals;  and  an  Amendment  of  the  whale 
fishery  act.  except  taking  off  the  duty  on  forreign  molasses,  a 
cordial  that  would  Cheer  the  Drooping  Spirits,  revive  the  Sinking 
Trade  and  Diffuse  Universal  Joy  to  the  north  Americans.  But  when 
they  Knew  your  royal  highness  was  their  patron,  it  would  Inspire 
that  Loyal  Brave  People  with  more  Courage  and  resolution;  and  prove 
of  more  Efficacy  at  this  Juncture;  then  the  Arrival  of  Ten  Battalions  of 
British  troops!  Distinguish'd  by  the  prince  Possess'd  with  Every  Noble 
Passion  for  the  Felicity  of  the  British  empire.— 

The  Prince  whom  non  with  Integrity  of  heart  Approach  In  Vain; 
tho'  wanting  in  Elegance  of  Stile  or  Accuracy  of  form;  if  the  Supplica- 
tion be  rational  and  Conducive  to  the  honor  and  interest  of  the 
English  nation:  the  Supplicant  has  nothing  to  fear,  and  all  to  hope; 
from  Their  Friend  &  patron. 

Such  were  my  Sentiments,  from  the  Amiable  Aspect;  when  first  I 
Saw  your  royal  highness,  at  stains;  return'd  from  hunting,  In  the 
Dawn  of  life  May  24th  1738!  Then  I  was  Struck  with  a  longing  de- 
sire, and  Enthusiastick  Faith,  that  I  should  one  day  have  an  opper- 
tunity,  to  express  my  Pleasurable  Ideas;  of  the  prince;  Most  Admir- 
ably disposed;  for  the  true  Interest  of  the  British  subject;  &  not  only 
Admired  and  Beloved;  by  every  honest  Man  under  his  Auspicious 
Influence  but  even  those  of  the  most  restless  Cast,  are  obliged  to  Con- 
fess the  Greatest  Merit,  and  Join  the  publick  acclamations;  of  your 
highness:  In  the  Imitation  of  your  royal  father,  who  has  ever  Made, 
The  welfare  of  mankind  his  Care.— 

Compel'd  by  these  Striking  Virtues  of  your  royal  highness,  and  the 
Strongest  Ties  of  duty,  to  my  king  &  country!  I  could  not,  I  dared  not 
longer  Suppress  my  thoughts,  of  these  Interesting  Points,  of  the  Most 
Natural,  and  Surest  Tendency:  to  the  truest  interest  and  welfare, 
of  the  British  empire,  with  the  Utmost  Deference  and  Esteem;  Sub- 
mitted to  Your  princely  consideration.  By  May  it  Please  your  royal 
highness,  your  highnesses  Most  Obedient,  And  Most  humble  Servant 

John  Barrell 
Forrest  Coffe  House,  Charing  Cross,  March  6th  1755. 


An  Account  of  the  Northern  Colonies, 
by  John  Barrell 


the  northern  colonies,  being  now  become  of  the  most  Serious 
Concern;  it  is  to  be  hoped,  every  one  acquainted  with  their  Situation 
and  produce;  will  not  be  backward,  but  freely  give  his  thoughts  touch- 
ing their  further  Improvement,  as  the  best  means  to  Secure  and  render 
them  of  the  most  Service  to  the  British  nation. 

And  tho'  under  the  Best  of  kings,  the  best  System  of  government, 
and  in  the  Enjoyment  of  the  most  and  best  Advantages,  of  any  Nation 
in  the  World  (truths  as  evident  as  the  Government,  that  is  best  Ad- 
ministred  is  best)  yet  they  are  neither  So  happy  nor  So  Independent 
as  they  might  be;  were  their  Natural  Advantages  better  known  and 
pursued,  especially  in  regard  to  their  Plantations  Abroad;  that  are 
Capable  of  producing  many  Valuable  Staples,  Very  Essential  to  the 
Increase  of  the  English  Trade  and  Navigation;  I  had  almost  Said  as 
Shamefully  as  they  are  Impoliticly  neglected. 

As  every  Man  Concern'd  in  the  American  Trade,  That  has  but  an 
indefferent  knowledge  of  the  produce  of  these  colonies  must  know  they 
are  not  of  so  much  Utility  to  great  Britain,  as  they  might  be  made; 
was  their  Country  better  Peopled  &  Improved. 

As    it    ABOUNDS    WITH    IRON    MINES,    MASTS,    SHIP    TIMBER,    DEALS,    TAR, 

pitch,  turpentine  kc  and  employs  great  Numbers  of  Sea  Men,  in  their 
Codd  and  Whale  Fishery;  their  West  India  and  other  Trade,  and 
Annually  build  Several  hundred  Ships;  which  they  lade  with  their  own 
produce;  for  spain,  Portugal  &  italy:  the  West  Indias,  Virginia  Caro- 
lina &c  from  whence  they  are  freighted  to  great  Britain  with  tobacco, 

SUGAR,  RICE,  NAVEL  STORES,  LOGWOOD  &c  ill  return  for  BRITISH  MANU- 

A  Consideration,  one  would  think  (without  any  other)  Sufficient  to 
Rouse  our  attention  and  Ingage  us,  to  an  Imitation  of  our  Judicious 
Neighbours  the  dutch;  our  political  rivals  the  French;  and  other 
Wise  Nations;  that  with  true  wisdom;  esteem  the  riches  of  their 
plantations  their  Own;  and  do  all  they  Can,  to  make  them  as  Useful 
to  their  mother  country;  as  their  situation  and  produce  can  admit. 

And  Shall  not  Wise  rritons,  from  a  happy  Experience  of  the  great 
utility  of  their  colonies,  Pursue  the  Same  prudent  Maxims  of  their 
Sagacious  Neighbors,  in  regard  to  their  American  settlements?  that 
are  not  only,  Admirably  form'd  for  the  Support  of  each  other;  but 


for  the  Riches,  and  Security  of  old  England,  and  without  the  most 
Criminal   Neglect;    must    in    the   Course   of   a   lew   years   render    the 


These  arc  truths  we  hope,  that  Can  Never  disgust  our  Friends,  and 
that  ought  to  Silence  Such  as  murmer  at  the  Expense  of  settling  nova 

SCOTIA.  A  SETTLEMENT  of  as  much  IMPORTANCE  to  the  AMERICAN  as 
Gibraltar  is  to  the  MEDITERANIAN  TRADE.  And  Infinitely  more  useful 
from  its  situation  and  produce,  being  the  most  Convenient  for  the 
cod  fishery,  that  Important  nursery  of  sailors,  that  Consumes  great 
quantity's  of  woolens  and  other  British  manufacturs,  besides  many 
other  benefits  Natural  to  that  part  of  the  world:  That  when  they  have 
the  Same  Plan  of  Government,  with  others  of  his  majestys  colonies; 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  but  far  from  being  burthensom  to  England,  as 
they  now  Are;  they  will  become  a  Vast  addition  to  her  strength, 
trade,  and  navigation— 

Which  of  Course  leads,  to  the  Consideration  of  other  Advantages, 
that  will  unavoidably  Anise  to  the  mother  country  from  the  right 
Improvement  of  her  northern  colonies;  that  have  been  too  long 
neglected,  and  Exposed  to  many  discouragements  Contrary  to  the  Gen- 
eral Maxims  of  good  Policy;  which  with  great  deference  I  will  en- 
deavor to  Illustrate  by, 

Showing  wherein  it  is  the  true  Interest  of  great  Britain;  to  promote 
and  Encourage  their  American  settlements  by  Bountys  and  other 
Methods,  on  ship  timber,  masts,  deals,  hemp,  unwroght  iron,  and 
pot  ash;  staples,  England  is  in  Absolute  need  of;  and  which  they  may 
be  Supply'd  with  from  Their  own  plantations,  in  Returns  for  British 
manufacturs  instead  of  Purchasing  them  with  money,  as  they  now  do 
from  Forreigners. 

the  woolen  manufacture,  being  the  Grand  Staple  of  England,  the 
Increase  of  it,  has  ever  been  the  Grand  Object  of  the  best  ministers; 
and  as  at  the  present  day,  we  trust  it  ever  will  be  the  Care  of  Britons, 
to  promote  Such  Settlements;  as  shall  best  promote  the  golden  fleece; 
that  is  of  more  intrinsick  Value,  Ten  Thousand  times,  then  the  Mines 
of  peru  &  Mexico,  because  it  not  only  procures  the  publick  wealth, 
but  it  fills  the  nation  with  industrious  Subjects,  the  Greatest  Wealth 
of  all;  Whereas  while  the  Spanish  mines,  inrich  a  few:  they  beggar 
milions  through  SLOTH  and  idleness. 

I  believe  no  Man  will  deny,  that  the  American  colonies,  would  take 
from  England,  more  of  their  manufactures  then  they  now  take;  if  they 
could  find  remittances  for  them. 

Which  proves  their  Country  is  not  so  fertile,  as  Some  would  make 


us  believe,  or  not  so  well  Cultivated  as  it  might  be,  Or,  that  the  people 
are  cramp'd,  in  Some  Shape  or  other  to  their  discouragement  and 


THAT  THE  ENGLISH    NORTH   AMERICA,   Abounds   with    IRON    MINES;    and 

that  they  make  as  good  bar  iron,  for  General  and  better  for  perticuler 
Uses,  then  the  Spaniards  or  sweeds  is  well  known  to  many  that  have  Im- 
ported it— 

whence  then  the  Infatuation  (for  Such  it  must  be)  that  a  General 
Importation  of  this  valuable  staple  from  our  plantations  is  not 
permitted  into  all  the  Ports  of  this  Island;  is  a  mistery  to  all  the  World, 
that  hear  of  the  Immense  Sums  of  money  paid  every  year  to  strangers 
for  that  Commodity. 

The  objection  is  as  partial,  as  it  is  impolitic,  if  I  am  rightly  In- 
formed, it  has  been  Strenuously  argued;  that  the  General  Importation 
of  Iron  from  the  Plantations;  would  prejudice  the  proprietors  of  the 
brittish  iron  mines;  which  cannot  be  the  Case;  until  they  can  Import 
more  then  England  Consumes;  with  her  own;  and  when  that  is  the 
Case;  it  will  be  time  enough  to  put  a  check  to  it,  for  I  would  by  no 
means  Indulge  the  plantations  to  the  Manifest  hurt  of  any  manu- 
facture in  England,  wherefore  until  the  Plantations  can  Supply  us:  it 
is  to  be  wished,  the  general  good  of  the  nation  may  prevail,  in  the 
General  importation  of  this  Interesting  staple:  and  if  thought  neces- 
sary a  higher  duty  may  be  laid  on  forreign  iron,  to  facilitate  So  great 
a  benifit  to  our  plantations;  who  want  the  Incouragement  as  a  return 
for  our  Woolens  &  other  British  manufactures  Consumed  in  America- 
lumber  is  another  very  Valuable  staple  in  north  America,  And 
begins  to  Show  it  Self  Very  Interesting  to  great  Britain.— 

The  Prohibition  of  Exporting  it  from  Some  part  of  the  northern 
countrys;  has  in  Some  Small  degree,  open'd  to  England,  the  Necessity 
of  giving  an  Incouragement  to  the  Importation  from  her  Own  Planta- 
tions; which  the  more  we  Import,  the  more  we  Shall  discover  of  its 
Utility  and  Importance;  and  the  Sooner  a  bounty  is  given  on  American, 
or  a  higher  Duty;  laid  on  Forreign  Deal;  the  Sooner  England  will  en- 
joy the  benifits  that  have  been  too  long  thrown  Away!  And  the  great 
number  of  Forreign  ships  employ'd  in  the  deal  trade;  Sufficiently 
proves  the  Vast  Advantages;  that  would  accrue  to  a  nation;  whose 
Security  and  Riches;  depends  on  the  Increase  of  their  trade  &  naviga- 

And  that  Such  a  Country  as  north  America,  Cover'd  with  the  best 
Woods  in  the  World;  and  extrecmly  wanted  in  great  Britain:  Should 
So  long  be  without  a  proper  Encouragement,  that  would  Create  a  Vast 


Number  of  Large  Ships;  and  make  a  Vast  Number  of  Sailors;  is  marvel- 
ous indeed!  Especially  when  a  bounty  on  the  English,  or  a  higher 
duty  on  forreign  Deal;  Sufficient  to  yield  the  Adventurer  of  Ship  & 
Lumber  his  first  Cost  at  the  English  Market  would  effect  this  Necessary 
return  and  not  only  Enable  the  Americans  to  pay  for  more  British 
manufactures  But  it  would  prove  Such  a  Saving  of  the  English  oak 
(now  used  for  Merchant  Ships)  As  Ought  in  good  Policy,  to  be  pre- 
served for  the  royal  navy- 
hemp  is  another  Valuable  Article;  for  wch  England  Annually  Pays, 
Severl  hundred  thousand  pounds  in  Cash  to  Strangers!  that  may  be 
Saved  in  the  nation,  by  a  Small  Bounty;  on  that  Commodity  raised 
in  America;  For  which  the  soil  &  climate;  is  well  known,  to  be  as  Suit- 
able as  any  in  the  World:  and  if  it  was  once  become  a  Staple  of  the  Plan- 
tations; it  would  Introduce  great  Numbers  of  Industrious  People  Used 
to  that  Manufacture;  who  would  gladly  Exchange  the  hardships  of 
their  Native  Countrys;  for  the  Plentiful  Country  of  America:  where  in 
the  Course  of  forty  or  fifty  years;  they  might  raise  hemp  enough  for 
the  British  navigation,  to  which  as  in  the  Article  of  Lumber;  it  would 
Prove  a  Vast  Addition— 

pot  ash,  another  Valuable  Commodity;  and  for  making  it,  there  is 
not  on  the  Globe,  a  more  Suitable  Country  then  north  America;  and, 
for  it  large  sums  in  Cash:  is  paid  every  year  by  Great  Britain  to  For- 
reigners!  that  might  be  paid  for,  with  English  Manufactures,  was  a 
Suitable  Bounty  given  for  making  it  in  our  Own  Plantations  — 

For  iron,  deal,  hemp  &  pot  ash,  if  I  am  truely  Informed,  the  British 
nation  pays  to  Strangers  a  million  Sterling  one  Year  with  Another; 
more,  then  the  Nations  that  Import  them,  take  of  our  Manufacturs; 
an  Immense  Sum  Indeed!  that  might  be  saved  in  the  nation,  and  paid 
for  with  British  manufactures  to  their  Own  Plantations;  and  to  the 
Vast  Increase  of  navigation,  sailors  and  other  useful  subjects;  and 
the  Cultivation,  of  one,  of  the  Best  Countrys  in  the  World:  tho'  in  a 
distant,  yet  Important  Comer  of  the  Earth  to  Great  Britain!  at  this 
day  Evidently  the  Aim,  and  Envy  of  the  French  nation! 

naval  stores  proves  the  Vast  Utility  of  a  bounty  On  the  plantation 
produce;  and  Shows  besides  the  Benifits  Arrising  from  the  Employ- 
ment of  many  Ships;  besides  the  advantages  of  Payment  with  British 
manufactures,  and  the  Settling,  Clearing,  and  fitting  their  Lands  for 
Agriculture;  tar  that  was  formerly  purchased  of  the  Sweeds  with  money 
at  60/  a  barrell;  has  been  Since  Sold  on  a  medium  under  10/—  and  at 
this  day  don't  Sell  for  7/  p  barrel:  that  together  with  the  Bounty  after 
freight  Commisions  and  other  charges  are  deducted;  don't  yield  the 


Importer  his  first  Cost— and  proves  there  is  too  much  made  and,  that 
the  Salutary  purposes  proposed  by  the  Bounty  is  fully  answered;  in  the 
Maturity  of  an  Article  now  become  a  Staple;  and  So  Natural  to  the 
Carolinians;  that  the  advantage  of  clearing  their  Lands;  will  here- 
after lead  them  to  make  a  Sufficiency  for  the  British  Consumption;  and 
turn  to  their  greater  Advantage;  as  they  apply  themselves  to  Cutting 
Deals,  raising  hemp,  and  making  pot  ash:  and  of  Course  prevent  the 
English  Markets  being  over  Stock'd.  and  the  present  Bounty  on  Tar. 
may  be  taken  off  without  prejudice— and  applied  as  a  Bounty  on  hemp 
Lumber  &c  until  those  Articles  are  brought  to  Maturity. 

But  as  these  weighty  matters  lye  before  the  British  parliment 
The  Spirit  of  the  British  Empire;  and  not  only  give  Being  to  the  Use- 
ful, but  remove  all  impediments  (that  Appear)  to  the  General  Welfare 
of  the  Nation— Britons  have  every  thing  to  hope  for  a  Suitable  In- 
couragement:  by  Bountys  or  otherwise,  on  these  Valuable  Staples,  as 
their  Expediency  and  Utility  may  appear;  and  they  may  Safely  rely  on 
the  removal  of  the  Grand  Impediment  to  the  General  Utility  of  the 
British  Whale  Fishery— the  Compulsive  Clause  of  that  Act  Viz1  that  all 
Ships  built  and  fitted  out  in  America  Shall  make  their  Oil  in  Some 
part  of  Great  Britain— which  has  hitherto  prevented  any  Considerable 
Experiment  from  the  Western  Plantations;  and  Consequently  rendred 
Abortive,  one  of  the  grand  ends  proposed  by  the  Bounty.  Viz1  the  In- 
crease of  Our  Navigation;  that  will  of  Course  follow,  when  this  im- 
pediment is  removed:  As  the  American  Whalers;  when  they  have  lib- 
erty to  make  their  Oil  at  home:  will,  not  only  have  the  benifit  of  giving 
their  Ships  a  full  freight,  But,  they  will  be  ready  to  Improve  the  Sea- 
son of  Killing  Whales  on  their  own  Coast;  without  being  Exposed  to 
a  European  Voyage;  which  they  dread  from  the  Terrors  of  the  Small 

This  Indulgence  may  be  granted;  the  Utility  of  the  Bounty  An- 
swer'd;  and  every  Imposition  prevented;  by  a  Certificate  from  the 
Custom  House,  Swore  to  before  the  Governor  &  Collector,  where  the 
Whales  were  kill'd,  and  where  the  Oil;  was  made.— 

And  here  we  are  led  to  the  Consideration  of  the  Pernicious  Duty  on 
Forreign  Molases  Imported  into  North  America- -That  has  for  more 
than  twenty  years  past,  been  a  great  hindrance  to  the  Growth  of  those 

molases  being  an  Article  of  the  most  use  to  the  Inhabitants  Who 
Cannot  Cultivate  their  Lands,  nor  Carry  on  their  Fishery  without  it- 
well  known  to  many  in  England,  that  have  felt  the  Extremitys  of  Heat 
and  Cold  in  that  Country:  and  Can  Attest,  to  the  husband  Man  in 


Summer;  it  is  Death  to  drink  beer  or  Water  in  the  field:  And  in  the 
Winter,  without  the  Mixture  of  Rum;  it  is  impossible  to  endure  the 
Cold.  An  Article  So  Useful  and  Necessary,  Ought  to  be  free;  especially 
that  tends  So  much  to  the  well  being  of  the  Inhabitants  Settled  on 
that  Continent;  at  least  1500  miles,  from  the  Eastermost  Settlement  in 
New  England;  to  the  Westermost  in  South  Carolina,  and  this  is  not 
all,  for  the  Newfound  Land  Fishery,  are  great  Sharers  in  the  bad  Con- 
sequences of  the  Molases  duty;  and  every  Individual  that  is  Con- 
cern'd  in  the  Articles  of  Tobacco,  Rice,  and  all  other  North  American 
produce,  is  greatly  Injured  by  it;  without  any  benifit  at  all,  to  any  of 
His  Majestys  Subjects:  but  a  few  West  India  Merchants;  that,  have 
made  great  Fortunes  by  riming  French  Molasses  and  destilling  it  into 

A  Duty,  of  Such  General  prejudice  is  most  humbly  hoped,  will  be 
no  longer  Continued;  that  a  few  may  Swell  in  State:  and  wallow  in 
pleasure!  and  to  the  real  hurt  of  our  West  India  Islands!  for  if  the 
Northern  Colonies  are  not  Supported,  the  English  in  the  Southern 
Settlements  Cannot  Subsist:  Wherefore  if  the  Islanders  understood 
their  real  Interest;  they  would  agree,  that  all  His  Majestys  Subjects  in 
America:  Should  be  on  such  an  Establishment  as  that  each  Settlement; 
should  be  made  to  subserve  to  the  Welfare  of  the  other;  and  all  to  the 
General  Good  of  their  Mother  Country;  which  can  never  be  the  Case, 
whilest  any  of  them  enjoy  benifits  to  the  prejudice  of  the  other  as  some 
have  done  ever  since  the  Molases  Act  1733— from  which  time  the 
Northern  Colonies  have  had  little  or  non  at  all  of  that  Article  from 
any  of  the  English  Islands  but  Jamaica. 

And  here  I  may  Safely  Assert;  that  the  North  Americans  are  So 
farr  from  barring  their  West  India  Brethren  of  their  Natural  right; 
that  they  would  be  pleased  with  a  Prohibition  of  all  Forreign  destill'd 
Spirits,  and  if  my  Judgment  Could  Prevail.  I  would  have  a  Prohibition 
of  the  Trade  of  the  Northern  Colonies  to  Cape  Britton!  Which  is  not 
only  prejudicial  to  the  Trade  of  Great  Brittain  in  General!  But  the 
Colonies  had  better  be  without  it— As  they  not  only  Supply  the  French 
with  what  they  want  on  their  own  terms!  but  they  take  from  them  what 
they  please  to  give  us;  and  Molases;  the  only  Article  we  Want;  they 
will  let  us  have  but  a  little!  and  that  at  an  Advanced  price;  and  every 
one  must  know  French  rum.  Brandy  Sc  Silks;  our  Colonies  have  no 
occasion  for. 

And  another  Injurious  Supply  of  the  English  to  the  french  is  flower, 
at  least  50  p  O  under  what  they  could  be  Supplied  from  Old  France; 
whereby  the  French  Rival  us  in  our  Fishery  (as  their  Men  have  not 


half  the  wages  ours  have)  and  Supply  the  Indians  to  Cutt  our  throats! 
These  are  matters  of  the  Utmost  Concern  at  this  Critical  Conjuncture; 
and  if  longer  delay 'd  may  prove  of  Fatal  Consequence!— 

The  French,  that  restless  Nation!  not  Satisfied  with  being  the  dis- 
turbers of  Europe,  are  now  become  the  Plague,  and  Pest  of  every 
Corner  of  the  Globe!  against  Such  Enemys  None  can  be  too  much  on 
their  guard!  and  Surely  England  Cannot  be  too  Speedy  in  preventing 
every  Supply  from  her  Plantations  that  tends  to  Strengthen  the  Com- 
mon Enemy  of  Mankind. 

Neither  can  they  do  a  better  thing  then  by  making  their  useless 
members  at  home  become  useful  abroad. 

and  the  first  object  that  presents  in  View,  is  the  removal  of  the 
Crouds  of  troublesom  Importers  that  throng  the  Streets  of  their 
Metropolis;  Some  through  Idleness,  and  Some  by  their  perverse  ob- 
stinacy! Abuse  the  Most  humane  Charitable  Citty  in  the  World!  by 
making  themselves,  but  are  not,  the  objects  they  appear  to  be. 

Whilest  another  unhappy  Sett  of  Men;  that  would,  if  they  could; 
but  Cannot  releive  themselves,  because  Confin'd  to  a  Goal  (by  Merci- 
less Creditors)!  and  that  would  gladly  part  with  the  last  farthing,  to 
obtain  their  liberty!  and  would  Joyfully  Imbrace  the  favour  of  a 
passage  from  the  Goverment  to  America— 

And  the  beggers  Should  be  compell'd— and  thereby  be  made  useful; 
who  are  now  a  dead  weight  to  the  Nation.— thus  would  the  Streets  be 
Clear 'd  of  a  troublesom  set  of  Beings;  and  the  Prisons  emptied  of 
unfortunate  Debtors;  and  both  Settled  on  the  Borders  of  our  Colonies, 
would  give  a  happy  turn  to  the  Indians:  who  by  Nature  Sagacious; 
when  they  Saw  the  English  Superiour  in  numbers  to  the  French;  would 
gladly  Court  our  Alliance. 

Another  unhappy  Set  of  Men;  that  by  their  Attrocity  have  made 
themselves  obnoxious,  and  by  their  Crimes,  forfeited  their  lives  to  the 
Government:  tho'  by  the  frequency  of  Executions,  the  Terrors  of 
Death  are  So  farr  lost;  as  not  to  Answer  the  Ends  proposed  by  their 
punishmentl  Yet,  they  are  not  altogether  unworthy  of  our  thoughts! 
and  if  a  Punishment  more  Dreadful  then  Death;  Could  be  thought  of! 
whereby  the  Publick  may  be  Satisfied;  and  a  total  loss  of  those  Aban- 
don'd  Wretches  prevented!  by  Such  a  Mask  of  Infamy,  as  no  Art 
Should  Efface:  and  instead  of  hanging  they  Should  be  Sentensed  for 
life  to  guard  the  Frontiers  In  America:  and  thereby  made  useful  to 
the  Publick;  in  the  Ease  and  Security  of  the  husband  Men,  Mart  Men: 
and  others  exposed  by  Various  Employments!— 

For  it  is  a  Melancholly  reflection!  that  Some  Such  Method  as  this, 


has  not  been  thought  of;  for  the  Salvation  of  many  lives,  that  have 
been  lost;  and  others  that  will  be  lost:  if  Somewhat  like  this  is  not 
done  to  prevent  them  I— 

And  now,  1  am  to  guard  my  Self;  against  the  Suspicion  of  Some 
Seeming  improbability's;  that  attend  the  Propositions  here  advanced. 

And  altho'  from  my  Soul  I  declare,  that  I  have  the  General  Se- 
curity, and  prosperity  of  the  British  Empire  in  View;  Inseperably 
Connected  with  the  Welfare  of  the  American  Colonies. 

Yet  I  am  aware,  that  my  Sentiments  are  So  Plain,  and  Natural;  it 
will  be  difficult  to  reconcil  them  to  the  Conduct  of  their  Rulers,  that 
have  been  ever  esteem'd:  for  their  Sagacity. 

That  Such  a  People,  for  more  then  a  Century;  Should  neglect  Ap- 
plication, for  a  reasonable  Encouragement,  on  Such  Valuable,  and 
Such  necessary  Staples;  as  iron,  deals,  hemp,  and  pot  ash:  Articles,  as 
Natural  to  their  Country,  as  they  are  Conducive  to  their  Wealth:  is 
hardly  to  be  Credited! 

Wherefore,  to  remove  the  Incredibility,  of  this  Strange  neglect:  be 
it  remembred,  as  Strange  as  it  may  Seem;  it  is  true!  Sagacious  as  the 
Americans  may  be  thought;  or  as  they  may  think  themselves!  a  Fatality 
has  hitherto  attended  all  Efforts  that  have  been  made  for  these  Salutary 
purposes!  and  a  Wretched  Insensibility;  especially  in  the  Massachusets 
Province;  has  prevented  their  People  in  Power  from  being  Rich:  or  in 
better  words;  their  Imaginary  Rich  in  Waste  lands:  from  being  really 
So  in  the  Improvement  of  them!  but  they  are  obstinate;  and  to  this 
Day  (having  purchased  their  lands  for  little  or  nothing)  hold  them  at 
Such  hard  terms  of  Settlement:  (for  fear  as  Some  have  Said  Strangers 
Should  eat  the  bread  of  their  Children)  that  the  Industrious  Man  that 
would,  dare  not  ingage  to  Settle  them!. 

Which  has  been,  a  great  obstruction  to  the  Peopling  New  England; 
and  without  the  Interposition  of  the  Brittish  Parlament:  is  not  likely 
to  be  removed.— 

Tho'  of  the  greatest  importance;  that  Such  Sensless  Proprieters 
Should  be  taxed  for  their  Waste  lands;  and  the  Tax  applied  as  a 
bounty,  to  Such  as  should  Cultivate  6-  Settle  them— 

A  Remedy  this;  not  to  be  expected  in  that  Goverment  (tho'  the 
dictates  of  Common  Sense)  whilest  a  Majority  of  the  Council,  &•  house 
of  Representatives;  are  the  Men,  that  will  be  most  affected  by  the  Tax. 

Wherefore  it  is  from  the  Parliment,  the  Guardians  of  the  British 
Empire;  who  to  their  Greatest  Honor,  never  touch  Private  property; 
but  when  it  is  absolutely  necessary  for  the  Publick  Utility,  a  remedy  is 
humbly  hoped,  against  these  Monopolisers  of  Lands,  that  have  ex- 


posed  that  Country  to  the  Necessity  of  Supplicating  the  Assistance  of 
the  Crown  against  The  Present  Incroachments  of  their  Avow'd  Enemy 
the  French. 

The  Want  of  a  Civil  Government  in  nova  scotia,  has  been  before 
hinted,  as  the  Grand  Bar;  to  the  Increase  of  the  Settlement;  and  too 
many  people  in  Office,  too  many  Lawyers,  and  too  many  Law  Suits! 
will  ever  Cramp  an  Infant  Plantation— and  if  not  remedied,  must 
break  up  Halifax;  or  Continue  it  a  Burthen  to  the  nation. 

And,  of  Some  other  of  the  American  Settlements,  it  may  be  truely 
Said;  there  are  too  many  Law  Suits! 

Tho',  the  Wish,  and  prayer  of  every  friend  to  the  British  empire. 

That  the  Number  of  Lawyers  may  be  limitted,  in  all  the  Planta- 
tions; as  they  were  in  England;  in  the  Reign  of  Edward  the  3d. 

The  Sallerys  of  Judges,  as  well  as  the  Judges;  equal  to  their  Dignity 
and  Importance! 

And  a  time  fixed  for  the  Definitive  Judgment  of  all  Causes.— 

These  Salutary  Establishments,  would,  not  only  Banish  useless  Mem- 
bers from  the  Colonies;  or  make  them  become  Servisable;  but,  they 
would  Introduce  honest,  Industreous  Inhabitants:  the  best  Security, 
and  truest  Riches  any  Country  Can  enjoy. 

And  who  Can  desire  a  greater  Satisfaction,  then  being  the  Author 
of  those  Extensive  Benefits  to  a  nation.  Above  all  others:  that  may  be 
truly  Said:  to  be  Satisfied  with  their  Own  Dominions:  and  to  this 
Satisfaction  Can  add;  the  glory  of  being  the  defenders;  of  the  lib- 
ertys  of  Europe! 

And  yet,  as  there  are  different  degrees  of  pleasure,  they  must  be 
proportionate,  to  the  benefits  Confer'd;  Therefore,  the  Man  that  is 
the  best  Benefactor,  must  enjoy  the  greatest  felicity:  And  a  greater; 
the  most  Ambitious,  would  not  Aspire  After!  then  being  the  promoters 
of  Such  an  addition  to  the  Trade,  and  Navigation  of  Great  Britain; 
As  the  Invaluable  Articles  of  iron,  hemp,  deals  &  pot  ash  will  be:  when 
they  become  the  Staples  of  north  America.  For  it  is  to  that  Quarter  of 
the  World,  that  Great  Britain  is  obliged  for  the  Figure  they  now  make 
in  the  Commercial  World,  and  for  the  Vast  Increase  of  the  royal 

And  this  being  the  real  State  of  these  Interesting  Staples  &c  to  Great 
Britain;  and  the  Salutary  methods  that  leads  to  make  them  Such  in 
America:  if  I  may  be  indulged  with  a  repetition  of  the  Necessity  of  the 
Expulsion  of  that  clause  in  the  whale  fishery  act.  that  Obliges  all 
ships  built  and  fitted  out  in  America  to  make  their  Oil  in  Some  part 
of  Great  Britain.  I  hope  it  will  be  granted  there  Can  never  be  a  better 


time  for  it  then  the  present  and  that  a  more  prudential  Encourage- 
ment Cannot  be  given  to  the  Americans  at  this  Crisis,  then  the  entire 

DEMOLITION    OF    THE    DUTY    ON    FORREIGN     MOLASES    Imported    into    the 

northern  colonies,  which  would  Inspire  that  loyal  brave  people 
with  more  Courage  and  Resolution  to  repel  and  Extirpate  the  French 
out  of  America  and  prove  of  more  Service  then  Ten  Battalions  of  Brit- 
ish troops— who  may  be  of  more  Service  at  home,  and  these  Necessary 
measures  pursued  abroad,  together  with  Money  and  ships  which  would 
Answer  every  good  purpose  in  the  Security  and  Greatest  Utility  to  the 
English  American  Settlements,  and  the  glory  and  prosperity  of  the 


[Endorsed]  Mr  Barrell's  Account  of  the  Situation,  Produce,  &c  of  the  Northern 
Colonies.  London,  March  the  6th  IJ55. 

General  Edward  Braddock  1  to  Robert  Napier 


Williamsburg  March  17.  1755. 


By  the  Gibraltar  which  sail'd  about  a  Fortnight  ago  I  wrote  to  you 
to  acquaint  you  with  all  I  then  knew;  Every  thing  as  I  then  told  you 
was  in  the  utmost  confusion;  We  have  with  a  good  deal  of  difficulty 
put  our  Affairs  in  some  sort  of  Method.  The  Transports  are  all  arriv'd, 
except  one,  which  is  expected  every  hour.  Without  Mr.  Keppel  I 
should  have  been  in  great  distress,  the  Embarkation  having  been  made 
in  great  confusion,  Arms,  Men,  Stores,  Officers  of  different  Regiments 
in  one  Ship,  and  as  Sir  John  St.  Clair  foretold  a  thousand  Difficulties 
rais'd  in  case  I  had  gone  up  to  Annapolis,  as  I  had  propos'd  before 
the  Transports  came  in,  but  with  the  Commodore's  assistance,  who 
by  the  by  I  think  is  an  Officer  of  infinite  Merit,  we  have  pack'd  them 
all  up  to  Alexandria  with  very  little  grumbling,  whither  I  propose  to 
follow  them  the  day  after  to  morrow,  and  in  all  probability  be  there 
a  day  or  two  before  them.  There  is  not  one  sick  Man  among  them, 
which  is  pretty  extraordinary  considering  the  length  of  the  passage,  in 
which  one  Man  was  wash'd  overboard.  As  to  the  provisions  they  made 
a  Rout  about  there  were  never  known  better  deliver'd.  I  at  first  in- 

1  Edward  Braddock  (1695-1755)  was  for  forty-three  years  in  the  Coldstream  Guards, 
hecoming  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  regiment  in  1745.  Colonel  of  the  14th  regiment 
at  Gibraltar  in  1753,  he  became  major  general  in  1754  and  commander  in  chief  in 
North  America. 


tended  to  have  canton'd  the  Troops  according  to  the  Account  sent  you 
by  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  but  as  the  Winter  seems  to  be  now  so  far  broke 
up  as  to  admit  of  their  encamping  without  any  ill  consequence,  I  have 
order'd  those  that  first  arriv'd,  as  I  have  the  others  since,  to  proceed 
up  the  River  Potomack  to  Alexandria,  there  to  disembark  and  en- 
camp immediately,  by  which  means  they  will  have  time  to  discipline 
their  additional  which  otherwise  would  be  spent  in  marching  back- 
wards and  forwards.  The  Levies  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  are  like- 
wise to  join  me  at  Alexandria:  After  I  have  augmented  the  two  Eng- 
lish Regiments  to  700  Men  each  with  the  best  of  'em,  I  purpose  to 
form  the  others  to  the  following  Establishm1  which  has  been  agreed  to 
by  Govr  Dinwiddie;  viz1  Two  Companies  of  Carpenters,  consisting 
each  of  a  Captain,  two  Subalterns,  three  Serjeants,  three  Corporals,  and 
fifty  Men;  Four  Companies  of  Foot  Rangers  or  six,  if  I  can  get  them, 
upon  the  same  Establishment;  One  Troop  of  Horse  Rangers,  consist- 
ing of  one  Captain,  two  Subalterns,  two  Serjeants  and  thirty  Men: 
These  Companies  are  to  receive  from  the  Province  the  same  nominal 
pay  in  the  Currency  of  the  Country  with  the  Establishment  of  his 
Majesty's  Forces,  the  Difference  of  Exchange  between  which  and 
Sterling  is  about  25  p  Cent.  I  have  also  settled  a  Company  of  Guides, 
one  Captain  two  Aids  and  ten  Men.  I  have  fix'd  posts  from  the  Head 
Quarters  to  Philadelphia,  Annapolis  and  Williamsburg,  to  facilitate 
the  Correspondence  necessary  for  me  with  those  several  Governments. 
There  are  here  Numbers  of  Mulattoes  and  free  Negroes  of  whom  I 
shall  make  Bat  Men,  whom  the  province  are  to  furnish  with  pay  and 
Frocks,  being  resolv'd  to  allow  none  out  of  the  Troops. 

I  hear  Governor  Shirley's  Regiment  is  near  if  not  quite  compleat; 
I  have  heard  nothing  of  nor  from  Sir  William  Pepperell:  Mr.  Keppel 
has  sent  the  Arms  Cloathing,  Officers  and  whatever  else  belongs  to 
those  two  Regiments  to  the  Northward  in  two  transports  under  the 
Convoy  of  a  Man  of  War. 

As  soon  as  I  can  assemble  the  Troops  provide  Forage  provisions  and 
other  Necessaries  for  their  March  I  shall  proceed  to  attempt  the  Re- 
duction of  the  French  Forts  upon  the  Ohio:  It  is  doubtful  whether 
there  will  be  grass  on  the  other  side  the  Alliganey  Mountains  before 
the  latter  End  of  April,  which  is  indeed  as  soon  as  it  will  probably  be 
in  my  power  to  get  there. 

It  is  not  in  my  power  as  yet  to  give  you  a  certain  Account  of  the 
Number  and  Strength  of  the  Forces  I  shall  have  with  me:  If  I  am  able 
to  compleat  the  two  English  Regiments  to  1400,  and  the  provincial 


Levies  to  the  Establishment  above  mention'd,  I  dont  find  they  can 
amount  in  the  whole  with  the  Independent  Companies  of  New  York 
and  Carolina  (which  two  first  arc  good  for  nothing)  to  above  2300  or 
thereabouts.  I  had  propos'd  to  send  for  a  Detachment  from  the  Ameri- 
can Regiments,  but  as  I  have  thought  it  necessary  to  have  an  Interview 
with  Govr  Shirley,  and  have  accordingly  sent  him  Orders  to  meet  me 
at  Annapolis  in  Maryland  I  have  defcrr'd  giving  Orders  on  that  head 
till  after  I  have  seen  him.  At  this  Interview  which  I  expect  in  about 
a  Fortnight  (and  at  which  I  have  desir'd  the  Governors  of  New  York 
and  Pensilvania  to  be  present  if  the  Affairs  of  their  Governments  will 
admit  of  it),  1  propose  to  settle  the  Operations  to  the  Northward:  By 
the  first  opportunity  after  it  I  shall  acquaint  you  with  what  has  been 

It  is  likewise  impossible  for  me  to  give  you  any  certain  Account  of 
the  French  Force  upon  the  River  Ohio;  If  anything  can  be  collected 
from  the  various  Accots  of  'em  it  is  that  their  Numbers  exceed  3000,  a 
considerable  part  of  which  are  Indians.  It  is  universally  agreed  that  all 
the  Tribes  of  the  Iroquois  except  the  Mohawks  are  gone  over  to  their 
Interest;  but  as  the  present  Attachment  of  these  Nations,  and  such 
others  of  the  Southern  Indians  as  are  in  alliance  with  them,  is  at- 
tributed to  the  late  Superiority  of  the  French,  it  may  be  hop'd  that 
the  Appearance  of  our  Army,  or  at  least  any  Advantage  gain'd,  may 
make  a  great  Alteration  in  their  Dispositions. 

Sir  John  St.  Clair  having  inform'd  me  that  we  shall  be  oblig'd  to 
break  ground  before  the  Fort  upon  the  Ohio,  and  there  having  been 
only  four  twelve  pounders  sent  out  with  the  Train,  I  have  applied  to 
Commodore  Keppel  for  four  more  from  the  Ships  with  a  proper 
Quantity  of  Ammunition,  and  for  many  other  Things  that  were  neces- 
sary, all  which  he  has  supplied  [with]  the  greatest  expedition;  and  has 
upon  every  occasion  shewn  the  utmost  Readiness  in  concurring  with  me 
in  all  measures  for  promoting  the  Success  of  the  present  Service:  He  has 
likewise  order'd  thirty  Sailors  with  proper  Officers  to  attend  the  Army, 
who  will  be  of  the  greatest  use  in  assisting  the  Conveyance  of  the 
Artillery  over  the  Mountains.  I  have  settled  the  pay  of  these  Men  with 
Mr.  Keppel  at  3/6  p  day  for  the  Midshipmen,  and  /6  for  the  com- 
mon Sailors,  which  I  shall  be  oblig'd  to  charge  to  the  Contingencies. 

I  am,  Sir,  Your  most  Humble  and  most  Obedient  Servant, 

E.  Braddock. 


Major-General  Edward  Braddock  to  Newcastle  x 


Williamsburgh  March  20th  1755. 
My  Lord, 

In  Obedience  to  your  Grace's  Commands  I  take  the  earliest  oppor- 
tunity that  has  been  in  my  power  to  acquaint  You  with  my  arrival 
here,  as  well  as  that  of  all  the  Transports  with  the  Forces  under  my 
Command.  My  own  Voyage  was  troublesome,  but  the  Transports  met 
with  better  Weather,  and  I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  your  Grace 
there  has  not  been  one  Man  sick  on  board  them  all. 

What  Effect  His  Majesty's  Directions  to  His  several  Governors 
upon  occasion  of  the  present  Expedition  may  have  in  the  Colonies 
under  their  Command,  I  know  not;  I  cannot  say  as  yet  they  have 
shewn  the  Regard  to  'em  that  might  have  been  expected.  I  have  used, 
&  shall  continue  to  use  my  Endeavours  to  excite  in  'em  a  better  Spirit, 
and  to  prevail  upon  'em  to  bear  such  a  Share  of  the  Expence,  which 
will  attend  the  present  Undertaking,  as  their  Duty  to  His  Majesty,  and 
the  Interest  they  have  in  the  Event  of  it  requires  from  'em.— For  this 
purpose,  among  others,  I  have  sent  Orders  to  Mr  Shirley  to  meet  me 
at  Annapolis  in  Maryland,  and  have  desired  the  Governors  of  New 
York  &  Pensilvania  to  accompany  him  thither,  if  the  Affairs  of  their 
Governments  will  admit  of  it. 

I  shall  not  trouble  Your  Grace  with  the  Detail  of  Business  under 
my  Direction  in  the  Service  I  am  engaged  in:  As  1  have  wrote  fully 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  by  this  Opportunity,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  You 
to  my  Letter  to  him  for  any  Particulars  you  may  have  an  Inclination  to 
be  informed  of. 

As  I  hear  Mr  Shirley's  Regim1  is  nearly  or  quite  compleat,  and  am 
in  hopes  Sir  William  Pepperell  may  have  made  some  progress  in 
raising  his,  I  shall,  immediately  after  I  have  seen  Gov  Shirley,  give 
Orders  for  employing  those  Forces  in  such  manner  to  the  Northward, 
as  may  appear  most  conducive  to  the  Service  intended.  I  shall  my- 
self proceed  with  the  Force  I  shall  have  with  me  to  attempt  the  Re- 
duction of  the  French  Forts  upon  the  Ohio,  and  hope  to  be  on  the 
further  side  of  the  Alliganey  Mountains  by  the  End  of  April. 

I  have  receiv'd  all  possible  Assistance  from  Commodore  Keppel, 

1  This  letter,  translated  into  French  and  retranslated,  is  in  Jacob  Nicholas  Moreau, 
A  Memorial  containing  a  summary  View  of  Facts,  with  their  Authorities  in  answer 
to  the  Observations  sent  by  the  English  Ministry  to  the  Courts  of  Europe  (1757'),  132. 
The  general  sense  of  the  original  was  not  altered  by  the  double  translation. 


who  is  an  Officer  of  great  Capacity  and  Merit.  I  must  likewise  acquaint 
Your  Grace,  that  I  have  met  with  the  readiest  Concurrence  from  the 
Governor  of  this  Province  in  every  measure  I  have  proposed  for  the 
Service  of  the  Expedition,  &  that  the  people  under  his  Command  seem 
now  dispos'd  to  contribute  largely  &  chearfully  to  the  support  of  it, 
which  is  more  than  I  can  say  of  the  other  Governments. 

As  small  coined  Silver  will  be  greatly  wanted  for  the  payment  of  the 
Troops,  and  as  no  considerable  Quantity  of  it  can  be  got  in  this 
Province;  I  must  beg  of  your  Grace  to  direct  the  Contractors,  Mr 
Hanbury  &  Mr  Thomlinson,  to  send  over  as  soon  as  possible,  if  they 
have  not  already  done  it,  four  or  five  Thousand  pounds,  in  Piastrines 
&  Half  Piastrines:  which  is  the  more  necessary,  as  all  the  Money 
already  brought  over  by  the  Regimental  Paymasters  is  in  Spanish 
Gold  and  Dollars. 

I  am  &ca 

E:  Braddock. 
I  have  heard  nothing  yet  of  the  Deputy  Paymaster  Gen1.2 

[Endorsed]  Williamsburgh— March  20th  175$.  Majr  Gen1  Braddock  To  the  D: 
of  Newcastle.  R/  May  29. 

General  Edward  Braddock  to  Robert  Napier 


1  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you  from  Williamsburg  last  March 
by  a  Vessel  which  was  to  sail  in  about  a  Weeks  time,  and  have  since 
sent  the  Duplicate  by  another.  Mr.  Shirley  with  the  other  Northern 
Governors  met  me  at  this  place  last  Week,  we  then  settled  a  plan  for 
the  Operations  in  these  parts:  Govr  Shirley  lay'd  before  me  the  Meas- 
ures concerted  between  him  and  Govr  Lawrence  for  repelling  the 
French  from  their  new  Encroachments  on  the  Bay  of  Fundi,  which  I 
approv'd  of,  and  immediately  sent  orders  to  Lt.  Colonel  Monckton 
to  take  upon  him  that  Command  and  carry  it  into  execution.  I  also 
settled  with  the  Governors  present  a  plan  for  the  Reduction  of  Crown 
Point,  which  is  to  be  undertaken  by  provincial  Troops  alone,  rais'd  in 
the  Northern  Colonies  to  the  Number  of  about  four  thousand  four 
hundred  to  be  commanded  by  Col.  Johnson  a  person  particularly 
qualify'd  for  it  by  his  Knowledge  of  those  parts,  his  great  Influence 

2  William  Johnston. 


over  the  Six  Nations  and  the  universal  opinion  they  have  of  him  in  the 
Northern  Colonies:  I  am  to  supply  him  with  an  Engineer.  I  propos'd 
of  Colonel  Shirley  to  go  in  person  to  attack  the  Fort  at  Niagara;  He 
express'd  the  greatest  Readiness  to  engage  in  it;  I  therefore  order'd 
him  to  take  his  own  Regiment  which  is  compleat,  and  Sir  William  Pep- 
perell's  which  will  probably  be  so  too  by  the  time  he  wants  them, 
and  to  proceed  upon  it  as  soon  as  possible  with  my  Orders  to  reinforce 
the  Garrison  at  Oswego  with  two  Companies  of  Sir  William  Pepperell's 
and  the  Effectives  of  the  two  Independent  Companies  at  New  York, 
and  to  put  the  Works  in  such  Repair  as  to  preserve  the  Garrison  and 
secure  his  Retreat  and  Convoys.  Col.  Shirley  apply'd  to  me  to  put  the 
two  American  Regiments  upon  the  same  footing  as  to  their  provisions 
with  those  to  the  Northward  and  Southward  telling  me  that  from  the 
general  Discontent  of  the  Men  he  was  apprehensive  of  a  Mutiny,  they 
being  put  under  Stoppages  for  their  provisions,  when  the  others  re- 
ceive them  as  a  Gratuity.  I  therefore  directed  him  to  give  them  the 
same  Allowance  as  the  other  Regiments,  as  the  Service  requir'd  their 
immediate  Aid,  and  might  suffer  by  this  Discouragement,  and  indeed 
I  must  say  that  a  Soldier  here  should  have  every  Advantage  as  their 
Fatigue  is  very  great  and  their  pay  not  near  sufficient  in  this  dear  and 
desolate  Country.  I  shall  set  out  to  morrow  for  Frederick  in  my  way  to 
Fort  Cumberland  at  Wills's  Creek,  where  I  shall  join  the  two  Columns 
which  are  now  upon  their  March  at  about  fifty  Miles  distance:  This 
Disposition  I  was  oblig'd  to  make  for  the  Conveniency  of  Horses  and 
Waggons,  by  which  means  I  employ  those  of  Maryland  which  would 
not  be  prevail'd  upon  to  cross  the  Potomack.  I  have  met  with  infinite 
Difficulties  in  providing  Carriages  &c  for  the  Train  nor  am  I  as  yet 
quite  reliev'd  from  one,  a  great  part  still  continuing  here  which  has 
delay'd  me  for  some  time;  I  shall  get  them  dispatch'd  tomorrow  or 
next  day.  I  am  impatient  to  begin  my  March  over  the  Mountains, 
which  in  my  last  I  told  you  were  fifteen  Miles  over,  tho'  I  now  know 
them  to  be  between  sixty  and  seventy,  about  half  way  are  those 
Meadows  which  are  not  very  large,  where  the  French  attack'd  our 
people  that  were  under  Washington.  I  am  to  expect  Numberless  In- 
conveniences and  Obstructions  from  the  total  want  of  dry  Forage  from 
the  being  oblig'd  to  carry  all  our  provisions  with  us  which  will  make 
a  vast  Line  of  Baggage  and  which  tho'  I  reduce  as  much  as  possible 
will  nevertheless  occasion  great  Trouble  and  retard  me  considerably. 
I  have  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  appoint  eight  Ensigns  to  the 
two  Regiments  to  act  without  pay  'till  Vacancies  shall  happen;  The 
Nature  of  the  Country  made  this  Step  unavoidable  as  I  am  oblig'd  to 


make  a  Number  of  small  Detachments  with  every  one  of  which  the 
Service  requires  an  Officer,  and  without  this  Expedient  the  Regiments 
must  have  sometimes  been  left  without  a  sufficient  Number  ol  Subal- 
terns. As  I  have  and  shall  find  it  often  necessary  to  oblige  the  Men  to 
take  with  them  seven  or  eight  clays  provisions,  it  being  frequently  im- 
possible to  supply  them  by  the  great  distance  from  one  Magazine  to 
another,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  carry  any  Additional  Weight  1 
have  lighten'd  them  as  much  as  possible,  and  have  left  in  store  their 
Swords  and  the  greatest  part  of  their  heavy  Accoutrements.  I  have  also 
made  a  Regulation  which  I  think  will  be  of  great  Advantage  in  posting 
every  Officer  in  time  of  Service  to  his  own  Company  and  ordering  the 
oldest  Battalion  Company  to  act  as  Second  Grenadier  Company  upon 
the  left,  by  which  means  the  eight  Companies  form  so  many  Firings  or 
sixteen  platoons  as  I  shall  find  necessary  commanded  by  their  respective 
Officers:  I  was  indue'd  to  make  this  Regulation  on  account  of  the 
additional  Recruits  that  the  Officers  and  Men  might  know  one  an- 
other, which  by  Companies  they  might  easily  do,  but  by  Battalion 
scarcely  possible;  and  in  case  of  Alarm  the  Men  and  Officers  will  know 
their  respective  posts  sooner  than  by  the  usual  Method.  I  have  receiv'd 
His  Majesty's  orders  for  the  Augmentation  and  immediately  sent  an 
Express  to  Gov1*  Lawrence  who  is  about  seven  hundred  Miles  off  to 
acquaint  him  of  it,  and  from  the  spirit  and  Military  Turn  of  the  North- 
ern Colonies  I  don't  doubt  of  his  raising  his  Numbers,  but  I  fear  it 
will  be  long  before  I  can  compleat  these  two  Regiments  as  I  meet  with 
but  few  Recruits  and  those  very  indifferent.  I  have  not  even  yet  quite 
compleated  them  to  seven  hundred:  I  have  great  promises,  what  the 
performances  will  be  a  little  time  will  shew.  The  officers  and  Men  of 
these  two  Regiments  behave  well  and  shew  great  Spirit  and  Zeal  for 
the  Service,  which  will  be  a  good  Example  to  the  rest.  I  shall  go  against 
the  Forts  upon  the  Ohio  with  a  smaller  Number  of  Men  than  I  at  first 
intended  because  I  would  not  weaken  the  Force  destin'd  for  the  At- 
tack of  Niagara,  but  I  can't  help  flattering  myself  with  Success  as  the 
plan  which  I  have  inclos'd  to  Mr.  Fox,  and  which  I  presume  you  will 
see,  takes  in  all  the  considerable  Encroachments  the  French  have  made 
upon  His  Majesty's  Dominions  in  America,  in  the  most  important 
parts  in  the  attacking  of  which  if  we  succeed  it  appears  to  me  very 
evident  that  the  Colonies  will  be  effectually  secur'd  from  all  future 
Encroachments  if  they  chuse  it.  I  have  been  greatly  disappointed  by 
the  neglect  and  supineness  of  the  Assemblies  of  those  provinces,  with 
which  I  am  conccrn'd;  they  promis'd  great  Matters  and  have  done 
nothing  whereby  instead  of  forwarding  they  have  obstructed  the  Sen- 


ice.  When  I  get  to  Wills's  Creek  I  will  send  you  an  exact  account  of 
my  Numbers  and  exact  Returns  of  the  whole,  it  being  impossible  to 
do  it  regularly  now  we  are  so  divided:  Also  whatever  other  Information 
or  Intelligence  I  shall  get  there,  it  being  impracticable  to  get  any 
here,  the  people  of  this  part  of  the  Country  laying  it  down  for  a 
Maxim,  never  to  speak  Truth  upon  any  account.  I  beg  my  humblest 
Duty  to  His  Royal  Highness  and  believe  me  to  be  with  the  greatest 
sincerity,  Your  most  Humble  and  most  Obedient  Servant, 

E.  Braddock. 
Alexandria  April  19.  1755. 

PS.  I  have  appointed  Captain  Morris  of  Dunbar's  my  other  Aid  de 
Camp,  and  have  given  the  Major  of  Brigade's  Commission  to  Captain 
Halket,  at  Sir  John  St.  Clair's  Recommendation. 

General  Edward  Braddock  to  Robert  Napier 




I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you  from  Frederick  the  latter  End 
of  April,  when  I  gave  you  an  Account  of  all  I  then  knew.  On  the  10th 
of  May  I  arriv'd  here;  the  Train  who  have  been  very  near  a  Month 
on  their  March,  arriv'd  the  17th;  and  the  whole  of  the  Forces  are 
now  assembled,  making  about  two  thousand  Effectives,  the  greatest 
part  Virginians,  very  indifferent  Men,  this  Country  affording  no  bet- 
ter; it  has  cost  infinite  pains  and  labour  to  bring  them  to  any  sort  of 
Regularity  and  Discipline:  Their  Officers  very  little  better,  and  all 
complaining  of  the  ill  Usage  of  the  Country,  who  employ 'd  them  last 
Year  without  pay  or  provisions.  I  am  told  they  have  made  a  pretty 
good  hand  of  this  year's  recruiting  Affair,  tho'  I  can  get  no  proof  of 
it.  This  part  of  the  Country  is  absolutely  unknown  to  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  lower  parts  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  their  Account  of  the 
Roads  and  provisions  utterly  false.  From  Winchester  to  this  place 
which  is  Seventy  Miles  is  almost  uninhabited,  but  by  a  parcel  of 
Banditti  who  call  themselves  Indian  Traders,  and  no  Road  passable 
but  what  we  were  oblig'd  to  make  ourselves  with  infinite  Labour.  It 
would  take  up  too  much  of  your  Time  were  I  to  tell  you  particularly 
the  Difficulties  and  Disappointments  I  have  met  with  from  the  want 
of  Honesty  and  Inclination  to  forward  the  Service  in  all  Orders  of 


people  in  these  Colonies,  which  have  occasional  the  great  Delays  in 
getting  hither,  as  well  as  my  being  detain'd  here  a  Month  longer  than 
I  intended.  I  was  assur'd  at  Williamsburg  that  two  hundred  Waggons 
and  two  thousand  five  hundred  Horses  would  be  here  by  the  10th  of 
May,  as  also  great  Quantities  of  Forage  at  proper  distances  upon  the 
Road,  where  the  Artillery  and  Waggons  were  to  pass,  and  that  proper 
persons  and  such  as  could  be  depended  upon  were  employ'd  for  that 
purpose;  but  I  soon  found  that  there  was  hardly  any  Forage  in  the 
Country  and  that  the  promises  of  the  people  of  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land were  not  to  be  depended  upon:  If  we  press'd  Waggons,  as  we 
were  oblig'd  to  let  the  Horses  go  into  the  Woods  to  feed,  they  went 
off  directly,  the  pack  Horses  the  same,  for  which  reason  I  determin'd 
before  I  left  Frederick  to  desire  Mr.  Franklin  of  Pensilvania  (a  province 
whose  people  tho'  they  will  contribute  very  little  to  the  Expedition 
are  exact  in  their  Dealings,  and  much  more  industrious  than  the 
others)  to  contract  in  my  name  for  an  hundred  and  fifty  Waggons  and 
a  Number  of  pack  Horses  to  be  sent  to  this  place  with  all  expedition. 
It  was  well  I  took  this  precaution,  for  the  Number  of  Horses  and 
Waggons  procur'd  in  these  Colonies  do  not  amount  to  the  tenth  part 
of  what  I  was  promis'd:  Mr.  Franklin  undertook  and  perform'd  his 
Engagements  with  the  greatest  readiness  and  punctuality.  By  this 
means  I  hope  to  leave  this  place  to  morrow  with  a  less  Quantity  of 
provisions  than  I  propos'd  from  the  Disappointment  of  the  Waggons 
and  Weakness  of  the  Horses.  To  remedy  as  much  as  possible  this 
Inconvenience  I  have  sent  forward  a  strong  Detachment  with  a  large 
Convoy  of  provisions  to  be  lodg'd  upon  the  most  advantagious  spot  of 
the  Alliganey  Mountains  with  directions  for  the  Waggons  to  return 
with  a  proper  Escort.  My  being  oblig'd  to  draw  my  Supplies  from  dis- 
tant provinces  lays  me  under  a  Necessity  of  employing  a  Number  of 
Assistant  Commissaries,  none  of  which  will  serve  without  exorbitant 
pay  and  am  fore'd  to  make  more  Contracts  than  I  otherwise  should, 
to  guard  against  the  failure  of  some  of  them,  in  which  Contracts  the 
people  take  what  Advantage  they  can  of  our  Necessity.  Nothing  can 
well  be  worse  [?]  than  the  Road  I  have  already  pass'd  and  I  have  an  hun- 
dred and  ten  Miles  to  march  thro*  an  uninhabited  Wilderness  over 
steep  rocky  Mountains  and  almost  impassable  Morasses.  From  this 
Description,  which  is  not  exaggerated  you  conceive  the  difficulty  of 
getting  good  Intelligence,  all  I  have  is  from  Indians,  whose  veracity  is 
no  more  to  be  depended  upon  [than]  that  of  the  Borderers  here;  their 
Accounts  are  that  the  Number  of  French  at  the  Fort  at  present  is  but 

(continued  on  page  92) 

A.  Retur> 

I    OF 




Officers  Present 



Corps,  Sc  Companies 



















The  44th  Regiment  of 

The  48th  Regiment  of 

Cap1  John  Rutherford's 
Independ1  Compy 
N:  York 
















Cap1    Horatio   Gates's 
Independ1  Compy 
N:  York 

The  Detachment  from 

South  Carolina 

Commanded  by  Cap1 
Paul    Demere    













Absent  Officers 

Cap1  William  Eyres,  Of  the  44' 
Col:  Johnson,  as  Engineer. 

Reg1  of  Foot,  gone  to  New  York,  to  assist 

Encamped  at  Will's  Creek— June  the  8th  1755. 


a  to 


Rank,  &  File 

compleat  to 
the  Establishm1 

Since  last  Return 















Rank,  &  File 












































A  Return  Of  the  Detachment  of  Sea-men 
Commanded  by  Lieu1  Spendelowe. 


























[.S/gnerf]  E  Braddock 

A  Return 

of  The  Virginia  Mary-Land, 

&  North  Carolina 

Officers  Present 








Troop,  Or  Companies. 



























Cap1  Rob1  Stewarts  Troop  of  Light 





Capt  George  Mercer  j 

Capt  Will*  Poison     J  Amncers 

Captain  Adam  Stevens 



Captain  Peter  Hogg 

Captain  Thos  Waggoner 

Captain  Thos  Cocke 

-  Rangers 

Cap1  Wm  Perronee 

Cap1  John  Dagworthy 


Cap1  Ed:  Brice  Dobbs 

North  Carolina 









Troops,  Encamp'd  at  Will's  Creek— June  the  8th   1755: 



Rank,  &  File 

to  compleat 

to  the 

Since  last  Return 










































I  1 


I I 
















[Signed]  E  Braddock 


A  Return  Of  The  Detachment  of 

the  Royal 


r  OF 

Military  Branch 










Cap1  Rob1  Hind 

































Fit  for  Duty 












Sick  in  Hospitals 


















Artillery,  Encamped  att  Will's  Creek:  June  8th  1755. 

Civil  Branch 

Abstract  Of  the  Artillery 


















No  of 






Inch  Howitzers 
Cohorn  Mortars 


Powder  Carts  .  . 
Tumbrils     for 
Intrench^  Tools 
Spare  Carriages 

for  Guns 


Money  Tumbril 




...    8 









...    - 








...    1 

...    1 




[Signed]  E  Braddock 



small,  but  pretend  to  expect  a  great  Reinforcement;  this  I  do  not  en- 
tirely credit,  as  I  am  very  well  persuaded  they  will  want  their  Forces 
to  the  Northward.  As  soon  as  I  have  join'd  the  Detachment,  who  have 
been  seven  days  making  a  Road  of  twenty  four  Miles,  I  shall  send 
people  for  Intelligence,  who  I  have  reason  to  beleive  I  can  confide 
in.  I  have  order'd  a  Road  of  Communication  to  be  cut  from  Phila- 
delphia to  the  Crossing  of  the  Yanghyanghain,  which  is  the  Road  we 
ought  to  have  taken,  being  nearer,  and  thro'  an  inhabited  and  well 
cultivated  Country,  and  a  Road  as  good  as  from  Harwich  to  London, 
to  some  Miles  beyond  where  they  are  now  opening  the  new  Road. 
I  am  inform'd  the  long  expected  Arms  for  the  New  England  Forces 
bound  to  Nova  Scotia  are  arriv'd  and  that  they  are  sail'd.  Boats  and 
Floats  are  preparing  for  the  Troops  destin'd  to  Niagara  and  Crown 
point,  the  province  of  New  York  have  been  dilatory  in  regard  to  that 
Service  of  which  I  presume  you  will  have  a  particular  Account  from 
Governor  Shirley,  who  is  upon  the  Spot  and  which  he  may  convey  to 
you  as  soon  as  to  myself  untill  the  Communication  can  be  open'd. 
Inclos'd  I  send  you  the  Return  of  the  Forces  I  propose  to  proceed 
with,  had  I  more  it  would  be  out  of  my  power  to  subsist  them.  With 
these  I  flatter  myself  to  be  able  to  drive  the  French  from  the  Ohio,  and 
to  open  a  Communication  with  the  rest  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  in  the 
other  provinces.  Captain  Bromley  of  Sir  Peter  Halket's  is  dead,  I  have 
dispos'd  of  the  Commissions  in  the  Regiment  according  to  Seniority. 
Mr.  Hervey  has  the  Ensigney.  I  receiv'd  a  Letter  from  Sir  William  Pep- 
perel  complaining  of  his  ill  State  of  Health  from  his  sufferings  at 
Louisbourg,  and  to  let  me  know  his  Regiment  is  near  compleat;  as  it 
is  some  time  since,  I  presume  they  are  so  by  this  time.  Shirley's  has 
been  so  long  since.  I  have  wrote  to  them  both  to  send  their  Returns 
to  England  by  the  first  opportunity. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  Your  Most  Humble  and  Most  Obedient  Servant 

E.  Br  AD  DOCK. 
Fort  Cumberland  Wills's  Creek 

June  8th  1755. 

I  receiv'd  this  Morning  a  Letter  from  Sr  Wm  Pepperel  who  tells  me 
his  Regim1  is  not  half  compleat,  occasion'd  by  the  great  Numbers  that 
have  enlisted  for  Nova  Scotia  and  Crown  point. 


Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  Robert  Napier 


Camp  of  the  Van  Guard  of  the  Army  at 
the  little  Meadows,  June  13th  1755. 


Since  General  Braddocks  arrival  about  the  20th  of  Febry  I  have  not 
wrote  to  you,  I  delayed  it  from  time  to  time  expecting  to  be  able  to  give 
you  a  full  account  of  our  Situation:  I  certainly  shou'd  have  wrote  to 
you  on  the  arrival  of  all  our  Troops  at  Wills's  Creek,  but  I  was  so 
employed  about  cutting  the  Roads,  that  I  had  not  one  Moment  to 

In  my  last  letter  to  you  I  acquainted  you  that  I  was  to  review  the 
Independent  Companys  and  to  form  the  Provincial  Troops  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland  in  which  Service  I  was  employd  till  the  24th  of 
March,  they  being  scattered  all  about  the  Country.  On  my  coming 
that  day  to  Alexandria  I  found  the  British  Troops  disembarked  and 
beginning  to  land  their  Stores.  The  26th  General  Braddock  and  Gov- 
ernour  Dinwiddie  arrived.  I  left  Alexandria  the  2d  of  April,  in  order 
to  forward  the  Transport  of  our  Artillery  &  Stores  to  Wills's  Creek,  but 
did  not  get  to  the  fort  till  the  16th  being  obliged  to  repair  old  Roads 
and  cut  new  ones,  in  which  I  made  very  great  progress  considering  that 
we  had  Snow  in  the  Mountains  till  the  15th  of  April.  The  Roads  lead- 
ing to  the  Fort  were  not  cleared  till  the  1st  of  May;  the  next  Day  the 
first  Division  of  our  Troops  arrived  and  the  10th  the  last  Division;  the 
first  Division  of  the  Artillery  the  16th  of  May  &  the  last  the  Day 
following:  from  that  Day  till  the  End  of  the  Month,  things  were  pre- 
paring for  the  march  of  the  whole. 

The  Situation  I  am  in  at  present  puts  it  out  of  my  power  to  give  you 
a  full  discription  of  this  Country;  I  shall  content  myself  with  telling 
you  that  from  Winchester  to  this  place  is  one  continued  track  of  Moun- 
tains, and  like  to  continue  so  for  fifty  Miles  further.  Tho  our  Motions 
may  appear  to  you  to  have  been  slow,  yet  I  may  venture  to  assure  you 
that  not  an  Hour  has  been  lost;  considering  that  no  Magistrate  in 
Virginia  or  I  believe  in  Maryland  gave  themselves  the  least  trouble  to 
assist  in  collecting  the  Country  People  to  work  upon  the  Roads,  and  to 
provide  us  with  Carriages:  But  on  the  Contrary  every  body  laid  them- 
selves out  to  put  what  money  they  cou'd  in  their  Pocketts,  without 
forwarding  our  Expedition.  In  this  Situation  we  never  cou'd  have  sub- 
sisted our  little  Army  at  Wills's  Creek,  far  less  carried  on  our  Expedi- 



tion  had  not  General  Braddock  contracted  with  the  People  in  Pensyl- 
vania  for  a  Number  of  Waggons,  which  they  have  fullfilled;  by  their 
Assistance  we  are  in  motion,  but  must  move  slowly  untill  we  get  over 
the  Mountains.  I  cou'd  very  easily  forsee  the  difficultys  we  were  to 
labour  under  from  having  the  Communication  open  only  to  Virginia, 
which  made  me  Anxious  of  having  a  Road  cut  from  Pennsylvania  to 
the  Yaugheaugany;  I  wrote  to  Gov1"  Morris  the  14th  of  Febry  on  this 
Heau,  notwithstanding  of  which,  that  Road  has  not  been  set  about 
till  very  lately.  The  last  Report  that  I  had  of  it,  was,  that  it  wou'd 
be  finished  in  three  Weeks  hence;  the  two  Communications  will  join 
about  forty  Miles  from  hence,  but  it  is  not  fixed  on  which  side  of 
the  Yaugheogany. 

The  little  knowledge  that  our  People  at  home  have  of  carrying  on 
War  in  a  Mountaneous  Country  will  make  the  Expence  of  our  Car- 
riages appear  very  great  to  them,  that  one  Article  will  amount  near  to 
£"40,000  Stir. 

Thus  far  I  do  affirm  that  no  time  has  been  lost  in  pursuing  the 
Scheme  laid  down  in  England  for  our  Expedition;  had  it  been  under- 
taken at  the  beginning  from  Pensylvania  it  might  have  been  carried 
on  with  greater  Dispatch  and  less  expence:  I  am  not  at  all  surprized 
that  we  are  ignorant  of  the  Situation  of  this  Country  in  England, 
when  no  one  except  a  few  Hunters  knows  it  on  the  Spot;  and  their 
Knowledge  extends  no  further  than  in  following  their  Game.  It  is 
certain  that  the  ground  is  not  easy  to  be  reconoitered  for  one  may  go 
twenty  Miles  without  seeing  before  him  ten  yards. 

The  Commanding  General  pursues  his  Schemes  with  a  great  deal  of 
vigour  and  Vivacity;  the  Dispositions  he  makes  will  be  subject  to  be 
changed  in  this  vast  tract  of  Mountains,  I  mean  instead  of  marching 
the  whole  together  (the  Van  Guard  excepted)  in  one  Body,  he  will  be 
obliged  to  march  in  three  Divisions  over  the  Mountains  and  join  about 
the  great  Meadows,  fifty  two  Miles  from  the  fort.  The  General  is  bent 
on  marching  directly  to  Fort  du  Quesne,  he  is  certainly  in  the  right  in 
making  his  Dispositions  for  it:  But  it  is  my  opinion  he  will  be  obliged 
to  make  a  Halt  on  the  Monagahela  or  Yaughangany  untill  he  gets  up 
a  Second  Convoy,  and  untill  the  Road  is  open  from  Pensylvania,  which 
the  Inhabitants  will  not  finish  unless  they  are  covered  by  our  Troops. 

The  insert  opposite  is  a  reproduction  of  the  luhole  of  the  original  draw- 
ing, measuring  twenty-six  and  a  half  by  eighteen  and  three-quarters  inches, 
among  the  Cumberland  Maps  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor  Castle.  It 
is  unsigned,  but  is  perhaps  the  "sketch"  to  which  Harry  Gordon  refers  in 
his  letter  of  July  23,  7755  (p.  108). 


tion  had  not  General  Braddock  contracted  with  the  People  in  Pensyl- 
vania  for  a  Number  of  Waggons,  which  they  have  fullfilled;  by  their 
Assistance  we  are  in  motion,  but  must  move  slowly  untill  we  get  over 
the  Mountains.  I  cou'd  very  easily  forsee  the  difficultys  we  were  to 
labour  under  from  having  the  Communication  open  only  to  Virginia, 
which  made  me  Anxious  of  having  a  Road  cut  from  Pennsylvania  to 
the  Yaugheaugany;  I  wrote  to  Govr  Morris  the  14th  of  Febr>  on  this 
Heau,  notwithstanding  of  which,  that  Road  has  not  been  set  about 
till  very  lately.  The  last  Report  that  I  had  of  it,  was,  that  it  wou'd 
be  finished  in  three  Weeks  hence;  the  two  Communications  will  join 
about  forty  Miles  from  hence,  but  it  is  not  fixed  on  which  side  of 
the  Yaugheogany. 

The  little  knowledge  that  our  People  at  home  have  of  carrying  on 
War  in  a  Mountaneous  Country  will  make  the  Expence  of  our  Car- 
riages appear  very  great  to  them,  that  one  Article  will  amount  near  to 
£40,000  Stir. 

Thus  far  I  do  affirm  that  no  time  has  been  lost  in  pursuing  the 
Scheme  laid  down  in  England  for  our  Expedition;  had  it  been  under- 
taken at  the  beginning  from  Pensylvania  it  might  have  been  carried 
on  with  greater  Dispatch  and  less  expence:  I  am  not  at  all  surprized 
that  we  are  ignorant  of  the  Situation  of  this  Country  in  England, 
when  no  one  except  a  few  Hunters  knows  it  on  the  Spot;  and  their 
Knowledge  extends  no  further  than  in  following  their  Game.  It  is 
certain  that  the  ground  is  not  easy  to  be  reconoitered  for  one  may  go 
twenty  Miles  without  seeing  before  him  ten  yards. 

The  Commanding  General  pursues  his  Schemes  with  a  great  deal  of 
vigour  and  Vivacity;  the  Dispositions  he  makes  will  be  subject  to  be 
changed  in  this  vast  tract  of  Mountains,  I  mean  instead  of  marching 
the  whole  together  (the  Van  Guard  excepted)  in  one  Body,  he  will  be 
obliged  to  march  in  three  Divisions  over  the  Mountains  and  join  about 
the  great  Meadows,  fifty  two  Miles  from  the  fort.  The  General  is  bent 
on  marching  directly  to  Fort  du  Quesne,  he  is  certainly  in  the  right  in 
making  his  Dispositions  for  it:  But  it  is  my  opinion  he  will  be  obliged 
to  make  a  Halt  on  the  Monagahela  or  Yaughangany  untill  he  gets  up 
a  Second  Convoy,  and  untill  the  Road  is  open  from  Pensylvania,  which 
the  Inhabitants  will  not  finish  unless  they  are  covered  by  our  Troops. 

The  insert  opposite  is  a  reproduction  of  the  whole  of  the  original  draw- 
ing, measuring  twenty-six  and  a  half  by  eighteen  and  three-quarters  inches, 
among  the  Cumberland  Maps  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor  Castle.  It 
is  unsigned,  but  is  perhaps  the  "sketch"  to  ivhich  Harry  Gordon  refers  in 
his  letter  of  Jidy  23,  7755  (p.  108). 


I  have  not  as  yet  talked  to  the  General  of  this,  nor  shall  I,  untill  we 
get  over  the  Mountains,  for  then  things  may  appear  in  another  light, 
and  1  am  unwilling  to  propose  any  thing  which  might  look  like  start- 
ing Difficultys.  The  man  hing  to  the  french  fort  is  certainly  practicable 
with  this  present  Convoy;  but  in  what  light  must  we  appear  it  we  are 
obliged  to  abandon  our  Conquests  lor  want  of  Sustenance.  What  was 
looked  on  at  home  as  easy  is  our  most  difficult  point  to  surmount,  I 
mean  the  passage  of  this  vast  tract  of  Mountains;  Mad  we  a  Country 
we  coud  subsist  in  after  we  get  over  them,  the  thing  wou'd  be  easy. 

I  am  at  this  place  with  400  Men  as  a  Van  Guard,  and  to  cut  the 
Roads,  I  was  not  able  to  reach  this  Ground  till  the  8th  Day,  'tho  only 
20  Miles  from  Wills's  Creek,  it  is  certain  I  might  have  made  more 
dispatch  but  I  was  charged  with  a  Convoy  of  50  Waggons.  The  Roads 
are  either  Rocky  or  full  of  Boggs,  we  are  obliged  to  blow  the  Rocks 
and  lay  Bridges  every  Day;  What  an  happiness  it  is  to  have  wood  at 
hand  for  the  latter! 

One  of  our  Indians  who  left  the  french  Fort  the  8th  Inst,  tells  me 
that  there  arc  only  100  french  &;  70  Indians  at  that  place;  that  they 
were  preparing  to  set  out  the  Day  after  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the 
Mountains.  I  have  seen  nothing  of  them  as  yet,  nor  do  I  expect  th[at] 
they  will  come  so  far  from  home.  They  have  lately  received  Six  4 
pounders  which  they  were  busy  mounting  when  the  Indian  came 
away.  I  shoud  be  glad  to  have  a  Visit  from  them  at  this  Camp,  it  is  a 
very  good  one  Surrounded  with  an  Abattis. 

1  expect  the  General  with  the  Army  will  be  at  this  Camp  the  15th 
and  that  I  shall  receive  his  Orders  to  move  on  the  same  Day.  I  shall 
take  care  to  let  you  know  every  thing  that  happens  amongst  us  which 
I  dare  say  will  be  to  your  Satisfaction.  I  am  with  the  greatest  Regard, 
Sir,  Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  Servant, 

John  St.  Clair. 
[Endorsed]    1755  Journal  from  Sir  Jn.  St.  Clair.  June  13.  Recd  Augst  29th. 

Sir  Thomas  Robinson  '  to  Edward  Braddock 


Whitehall  19th  June  1 7^5. 

I  have  been  favoured  with  your  Letter  of  the  18th  March,  &  am  in 

1  Sir  Thomas  Robinson  (1695-1770),  ambassador  at  Vienna  from  1730  to  1748,  one 
of  the  British  plenipotentiaries  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  was  secretary  of  state  for  the 
southern  department  in  1754-1755. 


daily  Expectation  of  receiving  from  you  an  Account  of  what  passed  at 
the  Meeting  which  You  mention  in  your  said  Letter  was  intended  to 
be  held  at  Annapolis,  but  which  I  find  by  a  Letter  from  Commodore 
Keppel  of  the  30th  April,  was  held  at  Alexandria. 

The  Lords  Justices  having  been  pleased  to  direct,  that  the  several 
Governors  of  His  Majesty's  Colonies  should  apply  to  you,  or  to  the 
Commander  in  chief  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  for  the  time  being,  in 
North  America,  &  to  no  other  Person,  for  such  Sums  of  Money  as 
shall  be  necessary  to  discharge  the  Expences  that  have  been  or  may 
be  incurred  by  Services  or  Operations  performed  by  them,  or  under 
their  Direction;  I  inclose  to  You  a  Copy  of  my  Circular  Letter  to  the 
Governors  upon  this  Subject;  &  I  am  to  acquaint  You,  that  as  all  Bills 
drawn  by  You,  or  such  Commander  in  Chief  upon  the  Pay  Master 
General  of  His  Majesty's  Forces,  or  his  Deputy,  &  all  Warrants  issued 
by  You  in  Consequence  thereof,  will  be  duly  &  regularly  answered,  You 
shouuld  be  particularly  carefull  to  be  fully  informed,  that  every  such 
Application  is  well  founded,  so  that  His  Majesty's  Service  may  be  car- 
ried on  in  the  most  frugal  Manner.  I  am  &ca 

T:  Robinson 

Return  of  Ordnance  by  Thomas  Ord  * 
and  James  Furnis  2 


Little  Bear  Camp  18th  July  1755. 

RETURN  OF  BRASS  ORDNANCE  howitzers  &  Cohorn  Mortars  &ca 
sent  from  England,  Lost  in  the  Action  Near  Fort  Du  Quesne  and  Dis- 
troy'd  at  the  Camp  6  Miles  from  the  Great  Meadows  by  order  of  Gen- 
eral Braddock  with  the  Remain  in  North  America. 

1  Thomas  Ord  was  a  first  lieutenant  in  the  Royal  Regiment  of  Artillery  in  1741. 
As  a  captain  lieutenant  he  fought  at  Fontenoy,  and  became  a  captain  on  March  1, 
1746.  He  commanded  the  artillery  detachment  with  Braddock.  He  became  major  and 
lieutenant  colonel  in  1759,  when  he  served  with  Amherst.  In  1762  he  commanded  the 
artillery  company  at  the  siege  of  Martinique.  He  was  in  North  America  again  in 
1776,  became  colonel  commandant  on  January  i,  1777,  and  four  months  later  died 
at  Bath.  W.  H.  Askwith,  List  of  Officers  of  the  Royal  Regt.  of  Artillery  (1900). 

2  James  Furnis,  Commissary  of  Stores  for  the  Ordnance  Board  in  Braddock 's  ex- 
pedition. Some  of  the  difficulty  in  settling  the  accounts  with  the  waggoners  for  which 
Franklin  had  contracted  arose  from  Furnis's  refusal  to  advance  money  to  them  until 
he  could  be  certain  how  many  wagons  were  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  artillery. 
Minutes  of  the  Ordnance  Board,  W.  O.  47:  47,  p.  17. 




Light  Brass  Ordnance 
Mounted  on  Travel- 
ling Carriages  Com- 
pleat  with  Limbers 
Ammunition  Boxes  & 
Elevate  Screws 

Brass  Howitzers  with  1 
Carriages  and  Lim-  y 
bers  Compleat J 

Brass  Cohorn  Mortars  ^ 
Mounted  on  their 
Beds  with  Lashing 
Ropes  Compleat  ....  J 

Round  Shott  with 
Wooden  Bottoms 

Tin  Cases  fill'd  with 
Iron  Shot  and  fix'd 
with  Wooden  Bottoms 

12  pounders 

6  pounders 




Spare  Round  Shott 




Empty  Shells  for 

Howitzers  of  7%  Inch 

Ditto  for 
Cohorns.  .of  475  Inch 

Corn'd  powder  Copper 
hoop'd  for  the  Guns, 
Howitzers  &  Small  Arms 

12  pounders 
6  pounders 

]    12  pounders 

6  pounders 

:  2  pounders 
6  pounders 


o  c: 


x    C    y    c 









Expended  75 
571      I  34 

Q  SO 










Thomas  Ord 

James  Furnis 

N.B.  A  particular  Account  of  the  Small  Stores  &  Atterail  will  be  sent  as 
soon  as  the  Remain  can  be  taken— 


Captain  Robert  Orme  1  to  Robert  Napier 


Fort  Cumberland  July  18th  1755. 

As  I  am  perswaded  the  General  woud  have  taken  the  most  early  op- 
portunity of  informing  you  of  every  remarkable  event,  I  take  the 
liberty  of  transmitting  to  you  by  the  first  express  an  account  of  the 
unhappy  affair  which  happen'd  on  the  9th  of  this  Month  near  the 
Banks  of  the  Monongahela  within  seven  miles  of  Fort  Du  Quesne. 

After  Marching  abl  twenty  Miles  from  this  place  to  a  Camp  calld  the 
little  Meadows,  the  General  finding  the  delay  so  great  from  the  ex- 
treme line  of  Baggage  and  also  that  it  was  impossible  from  the  small 
number  of  Troops  he  had  to  make  his  line  of  March  secure,  he  de- 
termined to  proceed  himself  with  twelve  hundred  Men,  ten  pieces 
of  Ordinance,  Ammn  and  Provisions  proportion'd  to  the  undertaking, 
and  left  eight  hundred  Men  with  the  body  of  the  Convoy  under  the 
Command  of  Col°  Dunbar  with  orders  to  move  forward  as  fast  as  the 
Nature  of  the  Service  woud  admit;  with  this  Command  His  Excellency 
marchd  with  great  expedition  and  safety,  and  Encamp'd  on  the  8th  of 
this  Instant  within  ten  miles  of  the  French  Fort.  Here  the  Guides  were 
all  summons'd  and  question'd  as  to  the  first  part  of  the  next  days 
March  His  Excellency  having  been  informd  of  a  very  bad  and  danger- 
ous Defilee  called  the  narrows;  upon  their  report  it  was  judg'd  most 
expedient  to  pass  the  Monongahela  twice  at  two  different  Fords  which 
were  neither  of  them  knee  deep,  by  which  measure  the  narrows  were 
to  be  avoided  and  a  very  bad  passage  of  the  Turtle  Creek.  To  secure 
the  two  passages  of  the  River  the  General  order'd  the  two  Grenadier's 

1  Robert  Orme,  after  serving  a  brief  time  as  ensign  in  the  34th  regiment,  became 
in  1745  ensign  in  the  Coldstream  Guards,  of  which  regiment  Braddock  was  a  field 
officer,  and  in  1751  lieutenant  with  the  rank  of  captain.  Braddock  took  him  to  Vir- 
ginia as  an  aide-de-camp  in  1755.  Orme  resigned  from  the  army  in  October,  1756, 
probably  in  disgrace  (Amcr.  Hist.  Rev.,  XLI,  267).  Soon  after  he  married  Etheldreda 
(Audrey),  daughter  of  Charles,  third  Viscount  Townshend  (Clutterbuck,  Hist,  of 
Hertfordshire,  II,  316),  without  the  family's  consent,  says  Walpole  (Letters,  ed.  Toyn- 
bee,  III,  336,  337n).  She  died  at  Hertford  in  February,  1781,  and  he  is  probably  the 
Robert  Orme  of  Hertford  who  died  June  17,  1790,  at  Mr.  Bourchier's  house  in  May- 
fair  (Gents.  Mag.,  LX  [1790],  pt.  1,  577).  If  so,  he  was  the  father  of  Audrey  Orme, 
who  died  in  Hertford  in  January,  1791  (Gents.  Mag.,  LXI  [1791],  pt.  1,  92);  of  Frances 
Orme,  who  married  Benjamin  Cherry,  son  of  a  Hertford  alderman,  in  1791  (Gents. 
Mag.,  LXI  [1791],  pt.  1,  381);  and  of  the  Reverend  Robert  Orme,  who  was  succes- 
sively Rector  of  Layston,  Vicar  of  All-Saints,  Hertford,  and  from  1790  to  1843  Rector 
of  Essenden  (Clutterbuck,  II,  134,  157;  Cussans,  Hist,  of  Hertfordshire,  II,  158).  This 
Robert  Orme,  at  the  time  of  his  admission  to  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  in  1778, 
described  his  father  as  resident  in  Bergham,  Brabant,  the  Netherlands  (Admissions, 
Trinity  Coll.,  Cambridge). 


Companys  as  a  part  of  a  Detachment  which  was  to  be  compleated  to 
300:  Men  with  two  Six  pounders  under  tliL-  Command  of  Lieut.  Col0 
Gage  with  proper  Guides  to  March  before  break  of  Day  making  the 
two  crossings  of  the  Monongahela,  of  which  the  first  was  a  mile  dis- 
tance, and  to  take  an  advantageous  Post  at  the  last,  Sir  John  St.  Clair 
with  a  working  party  of  200:  Men  was  to  follow  at  Day  break,  and  the 
whole  was  to  March  at  Six.  this  Plan  was  exactly  and  punctually  exe- 
cuted, and  the  Artilloy,  Ammunition,  Provisions,  Baggage  and  all  the 
Troops  had  passd  the  river  the  second  time  at  one  o'clock;  as  soon  as 
the  whole  was  over  the  General  order'd  the  two  Detachments  to  ad- 
vance, and  Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  proceed  in  making  the  Road  as  usual; 
about  half  a  Mile  after  the  Junction  of  the  two  Roads  Viz1  the  nar- 
roivs  and  the  River,  a  heavy  and  quick  Firing  was  heard  in  the  Front; 
The  General  beleiving  a  party  of  French  and  Indians  had  taken  post, 
ordered  Col°  Burton  with  his  Van  Guard  to  reinforce  them,  and  at  the 
same  time  dispos'd  the  Column  in  such  a  manner  as  to  defend  it  from 
any  attack  and  to  disengage  more  men  for  action.  The  French  and 
Indians  as  we  found  after  had  possessed  the  sides  and  Brow  of  a  Hill 
in  a  kind  of  Semicircular  form,  from  the  extremes  of  which,  some  of 
them  fired  upon  one  of  our  advanced  Flank  Parties,  this  immediately 
brought  on  a  general  Pannick,  the  Men  coud  never  be  perswaded  to 
form  regularly,  and  in  great  confusion  fell  back  upon  the  Party  which 
Sir  John  St.  Clair  commanded,  as  did  Sir  John  St.  Clair's  upon  Col° 
Burton's,  every  exhortation  entreaty  and  perswation  was  used  by  the 
General  and  Officers  to  make  them  advance  or  fall  back  into  the  line  of 
March,  examples  of  all  kinds  were  likewise  given  by  the  Genl.  and  the 
Officers,  but  the  Pannock  was  so  universal  and  the  Firing  so  executive 
and  uncommon  that  no  order  coud  ever  be  restor'd,  after  three  hours 
of  irregularity,  and  the  waste  of  all  the  ammunition,  during  which 
time  allmost  all  the  Officer's  were  killed  or  Wounded  by  advancing 
sometimes  in  bodys  and  sometimes  separately  in  order  to  encourage 
the  Men,  they  left  the  Field  and  crossd  the  River  with  great  precepita- 
tion,  abandoning  the  Artillery,  Ammunition,  Provision,  and  Baggage, 
to  the  Enemy,  and  their  Terror  was  so  great  that  many  of  them  threw 
aivay  their  Arms  and  accoutrements,  nor  coud  they  be  stopt  till  they 
had  run  forty  Miles  notwithstanding  the  Enemy  pursued  no  further 
than  the  River;  The  General  had  five  Horses  shot  under  him  and  re- 
ceiv'd  a  mortal  wound  in  his  Lungs,  and  in  this  unhappy  state  was 
very  near  being  left  in  the  Enemys  power  being  deserted  by  the  Men 
and  brought  off  by  the  assistance  of  a  few  Officers  who  were  determined 
not  to  forsake  him;  he  died  of  his  wound  the  13th  Instant.  An  Express 

ioo  ORME  TO  FOX 

was  immediately  sent  off  to  Col°  Dunbar  with  orders  to  send  to  us 
Ammunition,  Provisions,  and  Waggons  for  the  Wounded,  we  were 
then  sensible  of  the  good  effects  of  this  disposition,  for  an  additional 
wiwdlri  of  Men  cou'd  have  been  of  no  advantage  the  Pannick  being 
so  prevalent,  and  the  want  of  Provision  must  have  thrown  us  into  the 
hands  of  the  Enemy. 

The  Men  have  bv  no  means  recoverd  their  fright  &  are  so  little 
to  be  confided  in,  that  Col#  Dunbar  is  mov*  to  this  place  where  I  and 
some  other  wounded  Officers  arrivd  from  Col'  Dunbar  [sic]  the  17th 
Inst,  under  an  Escort- 1  have  Inclosed  vou  Sir  the  most  perfect  List  that 
coud  be  got  and  I  know  it  may  be  much  depended  upon. 

I  ■■  Sir.  Yr  most  H--  sc  most  Obed-  Serv- 

Robt.  Orme. 
I  woud  have  wrote  in  my  own  hand  but  am  renderd  incapable  by  the 
wound  in  my  Thigh. 

Captain  Robert  Orme  to  Henry  Fox  ■ 
(00?  1 

[undated]  [1755] 

The  General  the  Dav  before  his  Death  Order'd  Me  as  soon  as  I  was 
Able  to  transmitt  to  You.  Sir.  An  Account  of  the  Unhappy  Action 
near  the  Monongahela  about  Seven  Miles  Distance  from  Fort  Duquesne 
on  the  Ninth  of  this  Month. 

Our  Encampment  on  the  Eighth  was  about  ten  Miles  from  the  Fort 
and  upon  Calling  all  the  Guides  the  General  from  the  Intelligence  he 
Could  Collect  determined"  to  pass  the  Monongahela  twice  in  Order 
to  Avoid  a  verv  bad  and  Dangerous  Defilee  called  the  Narrows,  to 
Secure  Our  passage  Lieut.  ColL  Gage  was  Order'd  about  an  hour  be- 
fore break  of  Dav  to  March  with  a  Detachment  of  three  Hundred  Men 
to  make  the  two  Crossings  and  to  take  post  upon  Advantageous  Ground 
After  the  last  Crossing.  S-"  John  St.  Clair  with  a  working  party  of  two 

Fax      ----_     -as  secretary  at  war  from  1746  to  November.   1755.  an 
be  filled  in  dose  connection  with  Cumberland,  to  whom  he  was  intimately 
potitkalrT.  He  >»■«■«—»  secretarv  of  state  for  the  southern  department 
753.  went  oat  when  Pin  came  in  in  the  following  year,  and 
neral  in  the  Newcastle-Pin  coalition  of  Juh.  1757.' 


Hundred  follow  d  ax  Day  Break  and  the  whole  March'd  at  Six  oCLock 
-Lieut.  Coll:  Gage  at  Coirs  Detachmem  havmg  made  the 

:•-  :   :ii-iir  v.-  r-~:-:\.  z i      '■  :-J:  J"--  C:I-=ir.    ::  Ar*— l±r     ------- 

tion  provision  and  Baggage  and  the  main  Body  of  the  Troops  abonc 
Or.-  ":C.  -.-.,  •  -tr.  •_!-"•--■.;-  -2:  M-:::.r:  i:.:_:  .-_-.  :  i  .  i  .:  --. 
A:m:.:::  'i--*  :  _r. :  >; --  r:-r.--  i.-_  :  I"  -ir.  }■  -- -  '.'-  '-  -■' 
advantageous  Hight  some  of  whom  fired  upon  one  of  their  Hank 
parties  which  immediately  Alannd  the  whole  and  brought  On  a  very 
Severe  fireing  without  any  Order  or  Execution.  The  General  imme- 
diately sent  forward  his  Van  Guard  Uccier  the  Cocrnand  of  I  arret 
ColL  Burton  to  Sustain  the  two  Detachments  ami  instantly  farmed 
the  Column  in  Such  a  Manner  as  to  Secure  it  and  to  be  Able  to  bring 
more  Men  to  Act  in  Case  of  Necessity. 

The  two  Advanced  parries  gave  way  and  iefl  Back  Upon  Our  Van 
which  very  much  disconcerted  the  Men  and  that  Added  to  the  Man-  ::  ~z  -  ':.-.-■  -  -,:z  :u::t  Vri:: _2_-:=-i  ■  :zz  r-.ii  \.\-~  *-.-Jl 
-_;>_  1  z !--.:<  -_-i:  il!  :.'-:  l-~ti:-->  '■-.-:■-  1  -.  -■  ir.  :  I  1  :  .  -  :  ±-i 
General  and  Oftkers  could  Avail  nothing  nor  could  Order  ever  be 
regaind  after  fireing  away  All  their  Ammunrd:-  me)  rave  Ground 
and  left  the  Artillery  Ra^ay  foe  in  the  Hands  of  the  Eacmq 

T;.:     'zr-:i.   -   i     -      .      -.:     I    -_;-_.-■     ::      ;ri:     :•-_:      :    v -.    7  - 
he  had  five  Horses  short  under  him  and  was  at  last  Mortally  Wounded 
:  "    ~:  :h  :.z    LtL  zlzz  -:..:  :--r  :± 

:  : .i -:  -.  -  >-.i-  :-l^  -..-:-:  —  Y:_   >_-  --  —  :.—  --.-__- 

of  the  OAkers  deserved  the  very  Honest  Cim—  ml  aim 

:  _>."    "      ..:.:.      ir.7.       :   *  .   r .  i^r*    *.  . .  z.  i__  zi\z  z  it  .       iri 

[Emdoned]  1755  A  Goppy  of  the  Ace-  sent  to  Mr.  Fox  b^  Cap=  -  Ocne.  Rec* 

-   :      i-   1:;:    -   -  -    m::  :  ;— f      —     1-     :      -  -    :-.?    ir..i     --  :  _.        —      - 

:-;     ;--sr   ::    yi.    -:r     —    z~      ?L     -    Z  —     :■:-  ■-:-         ~       .—    > r:_   r: 

C  H.  Liaaxz.  II.  sor-ao*  AaseriaE  .Am^ok  " 

--     Mjssadncects  flkiiiril  Socket  Curffufwm,  ad.  9?-  YTZ 

■    "."-      *':^:^  '■'.''.     ■•■—-.- .       {-.""-.  ,;-    ;     ;         "      .'.-."_      :r":r7:a 


Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  Robert  Napier 


Fort  at  Wills's  Creek  22d  July  1755. 

I  wrote  to  you  a  letter  of  the  12th  of  June,  which  I  hope  you  have 
received  by  this  time,  that  letter  gave  you  an  Account  of  the  obstruc- 
tions we  was  like  to  meet  with  on  our  march  on  account  of  Carridges;  a 
few  days  after  writeing  that  letter,  General  Braddock  with  the  Army 
arrived  at  the  little  meadows;  about  the  17th  of  June  General  Brad- 
dock  sent  for  me  and  told  me,  he  laid  down  a  Scheme  of  his  own  for 
marching  on,  which  before  that  time,  had  been  given  to  the  Brigade 
Major  in  orders.  The  Scheme  was,  that  a  detachment  should  be  form'd 
of  those  of  the  British  Battalions,  which  Came  from  Ireland  and  that 
those  should  march  with  the  artillery  together  with  three  Companys 
of  the  Virginia  forces,  under  the  Command  of  General  Braddock,  the 
remaining  part  of  the  Army  under  the  Command  of  Colonel  Dunbar, 
was  to  follow  with  the  Great  Convoy,  this  Step  I  look'd  upon  to  be 
a  prelude  to  marching  in  divisions,  which  was  the  only  way  we  Could 
have  brought  up  our  Convoy. 

This  strong  detachment  march'd  on  and  arrived  at  the  Strong  Camp 
of  the  Great-Lick  which  is  Twenty  one  miles  on  the  other  side  of 
Yanehagane  and  Eighty  miles  from  this  fort.  The  Great  advantages 
of  this  strong  Ground  made  me  propose  to  the  General,  to  halt  with 
his  detachment  and  bring  up  Colonel  Dunbar  with  his  Convoy;  this 
proposal,  was  rejected  with  great  indignation;  we  march'd  on  'till  the 
seventh  of  July  Twenty  three  miles  further,  I  then  objected  to  our 
marching  any  longer  in  that  order  of  march  with  a  Convoy,  and  pro- 
posed, since  this  small  body  must  march  to  the  french  fort,  that  we 
should  march  part  of  our  small  numbers  and  take  post  before  the  Fort 
leaving  our  Convoy  to  Come  up  I  urged  strongly  that  no  General  had 
hitherto  march'd  up  at  midday  to  the  Gates  of  the  Town  he  was  to 
beseige  leading  his  Convoy  and  if  Genl.  Braddock  attempted  it,  he 
must  look  to  the  Consequences. 

Tewsday  the  8th  we  march'd  to  a  riseing  ground  within  three  quar- 
ters of  a  mile  of  the  Monaganhela  and  Encamp'd  there. 

Wcnsday  the  gth  Colonel  Gage  with  about  300  men  march'd  at 


daylight,  past  and  repast  the  Monaganhela  where  he  took  post,  the 
Workmen  and  Covcr'crs  immediately  follow'd  and  then  the  rest  of  the 
detachment— so  that  the  whole  had  past  by  half  an  hour  after  Twelve 
o'Clock,  being  three  miles;  The  reason  of  passing  the  Monaganhela 
twice  was  to  avoid  the  Narrows,  which  is  a  road  on  the  bank  of  the 
River,  Commanded  by  a  high  hill,  which  would  have  taken  a  days 
work  to  have  made  passable.  After  Colonel  Cage  and  I  had  pass'd  the 
river,  we  received  orders  from  Cap:  Morris  Aid  du  Camp  to  March 
on;  the  underwood  Continued  very  thick  for  about  one  quarter  of  a 
mile  beyond  the  Monaganhela  then  we  Came  into  an  open  wood  free 
from  underwood  with  some  gradual  riseings,  this  wood  was  so  open 
that  Carridges  Could  have  been  drove  in  any  part  of  it;  about  a  mile 
on  the  other  side  of  the  last  Crossing,  we  began  to  feel  the  Enemys 
fire  and  to  hear  their  Shouts;  those  who  were  under  my  Command 
immediately  form'd.  On  those  in  my  front  falling  back  upon  me,  I 
ran  to  the  front  to  see  what  the  matter  was,  when  I  received  a  Shot 
through  the  body.  I  then  return'd  to  my  own  people,  posted  Cap: 
Poisons  Company  of  Artificers  and  Cap:  Periwees  Company  of  Rang- 
ers to  Cover  my  two  Cannon.  I  then  went  up  to  General  Braddock 
who  was  then  at  the  head  of  his  own  Guns  and  beg'd  of  him  for  God- 
Sake  to  gain  the  riseing  ground  on  our  Right  to  prevent  our  being 
Totally  Surrounded.  I  know  no  further  of  this  unlucky  affair  to  my 
knowledge  being  afterwards  insensible.  It  will  be  needless  for  me  to 
give  you  any  account  by  hear-say.  Our  affairs  are  as  bad  here  as  bad 
Can  make  them,  with  regard  to  my  self  in  particular,  I  was  fully  re- 
solved, if  we  had  met  with  Success  to  desire  leave  to  have  been  recalld, 
finding  I  could  be  of  little  use  being  never  listen'd  to:  but  as  our  affairs 
stand  at  present  it  is  a  thing  I  shall  not  think  of  and  should  be  glad 
of  haveing  another  opportunity  of  makeing  use  of  the  knowledge  I 
have  of  the  Country  and  its  inhabitants;  by  the  time  I  shall  have  your 
answer,  I  hope  to  be  in  a  Condition  of  doing  my  duty  therefore  should 
be  glad  you  would  point  it  out  to  me  whether  its  to  be  here  or  in  New 
England  under  General  Shirrly. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  respect  Sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most 
obliged  humble  Servant. 

John  St  Clair. 

[Endorsed]  1755  Sr  John  St.  Clair  July  22.  Recd  Oct  3d. 


Journal  of  Proceedings  from  Willes's  Creek  to 
the  Monongahela:   Harry  Gordon  1  to  ? 


Wills's  Creek,  23rd  of  July  1755 


I  have  not  troubl'd  you  hitherto  with  any  Letters,  altho'  when  I  took 
my  Leave  at  London  I  Receiv'd  your  Commands  to  write  you  the  most 
Remarkable  Occurrences  of  our  Expedition. 

I  shall  now  trouble  you  with  a  short  Journal  of  our  March  &  pro- 
ceedings, from  this  place  to  Beyond  the  Last  Crossing  of  the  Monan- 
gahela,  where  we  were  unfortunately  Defeated. 

On  the  11th  of  June  we  March'd  from  this  fort  with  such  a  train 
of  provision  &  Amunition  Waggons,  that  the  first  days  March  Con- 
vinc'd  us  that  it  was  impossible  to  Get  on  with  so  many  Carriages  so 
heavily  Loaded.  The  General  Diminish'd  the  Carriadges  By  putting 
the  greatest  part  of  the  provisions  on  Pack  horses,  &  sending  Back  two 
of  the  6  pounders  with  their  Amunition;  in  this  Reformation  we 
March'd  as  far  as  the  Little  Meadows,  which  are  only  Distant  15  miles 

1  Harry  Gordon,  son  of  George  Gordon  of  Knockespock,  Clatt,  Aberdeenshire, 
joined  the  Royal  Engineers  in  1742,  served  in  Flanders  in  1745  and  again  in  1747 
and  1748  under  Cumberland.  In  1754  Cumberland  particularly  recommended  him 
to  Braddock  as  a  good  man  for  laying  out  and  supervising  road  construction  (Scot- 
tish Notes  &  Queries,  3d  ser.,  XI,  67).  Gordon  served  throughout  the  war,  attaining 
the  rank  of  captain,  with  a  company  in  the  60th  regiment,  and  distinguishing  him- 
self at  the  siege  of  Havana  in  1762.  He  was  sent  out  to  North  America  again  in 
1764  and  explored  the  West  (his  journal  is  printed  in  Alvord  and  Carter,  The  New 
Regime,  p.  290).  From  1767  to  1773  he  was  chief  engineer  in  the  ceded  islands,  as 
well  as  proprietor  of  an  estate  in  Grenada  which  came  into  his  possession  on  his 
brother  Peter's  (Patrick's?)  death  in  1768.  During  the  campaign  of  1776  he  served 
as  chief  engineer  in  Canada,  but  resigned  over  a  question  of  rank.  In  1783  he  went 
out  to  the  Leeward  Islands  as  chief  engineer.  On  his  way  home,  in  1787,  he  died  at 
Eastbourne.  He  married  Hannah  Meredith  of  Philadelphia,  and  had  four  sons.  (C. 
O.  Skelton  and  J.  M.  Bulloch,  Gordons  under  Arms,  pp.  136-138,  being  Volume  III 
of  the  House  of  Gordon  in  the  New  Spaulding  Club  Publications;  Scottish  Notes  ir 
Queries,  3d  ser..  Ill,  209-210.) 

"Archer  Butler  Hulbert,  in  Braddock's  Road  and  Three  Relative  Papers,  Volume 
IV  of  Historic  Highways  of  America  (1903),  Chapter  IV,  printed  the  original  version 
of  the  "Seaman's  Journal"  which  in  an  expanded  form  is  printed  in  Sargent,  History 
of  the  Expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  Hulbert  argues  that  the  latter  version  was 
written  by  Harry  Gordon  from  the  original.  The  author  of  the  original  was  cer- 
tainly that  midshipman  who  went  into  the  hospital  at  Wills  Creek  on  June  9  and 
did  not  rejoin  the  expedition.  It  is  possible  that  Gordon  may  have  copied  and  ex- 
panded the  original;  it  is  more  probable  that  he  furnished  some  of  the  entries  found 
in  both.  But  only  up  to  the  time  that  the  midshipman  was  taken  ill;  the  narrative 
of  the  battle  in  both  versions  needs  only  to  be  compared  with  this  vivid  letter  of 
Gordon's  to  show  that  it  was  not  the  account  of  an  eye-witness,  but  was  pieced  to- 
gether from  various  accounts,  including  perhaps  that  of  Gordon  himself,  after  the 
army's  return  to  Wills  Creek. 


from  our  first  Camp,  yet  took  us  five  Days  to  Oct  up  all  our  Carriages, 
the  Roads  Being  steep  &  the  horses  very  weak. 

At  the  Little  Meadows  the  General  order'd  another  Reform,  which 
Recluc'd  us  to  a  Pick'd  Body  of  Eleven  hundred  men  &  officers;  our 
Carriadges  consisted  of  two  6  pounders,  four  12  pounders,  four  How- 
its's,  3  Cowhorns,  &  75  Rounds  of  Amunition,  3  or  4  provision  Wag- 
gons, which  made  our  whole  train  of  Carriadges  three  or  four  &  thirty. 
We  Left  the  Little  Meadows  the  19th  of  June  with  a  Resolution  of 
pushing  on  Directly  to  fort  Du  Quesne,  &  to  leave  Coll:  Dunbar  with 
the  rest  of  our  Army  &  Carriadges  to  Get  up  in  the  Best  Manner  he 
cou'd.  We  Came  on  Extreamly  well,  Considering  the  Difficulty  of  mak- 
ing the  roads,  which  was  so  Great,  that  Altho'  Every  one  us'd  their 
Utmost  Endeavor  &  only  halted  four  Days  on  the  Road,  it  was  the  8th 
of  July  Before  we  Cou'd  Get  within  10  miles  of  the  french  fort. 

on  the  8th  we  Cross'd  the  Long  Run  which  was  a  small  Rivulet  that 
runs  in  to  the  Monongahela  about  12  miles  from  the  F:  fort.  We  were 
Oblig'd  to  Cross  it  many  times  in  the  Space  of  two  Miles,  in  which 
Distance  we  came  along  a  Narrow  Valley  At  the  widest  a  Quarter  of 
a  Mile,  very  much  Commanded  on  Both  Sides  By  Steep  hills.  In  this 
March  Every  proper  precaution  was  taken  to  secure  us,  By  Detaching 
all  the  men  that  cou'd  Be  Spar'd  from  the  Advancd  party,  that  day 
Commanded  By  C:  Burton  on  our  flank  the  General  Likewise  orderd 
350  men  to  take  possession  of  the  heights  on  Each  Side;  &  the  Grenadier 
Company  of  Sir  P:  H[alket's]  Reg1,  the  Advance  of  the  Advanc'd  party, 
to  Gain  the  Rising  Ground,  which  Shut  up  the  Valley  in  our  front. 
No  Enemy  appear'd,  &  we  Encamp'd  on  the  last  Mention'd  Rising 
Ground,  which  Brought  us  within  a  Small  Mile  of  the  River  Monon- 

in  our  Next  Days  March  we  must  Either  Go  along  the  Narrows,  a 
very  Difficult  pass,  on  the  Right  Side  Entirely  Commanded  By  high 
ground  &  on  the  Left  hemm'd  in  By  the  Monongahela;  A  Small  Con- 
sultation was  held,  &  it  was  carryied  to  Cross  the  Monongahela  at  the 
Nearer  End  of  the  Narrows,  to  keep  along  the  South  Side,  &  to  Cross 
it  again  Below  where  turtle  Creek  runs  in,  &  without  the  Narrows; 
As  there  was  Danger  Imagin'd,  the  2  Comp>s  of  Grenadiers  with  150 
men  of  the  two  Rcgts  Commanded  By  Coll:  Gage  were  Order's  to 
March  By  2  o'Clock  of  the  Morning  of  the  9th  to  take  possession  of 
the  Banks  of  the  second  Crossing  of  the  River;  two  of  the  light  6 
pounders  were  sent  along  with  this  party;  the  rest  of  our  Little  Army 
March'd  at  four,  Cross'd  peaceably,  &  Came  up  with  Coll:  Gage  about 
Eleven  o'Clock  in  peaceable  possession  of  the  furthest  Banks  of  the 


Last  Crossing.  Every  one  who  saw  these  Banks,  Being  Above  12  feet 
perpendicularly  high  Above  the  Shore,  &  the  Course  of  the  River  300 
yards  Broad,  hugg'd  themselves  with  joy  at  our  Good  Luck  in  having 
surmounted  our  greatest  Difficultys,  &  too  hastily  Concluded  the 
Enemy  never  wou'd  dare  to  Oppose  us. 

In  an  hour  which  Brought  the  time  about  Noon,  the  Bank  was  slop'd 
&  passable  for  Artillery  &  Carriadges;  Coll:  Gage  with  the  same  Ad- 
vanc'd  party  was  ordered  to  [sic]  forward;  the  covering  party  of  the 
Carpenters  &  Pioneers  followed  immediately  in  his  Rear,  after  them 
then  came  two  6  pounders,  their  Amunition  Waggon,  &  a  Guard  in 
their  Rear,  after  them  follow'd  the  Main  Body  in  their  Usual  Order 
of  March  with  a  strengthen'd  Rear  Guard  of  100  men.  this  Order  of- 
March  was  in  My  Opinion  the  [sic] 

The  flank  partys  of  the  Advance  &  Main  Body  were  No  Stronger 
than  Usual  &  Coll:  Gage's  party  march'd  By  files  four  Deep  our  front 
had  not  Got  above  half  a  Mile  from  the  Banks  of  the  River,  when  the 
Guides  which  were  all  the  Scouts  we  had,  &  who  were  Before  only 
about  200  yards  Came  Back,  &  told  a  Considerable  Body  of  the  Enemy, 
Mostly  Indians  were  at  hand,  I  was  then  just  rode  up  in  Search  of 
these  Guides,  had  Got  Before  the  Grenadiers,  had  an  Opportunity  of 
viewing  the  Enemy,  &  was  Confirm'd  By  the  Report  of  the  Guides  & 
what  I  saw  myself  that  their  whole  Numbers  did  Not  Exceed  300. 

As  soon  as  the  Enemys  Indians  perceiv'd  our  Grenadiers,  they  Di- 
vided themselves  &:  Run  along  our  right  &  Left  flanks.  The  Advanc'd 
party  Coll:  Gage  order'd  to  form,  which  Most  of  them  Did  with  the 
front  Rank  upon  the  Ground  &  Begun  firing,  which  they  continued 
for  several  Minutes,  Altho'  the  Indians  very  soon  Dispers'd  Before 
their  front  &  fell  upon  the  flank  partys,  which  only  consisted  of  an 
officer  &  20  men,  who  were  very  soon  Cut  off.  The  Indians  Making 
their  Appearance  upon  the  Rising  Ground,  on  our  Right,  occasion'd 
an  Order  for  Retiring  the  Advanc'd  Body  50  or  60  paces,  there  they 
confusedly  form'd  again,  &  a  Good  many  of  their  Officers  were  kill'd 
&  wounded  By  the  Indians,  who  had  got  possession  of  the  Rising 
Ground  on  the  Right.  There  was  an  Alarum  at  this  time  that  the 
Enemy  were  attacking  the  Baggage  in  the  Rear,  which  Occasion'd  a 
second  Retreat  of  the  Advanc'd  party;  they  had  not  Retir'd  But  a  few 
paces  when  they  were  join'd  By  the  rest  of  the  troops,  Coming  up  in 
the  greatest  Confusion,  8;  Nothing  afterwards  was  to  Be  Seen  Amongst 
the  Men  But  Confusion  &  Panick.  They  form'd  Altogether,  the  Ad- 
vanced &  Main  Body  in  Most  places  from  12  to  20  Deep;  the  Ground 
on  which  they  then  were,  was  300  yards  Behind  where  the  Grenadiers 


&  Advanc'd  party  first  form'tl.  The  General  Order'd  the  officers  to  En- 
deavor to  tell  off  150  men,  &  Advance  up  the  hill  to  Dispossess  the 
Enemy,  &  another  party  to  Advance  on  the  Left  to  support  the  two  12 
pounders  &  Artillery  people,  who  were  in  great  Danger  of  Being  Drove 
away  By  the  Enemy,  at  that  time  in  possession  of  the  2  field  pieces  of 
the  Advanc'd  party.  This  was  the  Generals  Last  Order;  he  had  had  Be- 
fore this  time  4  horses  killed  under  him,  &  now  Receiv'd  his  Mortal 
wound.  All  the  Officers  us'd  their  Utmost  Endeavors  to  Get  the  men 
to  Advance  up  the  hill,  &  to  Advance  on  the  left  to  support  the  Can- 
non. But  the  Enemy's  fire  at  that  time  very  much  Encreasing,  &  a 
Number  of  officers  who  were  Rushing  on  in  the  front  to  Encourage 
the  men  Being  killed  &:  wounded,  there  was  Nothing  to  Be  seen  But 
the  Utmost  panick  &  Confusion  amongst  the  Men;  yet  those  officers 
who  had  Been  wounded  having  Return'd,  &  those  that  were  not 
Wounded,  By  Exhorting  &  threatning  had  influence  to  keep  a  Body 
about  200  an  hour  Longer  in  the  field,  but  cou'd  not  perswade  them 
Either  to  Attempt  the  hill  again,  or  Advance  far  Enough  to  support 
the  Cannon,  whose  officers  &  men  were  Mostly  kill'd  &  wounded.  The 
Cannon  silenc'd,  &  the  Indian's  shouts  upon  the  Right  Advancing,  the 
whole  Body  gave  way,  &  Cross'd  the  Monongahela  where  we  had  pass'd 
in  the  Morning,  with  great  Difficulty  the  General  &  his  Aid  de  Camps 
who  were  Both  wounded  were  taken  out  of  a  Waggon,  &:  hurryed  along 
across  the  River;  Coll:  Burton  tho'  very  much  Wounded  attempted  to 
Rally  on  the  Other  Side,  &  made  a  Speach  to  the  Men  to  Beg  them  to 
get  into  some  Order,  But  Nothing  would  Do,  &  we  found  that  Every 
man  wou'd  Desert  us;  therefore  we  were  oblig'd  to  go  along;  we 
march'd  all  night,  &  never  halted  till  we  Came  to  Guests's  which  was 
near  60  Miles  from  the  place  of  the  Action,  we  halted  that  night  there, 
&  next  Day  join'd  Coll:  Dunbar's  party  which  was  6  miles  further. 

Thus  Sir  I  have  sent  you  an  Account  of  those  transactions  Entirely 
consisting  with  my  own  Certain  knowledge.  I  never  was  a  Critick, 
therefore  leaves  it  to  you  to  make  what  Remarks  you  see  proper,  As 
you  are  a  Much  Better  Judge  in  these  Matters  than  I  shall  Ever  pre- 
tend to  Be.  only  One  thing  cannot  Escape  me,  which  is,  that  had  our 
March  Been  Executed  in  the  same  manner  the  9th  as  it  was  the  8th,  I 
shou'd  have  stood  a  fair  Chance  of  writing  from  fort  Du  Quesne,  in- 
stead of  Being  in  the  hospital  at  Wills's  Creek. 

I  am  a  Good  Deal  hurt  in  the  Right  Arm,  having  Receiv'd  a  Shot 
which  went  thro',  &  shatter'd  the  Bone,  half  way  Between  the  Elbow 
&  the  wrist;  this  I  had  Early,  &  altho'  I  felt  a  Good  deal  of  pain,  yet  I 
was  too  Anxious  to  allow  myself  to  Quit  the  field;  at  the  last  my  horse 


having  Receiv'd  three  shots,  I  had  hardly  time  to  shift  the  Sadie  on 
another  without  the  Bridle,  when  the  whole  gave  way.  The  passage 
that  was  made  thro  the  Bank  in  the  Morning,  I  found  Choack'd  up;  I 
was  oblig'd  to  tumble  over  the  high  Bank,  which  Luckily  Being  of 
Sand,  part  of  it  fell  along  with  me,  which  kept  my  horse  upon  his 
feet,  &  I  fortunately  kept  his  Back.  Before  I  had  got  40  yards  in  the 
River,  I  turn'd  about  on  hearing  the  Indians  Yell,  &  Saw  them  Tomo- 
hocking  some  of  our  women  &  wounded  people,  others  of  them  fir'd 
very  Briskly  on  those  that  were  then  Crossing,  at  which  time  I  Re- 
ceiv'd Another  Shot  thro'  the  Right  Shoulder.  But  the  horse  I  Rode 
Escaping,  I  got  across  the  River,  &  soon  came  up  with  the  General, 
Coll:  Burton,  &  the  rest  of  the  officers  &  men  that  were  along  with 
them,  &  Continued  along  with  them  in  the  Utmost  pain,  my  wounds 
not  having  Been  Dress'd  untill  I  came  to  Guests's. 

On  the  Road  I  propos'd  fortifying  a  Camp  at  Licking  Creek  10 
miles  to  the  Westward  of  the  Crossing  of  the  Yohiogany,  a  very  ad- 
vantagious  Situation,  &  which  Cover'd  the  Richest  part  of  the  Country 
which  Lyes  Betwixt  Guest's  &  that,  or  at  least  I  imagin'd  we  might 
have  Been  join'd  By  Coll:  Dunbar's  party  at  Guest's,  where  a  Good 
Camp  might  Easily  Been  had,  which  fortified  with  two  or  three  Re- 
doubts in  front  cou'd  have  Been  defended  By  our  Numbers  (above 
1000  fitt  for  Duty)  against  any  force  our  Enemys  cou'd  Bring  against  us. 
Instead  of  all  this  Nothing  wou'd  Do,  But  Retiring,  k  Destroying 
immense  Quantitys  of  Amunition  &  Stores,  with  which  Last  all  our 
Instruments  &  Stationary  wares  shar'd  the  fate. 

Here  we  are  at  present,  But  the  talk  is  of  going  into  Pensilvania,  & 
No  talk  of  putting  this  fort  or  the  frontiers  of  this  Country  in  any 
posture  of  Defence;  as  it  is  at  present,  3  pieces  of  6  pound  Cannon,  with 
the  Advantage  the  Ground  wou'd  Naturally  give  them,  cou'd  knock 
the  fort  to  pieces,  &  nothing  after  we  are  gone  cou'd  hinder  150  french 
Indians  from  Ravaging  to  Alexandria. 

I  have  tir'd  My  Secretary,  &  I'm  afraid  you'll  think  me  too  prolix, 
But  I  cou'd  not  help  it,  8c  indeed  it  was  my  intention,  to  Lay  Before 
you  our  Proceedings,  &  the  Situation  of  Affairs  in  this  Country.  Had  I 
had  the  Use  of  my  Drawing  hand,  I  woud  have  sent  you  a  Sketch  of 
the  field  of  Action,  &  some  other  Principal  Crossings  of  the  Rivers  on 
our  March.  I  hope  soon  to  Be  Able  to  Lay  these  things  Before  you,  & 
will  take  the  opportunity  of  Describing  the  Country  which  we  pass'd 
at  the  same  time;  This  is  all  hopes,  as  Nothing  certain  is  determin'd 
with  Regard  to  the  Lower  wound  of  my  Arm,  at  present  I  conclude 


with  my  best  wishes  for  your  health,  &  always  shall  Be  with  the  greatest 
Respect,  Sir,  your  most  obligd  &  obed1  Humble  Serv1 

Harry  Gordon. 
A  left  hand  Subscription 
Wills's  Creek 
23d  of  July  1755 

P.S.  I  shoud  Be  Extreamly  oblig'd  to  you  if  you  woud  Be  kind  Enough 
to  Remind  H:R:H  of  my  former  petition  for  a  Commission  in  some 
Regu.  I  have  Reason  to  Believe  that  had  General  Braddock  Liv'd  I 
shou'd  have  Been  provided  for  in  some  of  the  Regts  here, 
to  Be  Copied  for  Coll:  Napier. 

[Endorsed]  1755  Mr.  Gordon,  Engineer.  (Sent  by  his  Brother,-  Oct.  3d. 

Colonel  Thomas  Dunbar  1  to  Robert  Napier 


Fort  Cumberland  July  the  24th  1755. 

The  Army  under  General  Braddock  proceeding  to  Fort  Duquesne 
halted  at  the  little  Meadows,  on  the  17th  of  June  there  was  Orders  for 
a  Detachment  of  About  twelve  hundred  of  the  best  Troops  to  March, 
part  Under  Coll:  Gage  to  March  the  18th  and  the  rest  the  19th.  the 
Officers  for  this  Detachment  were  All  Named,  this  was  the  first  Sr 
Peter  Halkett  or  I  knew  of  this  design,  the  Generall  March'd  with 
them  leaving  Me  with  the  remains  of  the  Army  to  bring  Up  About  One 
hundred  And  fifty  Waggons  and  near  three  hundred  Horse  load  of 
bread  flower  and  Bacon,  telling  Me  he  never  would  be  more  than  a 
days  March  before  Me,  so  that  in  Case  of  Necessity  we  might  joyn  in 
two  or  three  hours,  that  this  was  then  his  Intention  is  plain  for  his 
Orders  to  Me  was  to  fire  A  Gun  (a  Six  pounder)  if  I  wanted  his  Assist- 
ance and  if  he  wanted  Mine  he  was  to  do  the  Same  but  if  he  fired  two 
or  More  I  was  to  Join  him  with  all  the  force  I  had  and  leave  the 

-  Probably  James  Gordon  of  Argyll  Street. 

1  Thomas  Dunbar,  after  thirty  years  in  the  army,  most  of  them  in  the  18th 
(Royal  Irish)  regiment  of  which  he  became  lieutenant  colonel,  was  made  colonel  of 
the  48th  in  1752.  After  his  misguided  retreat  following  Braddock's  disaster,  he  was 
recalled,  resigned  his  regiment,  and  became  lieutenant  governor  of  Gibraltar.  He 
became  major  general  in  1758  and  lieutenant  general  in  1760  and  died  in  1767. 


As  soon  As  he  Marched  I  sent  for  the  Waggon  Masters  and  Commis- 
sarys  to  lett  Me  know  the  Number  of  Horses  could  be  furnish'd  with 
Waggons  and  back  loads,  and  the  Quantity  of  provisions  to  be  taken 
As  Also  the  Number  of  Carriages  the  Artillery  would  want,  when 
these  returns  were  brought  I  was  told  the  General  had  Ordered  Six  of 
the  Best  Horses  to  be  put  to  each  of  the  Carriages  that  went  with  him 
and  many  Spare  Horses  in  Case  of  Accidents  As  Also  the  Ablest  Horses 
for  back  loads,  and  what  remain'd  would  Only  furnish  two  thirds  of 
the  Waggons  with  four  each  and  for  back  loads  there  remained  of  very 
bad  as  many  as  would  take  About  One  half  of  the  provissions. 

As  soon  As  I  knew  this  I  wrote  to  the  General  leting  him  know  the 
Condition  I  was  in  to  Execute  his  Orders,  his  Answer  Express'd  Anger 
saying  I  knew  he  could  not  help  Me  but  that  Expedients  must  be  Used 
to  bring  All  Away. 

I  March'd  according  to  his  Orders  and  took  with  Me  all  I  could  and 
On  My  Arrival  where  I  was  to  halt  that  night  I  Ordered  All  the  Horses 
back  to  bring  Up  what  was  left  behind  under  the  Care  of  a  party,  the 
rear  division  of  Waggons  did  not  Arrive  untill  very  late  the  next  Eve- 
ning the  Horses  being  very  bad  and  Weak,  the  next  day  I  was  Advised 
to  halt  for  the  Horses  were  So  Work'd  they  would  Not  be  Able  to 
travile,  in  this  Manner  I  was  Obliged  to  proceed  sometimes  6  or  7 
Miles  in  three  days  and  sometimes  four. 

I  again  and  Again  Sett  forth  My  Scituation  to  him  he  Once  told  Me 
he  sent  Me  a  Waggon  and  Eleven  Horses  the  first  I  saw  and  such  as 
could  be  of  little  Service,  Again  he  wrote  Me  he  sent  me  forty  Horses 
tho'  unloaded  there  was  but  Sixteen  could  Come  they  were  so  wore 
down,  in  One  Letter  I  told  him  it  was  Impossible  I  could  gett  Up  with 
him  Unless  his  Goodness  would,  halt  and  send  Me  his  Horses  to  help 
Me  but  he  did  not  but  proceeded,  Some  time  before  the  Action  He 
called  a  Council  of  Warr  when  it  was  proposed  takeing  possession  of 
some  strong  Camp  and  halting  untill  I  Joyn'd  but  it  was  rejected  and 
He  Continued  Marching  untill  the  Ninth  Instant  when  they  fell  into 
the  Unhappy  Trap  at  which  time  I  was  About  fifty  Miles  from  them 
the  next  Morning  by  five  o'Clock  I  had  the  Account  by  a  follower  of 
the  Army  that  was  in  the  Engagement  and  in  a  few  hours  Another 
Arrived  and  About  One  o'Clock  Sr  John  St.  Clair  who  saw  the  whole, 
the  next  day  in  the  Evening  the  General  Arrived  the  Eleventh  the  12th 
We  remained  in  the  same  Ground  which  time  was  Imployed  in  de- 
stroying provisions  Ordnance  Ammunition  &c.  by  the  Generals  Orders, 
by  this  Evening  great  Numbers  of  Wounded  Officers  and  Soldiers  Ar- 
rived and  many  More  that  were  not.  On  the  13th  We  March'd  and  that 


day  he  resign'd  the  Command  to  Mo  After  we  had  gott  About  a  Mile 
from  Our  Ground,  soon  After  we  gott  into  our  ground  for  that  Eve- 
ning where  he  died  and  I  proceeded  to  this  as  was  his  intention  and 
brought  all  the  Wounded  With  Me.  here  wee  have  fixed  a  General 
Hospital  and  I  purpose  leaving  some  of  the  Independants  and  provin- 
cial Troops  to  protect  them  and  proceed  with  the  remains  of  the  two 
Regiments  to  Philadelphia  for  Winter  Quarters  which  Gapt.  Orme  tells 
Me  they  were  all  lost,  so  that  I  am  left  to  do  as  I  think  best,  And  hope 
I  shall  Act  as  Will  be  agreeable  to  All  I  am  Accountable  to  I  have 
wrote  to  General  Shirly  and  desired  his  instructions  for  My  future 

As  I  was  not  in  the  Action  I  can  Only  send  You  such  An  Account 
as  I  could  gett  and  believe  what  I  send  which  I  had  from  Gapt.  Orme 
is  the  same  Sent  before  I  could  dispatch  One. 

The  Officers  by  All  Accounts  behaved  As  Well  as  Men  could  and 
the  Soldiers  dont  seem  to  think  they  deserve  all  that  is  Said,  that  they 
fought  an  invisible  Enemy  is  by  All  Accounts  Certain  for  I  have  heard 
many  say  both  Officers  and  Soldiers  they  did  not  see  One  of  the  Enemy 
the  whole  day  tho  A  Warm  Constant  fire  in  the  front  and  on  both 
flanks  Col°  Gage  who  was  in  the  front  and  first  Attacked  declares  he 
does  not  know  he  saw  One  of  the  Enemy  the  whole  time  this  Manner 
of  fighting  confounded  the  people;  they  saw  and  heard  fireing  and  the 
fatal  consequences  but  few  saw  an  Enemy,  that  for  the  Number  better 
could  not  be  found.  Many  of  them  had  been  often  tryed  and  proved 
themselves  so;  I  am  perswaded  there  is  many  Accounts  of  this  Affair 
sent  home  and  that  All  will  not  Agree. 

This  Climate  by  no  means  Agrees  with  My  time  of  Life  and  bad 
Constitution,  I  was  willing  to  try  and  hoped  I  should  be  Able  to  go 
through  all  that  came  in  My  Way,  but  find  it  otherwise,  therefore  beg 
Your  Interest  to  gett  Me  leave  to  go  home;  was  I  as  Able  as  I  am  Will- 
ing I  Assure  You  I  would  Gladly  Stay. 

I  have  dispatch'd  an  Indian  with  a  Letter  desiring  to  know  what 
Officers  of  Ours  are  prisoners  untill  I  have  an  Answer  to  that,  Cannot 
be  Certain  who  is  Kill'd,  I  am,  Dear  Sir,  Your  most  humble  and 
Obedient  Servant, 

Tho  Dunbar. 

[Endorsed]  1755  Col  Dunbar  F.  Cumberland  July  24  Recd  Oct  3d. 


Anonymous  Letter  on  Braddock's  Campaign  l 


Wills's  Creek  25th  July  1755. 

When  every  body's  expectation  was  rased  to  the  highest  pitch,  Con- 
cerning the  expidition  under  the  Command  of  General  Braddock  in 
America,  those  who  were  under  his  Command,  and  gave  attention  to 
his  proceeding,  forsaw,  what  must  happen  (if  any  opposition  should  be 
made  by  the  Enemy)  from  the  measures  taken,  and  was  sorry,  so  good 
natured  a  man  should  be  so  much  misled  by  a  favourite,  or  two,  who, 
realy  had  not  much  experience  and  were  very  ignorant  of  the  detail  of 
an  Army,  how  much  depend  on  the  Oeconemy  [Economy]  and  Just 
regulation  of  every  Branch;  therefore  I  presume  to  lay  before  you  the 
following  remarks,  as  well  as  facts,  which  Can  be  attested  by  many, 
in  doing  which,  I  have  endeavour'd  to  advance  nothing  but  what  Con- 
sists with  my  own  knowledge,  or  that  of  the  best  Authority;  neither 
have  I  attempted  to  give  any  reason  for  our  bad  Success  to  any  other 
person  in  Europe,  as  it  would  not  only  be  great  presumption,  but  like- 
wise improper;  notwithstanding,  I  shall  always  think  it  my  Duty  to 
lay  before  you  every  Truth,  Consisting  with  my  own  knowledge,  espe- 
cially things  of  so  much  importance  to  his  Majesty  and  to  the  Publick, 
therefore  shall  make  no  other  Apology  for  this  long  narration  which 
I  beg  your  patience  to  read  as  something  may  be  mention'd  which  is 
overlook'd  in  other  accounts;  I  know  pains  have  been  taken  by  some 
(who  were  deeply  Concern'd)  to  dress  up  an  Account  to  excuse  their 
own  folly,  presumption  and  manifest  ill  Conduct:  but  in  Spite  of  every 
Gloss  Truth  will  remain  and  the  more  the  operation  of  this  Expedition 
is  inquired  into  and  the  Conduct  from  the  time  of  devideing  the  Army 
to  the  fatal  9th  of  July  and  for  three  days  after  things  will  appear  the 
worse  and  most  deserveing  the  severest  Censure. 

About  the  18th  of  June  General  Braddock  march'd  from  the  Little 
Meadows  with  a  detachmen[t]  of  above  1200  men  besides  officers  as 
will  appear  by  the  inclosed  return  exclusive  of  Bat-men  Waggoners 

1  There  is  no  endorsement  or  hint  of  the  authorship  of  this  violent  letter,  an 
example  of  the  backbiting  that  was  practised  in  the  British  army  before  Cumberland 
became  captain  general.  The  handwriting  is  the  same  as  the  scribe's  who  wrote 
St.  Clair's  letter  (p.  102).  The  author  was  obviously  an  officer  of  sufficient  rank  to 
learn  Dunbar's  and  Halkett's  secrets,  provided  his  comments  are  taken  at  face  value; 
he  is  exact  when  mentioning  provisions,  transport,  and  such  matters  as  fall  within 
a  quartermaster's  province.  It  is  possible  that  he  may  have  been  Captain  Gabriel 
Christie,  who  assisted  St.  Clair  on  this  expedition  and  had  his  strong  support.  Christie 
became  deputy  quartermaster  general,  a  general  in  the  army,  and  proprietor  of 
Isle  aux  Noix  in  the  Richelieu  River. 


and  other  followers  of  an  Army— he  took  with  him  the  best  part  of  the 
Artillery  tho'  the  Amunition  was  not  more  than  make  one  days  fireing 
if  there  had  been  occasion  again[st]  a  fort.  Also  fifty  Waggons  loaded 
with  different  things,  to  each  of  which  he  had  six  of  the  best  horses— 
and  400  more  horses  with  back  loads  of  flower  &c.  and  about  100  spare 
horses-after  which  he  had  a  supply  sent  him  of  one  hundred  loads  of 
flow'r— upwards  of  100  fine  fat  Oxen  and  a  number  of  sheep  which  all 
joind  the  day  before  the  action,  Consequently  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  french. 

After  all  this  was  lix"d  he  left  Colonel  Dunbar  with  the  remainder  of 
the  Army  to  bring  357  Waggons  after  him,  besides  200  back  loads  and 
horses  only  for  100;  the  Weakest  and  worst  of  the  horses  were  left  with 
C.  Dunbar  and  the  proportion  run  to  be  Just  Three  Waggons  to  one 
sett  of  bad  horses— partly  oweing  to  the  number  of  spare  ones  the  Gen- 
eral had  taken  as  before  mention'd— so  you  may  Judge  of  the  slowness 
of  Col.  Dunbars  motions  marching  a  little  way  one  day  with  one  sett, 
then  sending  Back  for  another  sett  K:c.  therefore  every  days  march  (as 
to  distance)  took  up  three  days  dureing  which  time  neither  man  nor 
beast  had  any  rest  and  the  latter  no  meat  but  the  leaves  of  Trees— this 
way  of  going  on  together  with  the  Genls  hurry  from  the  little  Meadows 
brought  Colonel  Dunbar  to  be  near  fifty  miles  in  the  Genls,  rear  on 
the  day  of  action.  To  give  you  an  acco1  of  which  that  will  intirely  agree 
with  every  other,  is  almost  impossible,  as  most  officers,  as  well  as  men, 
differ,  in  Triffleing  Circumstances  and  even  in  a  few  material  ones 
—however  the  Conducting  of  the  Whole  from  the  beginning  might 
have  been  retrieved  had  not  a  final  Issue  been  put  to  all  by  what 
happen'd  last. 

On  the  9th  of  July  Lt  Col.  Gage  Commanded  two  Companys  of 
Grs  [Grenadiers]  which  was  by  way  of  an  advance  Guard  2  to  the  main 
body  under  the  General  as  well  as  for  Covering  a  working  party  then 
Cuting  the  Road  under  Sr  Jo:  St.  Clair's  dirrection  about  two  o'Clock 
that  day,  after  Crossing  the  River  Call'd  Monanganhely  where  a 
Plantation  of  one  fraser  had  been  and  within  six  or  seven  miles  of 
the  french  fort  Call'd  du  Queesny  (or  Kane)  and  within  3  quarters  of 
mile  of  the  Crossing  at  frasers  house— on  the  Fort  Side  of  Turtle-Creek 
—The  advance  Party  was  attack'd  rather  from  a  riseing  ground  by  a 
party  of  Indians  and  french  in  Indian  dress.  The  Number  of  the  Enemy 
by  those  who  makes  the  largest  allowance  did  not  appear  to  be  above 

-  The  advance  party  was  larger  than  this.  It  had  300  men,  including  the  grenadier 
company,  a  detachment  from  the  44th  regiment,  and  half  of  Horatio  Gates's  New 
York  independent  company. 



The  two  maps  on  the  following  pages  are  photographic  reproductions  of 
the  essential  portions  of  one  set  of  the  originals,  signed  by  Patrick  Mackellar, 
the  engineer  en  second  on  Braddock's  expedition,  in  the  collection  of  Cumber- 
land Maps  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor  Castle.  There  is  a  similar  set  in 
the  Public  Record  Office.  The  originals  measure  14  by  7  inches,  on  a  scale  of 
300  yards  to  an  inch.  The  reproductions  are  reduced  to  a  scale  of  jyj  yards 
to  an  inch. 

No.   1 

A  Sketch  of  the  Field  of  Battle  of  the  9th  July  upon  the  Monongahela,  seven 
miles  from  Fort  du  Quesne,  between  the  British  Troops  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Braddock  and  the  French  &  French  Indians  commanded  by  Monsr  de 
St  Pierre,  shewing  the  Disposition  of  the  Troops  when  the  Action  began. 


ID  British  Troops,  the  long  Lines  express  the  Number 
of  Files.  O  French  and  Indians.  •+•  Cannon.  *-rH  Howitzers. 
6  Waggons,  Carts  and  Tumbrils.  H  Provision  and  Baggage 

r  French  and  Indians  upon  their 
J  march  to  attack  the  British, 
1     when    first    discover'd    by    the 

[    Guides 

Guides  and  six  light  Horse 
Van-Guard  of  the  advanced  Party 
Advanced    Party   commanded    by 

Co1  Gage 
Working  Party  commanded  by  Sr 

J*  St  Clair  D.Q.M.G. 
Two  six  pounder  Field  Pieces 
Carts  &:  Waggons  w*  Ammunition 

&  Tools 
Rear  Guard  of  the  Advanced  Party 
Light  Horse 
Sailors  and  Pioneers 

1,  Three  12  pounder  Field  Pieces 

n,  General's  Guard,  Foot  &  Horse 

Main  Body  in  Divisions  upon 
the  Flanks  of  the  Convoy,  wl 
the  Cattle,  Provision  &  Bag- 
gage Horse  between  them  &  the 

3,  a  12  pounder  Field  Ps  in  the  rear 
of  the  Convoy 

p,  Rear-Guard 

q,  Flank-Guards 

r,  a  Hollow  Way 

C  a  Hill  which  the  Indians  took 

s,  4     possession  of  soon  after  the  be- 
I     ginning  of  the  Action 

t,  Frazer's  House 


in  the  Field 



Gen1  Braddock     Officers  Staff  included 

Sergeants  Corporals  1 

&  private  Men         J 








Monsr  de  Sl  Pierre     French 






N  B  The  Number  of  the  French  &  Indians  is  not  yet  certain 


>;  *•-?/••::-< 


1  tf 






•     \ 



***  .*. 

x  , 


MACKELLAR  MAP  NO.  2  115 

Three  hundred  and  others  dont  scruple  to  say  did  not  exceed  one 
hundred.  The  first  fire  of  the  Enemy  was  on  the  left  of  the  advance 
Guard  which  Gradual)  Came  to  the  front  and  extended  to  their  Right 
something  like  a  half  moon,  which  kill'd  about  10  or  Twelve  Grena- 
deers— this  alarm'd  them  a  little  and  they  return'd  the  fire,  notwith- 
standing they  did  not  see  the  Enemy— which  was  return'd  tho  not  in  a 
regular  manner,  but  like  Poping  shots,  with  little  explosion,  only  a 
kind  of  Whiszing  noise;  (which  is  a  proof  the  Enemys  Arms  were  riffle 
Barrels)  this  kind  of  fire  was  attended  with  Considerable  execution, 
which  soon  put  the  Grenadeers  in  some  disorder  and  on  the  Continu- 
ance of  the  Enemys  fire  the  advance  Guard  was  repuls'd  but  were 
suported  by  the  Working  party  in  their  Rear,  which  afterwards  Joind 
in  the  disorder;  dureing  which  time,  General  Braddock  was  with  the 
main  body  about  a  Quarter  of  a  mile  in  their  Rear— upon  the  alarm 
of  the  advance  fire,  the  General  immediately  rode  to  the  front  and  his 
aid-du-camps  after  him,  some  officers  after  them,  and  more  men  with- 
out any  form  or  order  but  that  of  a  parcell  of  school  boys  Coming 
out  of  s[c]hool— and  in  an  instant,  Blue,  buff  and  yellow  were  inter- 

No.  2 

A  Sketch  of  the  Field  of  Battle  &c,  shewing  the  Disposition  of  the  Troops 
about  2  a  Clock  when  the  whole  of  the  main  Body  had  joined  the  advanced  and 
Working  Partys,  then  beat  back  from  the  Ground  they  occupied  as  in  Plan  N°  1. 


a,  The  French  and  Indians  skulking  behind  Trees  round  the  Brittish 

f,  The  two  Field  Pieces  of  the  advanced  Party  now  abandoned 

c,  d,  e,  h,  i,  k,  m,  n,  q,  The  whole  Body  of  the  British  joined,  with  little  or 

no  order,  but  endeavouring  to  make  Fronts  towards  the  Enemys  Fire 
1,  the  three  12  pounder  Field  Pieces  of  the  main  Body 
o,  The  rear  Field  Piece.  12  pounder 

f   The  Rear  Guard  divided  (round  the  rear  of  the  Convoy,  now  closed  up) 
'  I       behind  Trees  having  been  attacked  by  a  few  Indians 

N.B.  The  Disposition  on  both  sides,  continued  about  two  hours  nearly  as 
here  represented,  the  British  endeavouring  to  recover  the  Guns  (f)  and  to  gain 
the  Hill  (s)  to  no  purpose.  It  was  proposed  to  take  possession  of  this  Hill  be- 
fore the  Indians  did,  but  unhappily  it  was  neglected.  The  British  were  at 
length  beat  from  the  Guns  (1).  The  General  was  wounded  soon  after.  They 
were  lastly  beat  back  accross  the  Hollow  way  (r)  and  made  no  farther  Stand. 
All  the  Artillery,  Ammunition,  Provision  &  Baggage  were  left  in  the  Enemys 
Hands,  and  the  General  was  with  difficulty  carryed  off.  The  whole  Action  con- 
tinued about  three  hours  and  a  half.  The  Retreat  was  full  of  Confusion,  but 
after  a  few  Miles,  there  was  a  Body  got  to  rally. 


mix'd.  Soon  after  an  order  was  given  to  the  main  body  to  move  on 
(that  is,  those  who  keep'd  at  their  post)  without  any  form  or  order,  but 
that  of  the  line  of  march  which  is  four  deep  faced  to  the  Right  or  left 
as  occasion  might  be,  with  an  intention  to  separate  on  each  side  of  the 
road  to  march  Two  deep  according  to  his  original  plan  of  march  a 
Copey  of  which  /  send  you  inclosed  (before  I  proceed  I  have  only  one 
obvious  observation  to  make  on  the  line  of  march— which  as  I  before 
said  is  4  deep,  instead  of  three  the  Usual  way— which  marches  by  files 
—only  divides  on  each  side  of  the  line  of  Waggons,  baggage  &c.  in  the 
Center.  Consequently  their  is  a  file  of  two  deep  on  each  side  of  the 
Waggons  on  the  march  but  what  I'm  going  to  observe,  is,  that  when 
the  Battalion   is  Compleated   (always  four  deep)   the  officers  are  all 
posted  to  the  front  half  files  (if  I  may  be  allow'd  the  expression)  at 
their  respective  posts  where  they  were  order'd  to  remain— therefore 
when  the  Battalion  is  faced  to  the  right  by  files  4  deep— the  officers  are 
all  on  the  left  flank— if  to  the  left  the  Contrary— Consequently  they're 
always  upon  one  side— therefore  when  ever  you  Come  to  devide  on  the 
Center  on  each  side  of  the  Waggons  and  have  occasion  to  form  the 
line— the  officers  are  every  one  to  one  Wing— without  a  single  officer 
to  the  other,  this  was  a  Constant  practise  with  us  notwithstanding  of 
the  most  evident  absurdity)  but  to  proceed— one  officer,  indeed  says,  he 
had  orders  from  an  aid  du  camp  to  double  his  front,  instead  of  four, 
to  march  eight  in  front,  as  if  one  was  going  to  attack  a  breach— how- 
ever I  beleive  it  was  meant  only  to  keep  the  line  of  march,  in  which 
order  the  main  body  moved,  without  the  least  dirrection  to  officer  or 
man  but  "March  on  my  lads  and  keep  up  your  fire["]  when  he  Came 
up  with  the  repuls'd  party  after  passing  with  difficulty  the  line  of  Wag- 
gons, Baggage,  Cattle  &c.  in  their  front  together  with  the  Artillery,  all 
which  occupy'd  the  space  between  the  main  body  And  the  advance  or 
van  Guard  *  or  Party  whos[e]  Confusion  had  some  effect  on  them  and 
occasion'd  their  throwing  away  their  fire  without  seeing  the  Enemy, 
which  was  return'd  by  them  in  the  manner  before  describ'd  with  some 
execution:  but  our  own  fire  did  much  more,  however  both  together 
Contributed  not  a  little  to  a  general  disorder;  after  which,  The  Gen- 
eral would  have  Changed  his  disposition  (or  more  properly  made  one) 
but  the  Men  were  then  turn'd  stupid  and  insensible  and  would  not 
obey  their  officers  in  makeing  the  intended  movements  which  were 
unhappily  too  late  attempted.  The  officers  behaved  extremely  well  as 
possibly  Could  be,  which  fact  is  strengthen'd  by  the  number  of  kill'd 

1  "There  were  no  other  van  Guard  to  the  Army  hut  Co.  Gage's  party  tho  the 
contrary  has  heen  said  in  some  Accots.  sent  home."  [Marginal  note.] 


and  Wounded— tho'  I*m  sorry  to  say  the  men  arc  accused  of  misbe- 
haviour, notwithstanding  of  the  number  of  kill'd  and  wounded  among 
them,  which  is  Great,  Considering  the  number  of  Effectives  in  the 
field:  but  I  Can't  help  thinking  their  misbehaviour  is  exaggerated,  in 
order  to  palliate  the  Blunders  made  by  those  in  the  dirrection,  as  they 
make  no  allowance  for  regular  Troops  being  surprised,  as  was  mani- 
festly the  Case  here,  and  no  manner  of  disposition  made— but  one  of 
Certain  destruction— in  these  Circumstances  it  has  general)  I  beleive 
been  the  Case— misbehaviour,  its  the  general  opinion  more  were  kill'd 
by  our  own  Troops  than  by  the  Enemy  particularly  C.  Tatton— by  the 
Grenadiers.  The  Rear  Guard  (tho'  only  a  Caps.  Command)  did  more 
execution  than  the  whole,  among  the  Enemy,  as  the  officer  had  time  to 
recolect  himself  Consequently  made  a  dispossition  and  extended  his 
Guard  in  advantageous  posts  behind  trees  by  which  he  both  repuls'd 
and  kill'd  a  great  number.  The  Ground  was  extraordinary  good  when 
Compared  to  the  rest  of  the  Country.  The  Trees  were  high  very  open 
and  little  or  no  underwood— nor  Can  any  reason  be  given  why  they 
allow'd  us  to  Cross  the  Monanganhela  %  of  a  mile  from  the  Attack- 
where  the  banks  were  vastly  high  and  the  most  advantageous  post  for 
them  they  possibly  Could  have,  except  it  was,  to  lull  us  in  Security, 
that  we  had  no  Enemy,  which  was  too  generaly  beleived,  on  the  whole 
march,  and  that  the  Fort  would  be  found  abandon 'd;  there  was  noth- 
ing of  Entrenchments— Swivvel-Guns  &c.  &:c.  as  some  officers  and  several 
men  affirm— which  from  the  best  information  has  no  foundation  but 
in  their  own  Brain.  Scarce  an  officer  or  soldier  Can  say  they  ever  saw 
at  one  time  six  of  the  Enemy  and  the  greatest  part  never  saw  a  Single 
man  of  the  Enemy.— Col.  Gage  who  Commanded  the  advance  party  and 
distinguish'd  himself  by  Encouraging  the  men  as  much  as  he  Could 
and  after  they  were  broke,  in  rallying  them,  says,  were  he  put  to  his 
oath  he  Could  not  say  he  saw  above  one  french  or  Indian  dureing  the 
action— he  had  several  narrow  escapes  by  shots  through  both  hat  & 
Coat  and  one  which  Grased  on  his  belly  but  did  not  break  the  skin, 
there  were  a  few  french  and  some  Indians  the  french  mostly  in  the 
Indian  dress  notwithstanding]  several  were  seen  in  the  french  uniform 
—particularly  by  some  who  were  left  in  the  field  of  Battle  and  Crawl'd 
off  afterwards,  saw  the  french  take  possession  of  our  Guns  and  over 
sett  some  from  the  Carridges,  likewise  over  turn  some  of  the  Waggons, 
which  they  scarce  would  have  done  had  they  expected  to  keep  the 
field;  another  Circumstance  to  prove  they  were  not  strong  of  Indians 
and  that  they  doubted  likewise  of  Success,  is,  that  they  never  begin 
scalping,  if  sure  of  victory  'till  all  is  over;  on  the  other  hand,  if  the 


affair  is  doubtful  or  if  they're  sure  of  being  beat  they  begin  scalping 
when  ever  opportunity  offers,  as  soon  as  they've  kill'd  their  Man— in 
this  late  affair,  they  scalp'd  some  very  early.  I  dont  apprehend  they 
knew  the  General  was  there  with  the  main  body,  at  first— besides  they 
knew  very  well  Col.  Dunbar  with  a  strong  body  was  behind  him,  but 
they  never  beleived  so  much  as  fifty  miles— which  even  few  or  none  of 
our  own  officers  knew  or  imagin'd  except  the  General  himself  and  his 
people,  as  he  had  made  several  remonstrances  to  the  former  of  his  situa- 
tion to  no  manner  of  purpose— the  above  reasons  I  give  for  the  Enemys 
hurry  and  why  they  did  not  pursue,  Cross  the  River,  which  only  a  few 
Indians  attempted,  but  retired  agen;  it  was  very  natural  to  imagine, 
there  was  a  reserve  there  and  that  Regular  Troops  would  rally  again 
and  return  to  the  field  and  retake  what  they  lost  which  I  believe  might 
eassily  have  been  done;  I  dont  pretend  to  be  a  Judge,  but  submit  my 
Opinion,  if  it  was  not  a  great  error  in  the  General  to  march  his  whole 
body  without  a  dispossition  to  support  an  advance  Party  and  without 
leaveing  himself  a  Reserve?  whereas,  when  he  found  the  Advance 
Guard  attack'd  had  he  halted  and  spoke  to  the  Officers  and  Men— told 
them  what  they  might  expect  and  what  they  were  to  do,  at  the  same 
time  detach'd  some  men  to  support  those  attack'd  but  what  was  more 
matterial  to  [sic]  made  a  dispossition  and  form'd  his  own  line  likewise 
detach'd  100  men  on  each  flank  where  the  attack  was  to  have  march'd 
round  the  Enemy,  which  he  had  time  enough  to  have  done,  but  none 
of  these  Steps  nor  any  other  but  those  before  mention'd  were  taken, 
which  occasion'd  a  Total  defeat.  The  Gen1  and  the  rest  with  him,  re- 
treated about  43  miles  before  ever  they  thought  of  sending  any  acco1 
to  C.  Dunbar  at  last  they  did  from  Guests  Settlement  within  seven 
miles  where  Col.  Dunbars  Camp  was  at  that  time— for  him  to  send  up 
some  fresh  Troops,  for  a  rear  Guard,  likewise  some  flower— Amunition 
&c.  and  some  Empty  Waggons  for  the  Sick  and  Wounded  which  was 
accordingly  done  the  nth  the  same  day  all  Join'd  Col.  Dunbar.  The 
General  in  the  Action  received  a  Shot  in  the  Arm  which  went  through 
&  penetrated  his  body  and  tho'  I  am,  and  every  other  person  per- 
swaided  he  was  in  no  Condition  to  be  spoke  to  or  to  give  orders— not- 
withstanding, in  the  Generals  name,  was  orders  given  to  destroy  every 
thing  in  Colonel  Dunbar's  Camp  Provisions  of  all  kinds— upwards  of 
150  Waggons  all  the  Artillery  Stores  of  every  kind  and  even  some  of- 
ficers Baggage  &c.  8ec.  &c.  The  Confusion,  hurry  and  Conflagration 
attending  all  this,  Cannot  be  describ'd,  but  I  Can  assure  you  it  affected 
every  body  who  had  the  least  sense  of  the  Honour  of  His  Majesty  or 
the  Glory  of  England  at  heart,  in  the  deepest  manner. 


Scandlous  as  the  action  was,  more  Scandlous  was  the  base  and  hur- 
ried Retreat,  with  the  immense  destruction  and  expense  to  the  Nation 
—what  was  lost  in  the  Action  with  what  was  destroy'd  afterwards  by 
our  selves,  amounted  upon  a  moderate  Calculation  to  near  Three 
hundred  Thoussand  pounds  value  besides  the  loss  of  Blood  &c.  We 
Carried  with  the  sweat  of  our  Brows,  a  pritty  Train  of  Artillery  up  to 
the  llrench,  which  they  never  Could  have  obtain'd  otherwise.  The 
other  part,  and  the  Greatest,  which  we  destroy'd  our  selves  might  have 
been  saved  perhaps,  if  things  had  been  left  to  the  management  of  Col. 
Dunbar,  who  for  private  animosity's  &c.  never  was  Consulted— but  the 
most  absurd  orders  given  in  his  Camp  under  the  Gen18  sanction  tho' 
as  I  before  said  from  good  reasons  was  thought  Could  not  be  Con- 
sulted—how far  the  adviser's  or  dirrectors  Can  answer  to  God  their 
Country  or  their  own  Conscience  I  shall  not  determine.  I  shall  Con- 
clude this  Account  by  telling  you  the  grossest  mismanagement  has 
been  in  this  expedition  from  our  landing  to  our  Defeat  as  every  officer 
except  (perhaps)  a  few,  must  own  on  inquiry— happy  for  our  Troops 
they  were  not  pursued  or  not  a  single  soul  Could  have  been  Saved. 

In  the  time  of  the  Action,  The  General  behaved  with  a  great  deal  of 
Personal  Courage,  which  every  body  must  allow— but  thats  all  that 
Can  be  said— he  was  a  Man  of  Sense  and  good  natur'd  too  tho'  Warm 
and  a  little  uncooth  in  his  manner— and  Peevish— with  all  very  indo- 
lent and  seem'd  glad  for  any  body  to  take  bussiness  off  his  hands,  which 
may  be  one  reason  why  he  was  so  grossly  imposed  upon,  by  his  favourite 
—who  realy  Dirrected  every  thing  and  may  Justly  be  said  to've  Com- 
manded the  Expedition  and  the  Army. 

On  the  13th  after  the  before  mention'd  destruction  we  all  March'd 
—I  mean  Join'd  the  Gen1  in  his  Retreat— before  we  had  moved  far 
(with  Waggons  only  for  the  Sick  and  Wounded)  it  was  discover'd  The 
Train  had  reserved  a  Waggon  with  Powder  and  Seveti  Cohorns  on 
which  a  halt  was  order'd  and  Cap:  Dobson  of  Col.  Dunbars  Regt. 
who  was  an  acting  under  aid  du  camp  from  the  time  C.  Orme  was 
Wounded— order'd  the  Pioneers  to  be  got  together— and  a  hole  to  be 
Dug— a  little  off  the  road— in  sight  of  the  Army— Waggoners— Indian 
Traders  &c  Sec— where  the  Cohorns  were  burried—  Who  gave  him  such 
orders  I  Cant  say  but  they  were  accordingly  Comply'd  with,  without 
any  order  in  Writeing,  at  this  time  the  Genl  was  within  a  few  hours 
of  his  Death.  This  Gentlemans  activity  in  the  intrest  of  C.  Orme  recom- 
mended him  so  strongley  that  he  was  to  have  been  Lt.  Colonel  to  a 
Regt.  form'd  from  the  Independent  Companys  of  which  its  said  Lt. 
Col.  Burton  was  to  be  the  Colonel— but  since  the  Generals  Death 


Dobson  ask'd  leave  of  Col.  Dunbar  to  sell  his  Commission  for  £1500  to 
a  Lieut.— how  far  he'll  succeed  at  home  is  another  question,  on  Sunday 
the  13  we  Came  to  an  encampment  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Great 
Crossing  of  the  Yauchnaganey  at  which  place  Genl.  Braddock  still 
Continued  to  give  orders  'till  he  expired  at  nine  o  Clock  same  night, 
and  was  burried  next  morning  on  the  high  road,  that  the  Army  might 
march  over,  to  deface  any  marks  of  a  Grave,  after  which  Col.  Dunbar 
took  upon  him  the  Command  and  try'd  every  method  to  stop  a  Licen- 
tious Spirit  in  the  Troops— and  nothing  but  the  want  of  powers  pre- 
vents him  makeing  examples  of  some— no  person  Could  Come  to  a 
Command  under  more  disadvantages— as  he  knows  nothing  of  His 
Majestys  intentions  nor  of  Genl.  Braddocks  instructions— as  every  pa- 
per was  lost  at  the  Action,  neither  Can  he  obtain  any  particular  in- 
formation from  C.  Orme. 

When  Genl.  Braddock  landed  in  America,  affairs  were  by  no  means 
in  readiness  for  him,  as  he  expected;  Virginia  was  a  bad  place,  to  be 
supplied  in— Pensilvania  was  infinitely  better,  but  we  never  had  re- 
course there,  'till  repeated  dissapointments  obliged  us— a  vast  deal  of 
time,  was  spent  to  little  purpose,  waiting  for  Carridges,  horses  Sec,  & 
in  laying  up  a  Magazine  at  Wills's  Creek  of  salt  provisions  flower  &c. 
more  than  possibly  we  Could  have  occasion  for— between  7  and  Ten 
Thoussand  bushells  of  Oats  were  laid  in,  tho'  none  Issued  out,  to  En- 
able the  horses  to  go  on,  in  their  march  (which  Oats  since  the  Generals 
Death,  C.  Orme  gave  orders  to  Sell  agen  as  they  were  the  Generals 
property— but  Col.  Dunbar  has  interposed  and  will  not  permit  it,  as 
he  says  they  are  the  Publicks).  there  were  about  300  Waggons  hyred  at 
i3sh[?]  Currency  or  iosh  English  money  a  day,  with  4  horses  to  each 
Waggon  with  the  value  of  horses  and  Waggons  ascertain'd  if  not  re- 
turn'd  to  the  owners— 600  back  load  horses  at  two  shillings  a  day  each 
—Waggons  and  horses  immensly  loaded  and  little  food  on  the  Ground 
but  leaves  of  Trees— more  followers  and  attendants  on  this  little  Army 
than  would  have  serv'd  an  Army  of  20,000  Men  in  flanders;  a  Licen- 
tiousness which  prevail'd  among  the  Troops,  in  Consequence  of  being 
told,  Genl.  Braddock  was  sure  of  there  good  behaviour  in  the  day  of 
action,  therefore  would  dispense  with  the  Ceremonial  part  of  Duty- 
it's  impossible  to  express  the  bad  effects  of  this  hint— those  who  were 
inclin'd  to  be  more  exact  were  not  more  in  favour  on  that  ace1  never 
one  Deserter  punish'd— The  Army  never  seen  by  the  Genl.  but  once 
Comeing  along  the  line  as  Comr  in  Cheif;  add  to  all  this,  The  Pride, 
Insolence  and  overbearing  Spirit  of  the  first  aid  du  camp  C.  Orme— 
despersing  all  former  military  orders  ordinances  and  Customs  of  an 


Army  in  (landers  or  any  where  else  either  in  old,  01  latter  times,  Com- 
manding and  dictateing  to  every  Branch  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest 
and  no  bounds  of  Resentment  Again[st]  those  who  would  not  Bow  to 
Dagon  and  who  had  resolution  enough  to  tell  him  the  bad  Conse- 
quences attending  such  measures  which  (to  our  misfortune)  he  had 
always  influence  enough,  to  obtain  The  Generals  sanction  to. 

The  heads  of  both  military  and  Civil  Branches  with  us  were  despised 
as  ignorant  &c  and  if  ever  their  opinions  were  ask'd  (which  was  rarely) 
after  a  Sneer  at  them— the  Contrary  was  sure  to  be  follow'd.  Poor  Sr 
Peter  Halket  who  behaved  in  the  late  action  with  the  greatest  bravery 
and  Coolness— divided  his  men  and  fired  some  platoons  by  his  own  Dir- 
rection,  before  he  was  kill'd;  at  the  very  time,  he  was  approveing  of  the 
fire  his  Men  had  made  before,  and  biding  them  do  the  same  again— he 
was  shot  through  the  body.  This  Gentlemen  who  had  before,  given 
proofs  of  his  abilitys  as  a  Soldier  and  Confirm'd  it  by  his  Death,  yet 
was  publickly  told— "he  was  a  fool,  he  wanted  leading  strings"  of  which 
facts  there  are  many  Evidences— for  some  time  before  he  died,  he  was 
in  Disgrace— and  the  reasons  he  gave  himself  for  it  was,  for  his  adviseing 
to  train  some  people  to  the  Great  Guns  as  we  had  so  few  who  under- 
stood that  branch,  likewise  dissaproveing  of  the  Line  of  March  and  pro- 
poseing  to  build  block  houses  or  stockades  at  proper  passes  for  Maga- 
zines both  for  places  of  security  as  well  as  to  encumber  our  March  the 
less  with  Carridges— for  giveing  this  advice  he  was  told  it  was  foolish  and 
too  much  presumption— this  fact  I  had  from  Sr  Peters  own  mouth— and 
the  same  he  mention'd  to  several  others— after  which  he  neither  was 
Consulted  nor  did  he  ever  go  near  the  Genl.  but  once  when  he  was  sent 
for  about  some  storrie  that  had  been  Carried  to  the  Genl.  that  he  and 
some  others  were  liveing  well  when  their  officers  wanted,  at  which  time 
Sr  Peter  only  had  the  King's  salt  provisions  and  Could  get  no  other— 
notwithstanding  he  was  threaten'd  with  his  Regt.  and  advised  to  take 
Care  of  himself— to  which  he  answer'd  he  did  not  depend  on  it  for  a 
livelyhood— and  had  not  his  honour  been  Concern'd  he  never  would 
have  Come  on  the  Expedition. 

Col.  Dunbar  one  day,  giveing  his  Opinion  (when  ask'd)  with  a  good 
deal  of  reason  and  instanceing  the  practise  of  Great  Genls.  he  had 
served  under  &:c.  was  told  in  presence  of  Genl.  Braddock,  by  Cap:  Orme 
that  it  was  Stuff,  and  that  he  might  as  well  talk  of  his  Grand-Mother  to 
which  C.  Dunbar  reply'd  with  some  Warmth  Sr  "if  she  was  alive,  she 
would  have  more  sense,  more  good  manners,  and  know  as  much  of 
military  matters  as  you  do— on  which  the  General  interposed  and  said, 
Gentlemen  you  are  both  Warm— to  which  Dunbar  answer'd— "General, 


you  See  the  Provocation  I  got— so  it  ended  then— but  his  opinion  was 
never  ask'd  for  the  future.  I  forgot  to  mention,  at  Will's  Creek,  The 
Genl.  desired  Orme  to  be  admited  into  the  Council  of  War— which  was 
accordingly  done,  but  Sr  Peter  finding  how  every  thing  went,  as  he  di- 
rected he  desired  every  body  might  afterwards  sign  their  opinion— this 
gave  great  offence,  so  they  had  no  more  Councils— Sr  Peter  declared  if 
ever  he  Came  to  ye  Command  he  would  dismiss  C.  Orme  next  day  from 
the  Army  and  regreted  much  that  the  General  had  such  a  man  about 
him  who's  advice  would  both  be  the  ruin  of  the  General  &  the  Expe- 

As  to  what  is  before  mention'd  about  C.  Dunbar  he  repeated  it  when 
it  happen'd  and  has  often  mention'd  it  since.  Soon  after  this  the  make- 
ing  of  the  Detachment  and  devideing  the  Army  was  plan'd  and  beleived 
by  everybody— it  was  done  with  a  Design  to  vex  C.  Dunbar,  who  realy 
was  very  much  embarrass'd  with  such  a  number  of  Carridges  &c  and 
many  other  Dimcultys— but  haveing  no  orders  how  to  act  he  sent  for 
instructions  but  Could  obtain  no  other— but  that  he  must  do  the  best, 
and  to  be  on  his  Guard,  as  he  might  expect  to  be  made  answerable  for 
his  Conduct  &c.  with  several  other  threatning  expressions  and  ordering 
him  not  to  tease  the  General  with  Complaints  which  sometimes  Came 
at  unseasonable  hours,  dureing  the  Seperation,  every  method  was  taken 
to  embarrass  (to  appearance)  Col.  Dunbar— by  sending  orders  to  for- 
ward to  the  Genl.  every  thing  that  Could  be  thought  of.  C.  Dunbars 
Complaints  at  last  became  so  well  grounded  that  the  General  order'd 
40  horses  to  be  sent  back  to  him  but  such  methods  were  taken  that  only 
the  useless  and  those  near  their  end  were  sent— so  that  only  16,  of  the  40 
was  able  to  Join  Dunbar.  The  General  at  parting  told  Col.  Dunbar,  he 
would  always  keep  within  three  hours  march  of  him— at  last  when  he 
advanced  a  Considerable  distance,  he  was  heard  to  say  he  beleived  he 
would  be  obliged  to  bring  to— till  C.  Dunbar  Join'd  him— but  that  was 
opposed  by  C.  Orme  and  orders  were  then  sent  to  Col.  Dunbar  to  Join 
the  General,  the  best  way  he  Could  with  the  Convoy  at  Fort  du  Queesny 
(or  Kane),  which  at  the  rate  he  was  obliged  to  go  on  at  Could  not  have 
been  before  Septemr.  They  say  the  principle  Councellor  with  Orme  was 
Lt  Col.  Burton  who  was  privy  to  every  thing,  but  this,  I  Can't  affirm, 
from  authority  sufficient  for  you  to  depend  on.  When  the  General  sep- 
arated with  his  detachment  both  Regts  were  pick'd  and  Cull'd  without 
the  knowledge  either  of  Sr  Peter  Halket  or  Col.  Dunbar  and  the  officers 
names  mention'd  in  publick  orders  without  regard  either  to  tour  of 
Duty— health— fitness  or  anything  else  but  Just  as  the  projectors  pleased 
(which  C.  Orme  Call'd  a  new  Scheme  proper  for  the  Army  to  follow) 


after  the  separation,  it  then— I  mean  the  part  of  Col.  Dunbars  Regt.— 
lost  its  name,  and  was  Call'd  Col.  Burtons  detachment,  which  in  short 
began  to  do  wonders,  and  all  in  a  few  days,  which  it  seems  was  intirely 
oweing  to  Col.  Burton— but  unluckily  in  praiseing  one  so  much  they 
depress'd  the  other  and  took  every  opportunity  to  find  fault  with 
Sr  Peters  detachment  in  order  to  sett  off  the  other-matters  run  high, 
from  a  dryness  among  the  officers  to  an  indifference  and  Jelous'y  which 
at  last  reach'd  the  men  and  where  it  would  have  ended,  if  it  had  more 
time  to  Operate  in,  is  hard  to  tell,  but  the  general  Calamity  put  an  end 
to  that;  and  the  remaining  part  of  the  Two  Regiments  heartily  agree, 
in  the  neglect  of  Duty,  dissobedience  of  orders,  mutinous  dispossitions, 
worse  than  any  Militia  I  ever  saw,  Cowardly  principles,  frighten'd  now 
almost  at  their  own  shaddows,  or  the  name  of  an  Indian,  partly  perhaps 
from  the  hurry  we  were  in  by  a  general  destruction  of  every  thing,  as 
well  as  from  their  own  inclinations;  Plunder  was  the  word  at  the  Battle, 
as  well  as  afterwards,  but  it  was  plundering  ourselves— this  is  a  bad  pic- 
ture of  Soldiers  and  such  I'm  tyred  of,  which  nothing  but  the  stricktest 
discipline  and  greatest  severity  Can  possibly  reclaim  and  I  beleive 
they're  now  in  very  good  hands,  I  mean  in  Col.  Dunbars  if  he  knew 
his  power  which  Cap.  Orme  has  taken  Care  to  keep  him  in  the  Dark 
about,  and  took  every  method  from  the  beginning  to  ruin  him  and  make 
him  uneassy,  and  even  since  the  Generals  Death  seems  equally  de- 
termin'd  to  frustrate  C.  Dunbars  designs  at  least  as  far  as  is  in  his  power 
to  do. 

In  Nine  days  from  the  time  we  Retreated  after  the  Junction  of  the 
Genl.  we  arrived  at  Wills'  Creek  where  we  now  are— but  Col.  Dunbar 
soon  proposes  to  move  to  Philidelphia  with  the  Kings  Troops  'till  he 
receives  orders  from  England.  Pity  it  was  that  the  Genl.  (even  after 
his  Retreat)  when  he  Join'd  C.  Dunbar— instead  of  destroying  the  value- 
able  stores  X:  provisions  8:  makeing  a  shameful  flight— notwithstanding 
their  was  not  one  Indian  or  french  man  in  pursute— did  not  determine 
on  building  a  stockade  at  Guests  or  the  Great  Crossing  where  their  was 
fine  Ground— in  which  Case  it  would  have  Secured  the  Fronteers— and 
been  a  Cheque  on  the  Enemy  our  being  so  far  advanced  in  the  Country; 
we  destroy 'd  provision  enough,  which,  without  any  supply  would  have 
lasted  us  all,  these  six  months. 

Which  way  all  the  Accots  and  Contracts  will  be  settled  here  is  hard 
to  tell  but  their  is  an  immense  sum  due  for  Contracts  of  one  kind  and 
other.  I  dare  say  not  far  short  of  £100000.  The  General  in  some  of  his 
Trunks  the  day  of  action  had  Two  thousand  five  hundred  pounds  all 
which,  with  much  more  money  and  private  effects  fell  into  the  Enemys 


hands— a  supply  they  much  Wanted  and  an  ample  one  it  was— from 
Guests  their  was  a  bag  of  flower  left  here  and  thereon  the  road,  least 
any  Soldiers  should  have  been  in  need  of  it.  Several  stragglers  have 
Join'd  us  since  who  says  they  should  have  starv'd  but  for  Provisions  they 
found  on  the  road— but  report,  the  road  was  full  of  Dead  and  people 
dieing  who  with  fatigue  or  Wounds  Could  move  on  no  further;  but  lay 
down  to  die— this  melancholy  Acco1  Convinces,  what  use  our  Staying, 
would  been  of,  to  save  the  life  of  many  a  poor  fellow. 

What  we  have  seen,  Convinces  us  that  such  an  immense  number  of 
Waggons  and  horses  will  never  do  to  be  under  the  Care  of  so  small  a 
body  of  Troops.  Col.  Dunbar  affirms  that  to  avoid  the  Carridges  he 
Could  have  had  live  Cattle  drove— and  flow'r  Carried  on  their  backs 
with  out  the  least  trouble  to  the  Army,  except  to  give  a  Guard  to  the 
Conductors— in  which  Case  they  would  have  found  one  pound  of  fflower 
and  one  pound  of  fresh  meat  to  each  man;  for  within  Eight  pence  Cur- 
rency a  day,  where,  as  the  Case  stood,  each  Soldier  stands  for  his  Salt 
provisions  and  flow'r  Three  shillings  a  day  &:  upwards  upon  the  nearest 
Calculation— this  is  oweing  to  the  expence  of  Carridge  &c.  The  Ground 
was  so  mountainous  from  Wills's  Creek  upwards,  that  we  were  all 
Work'd  and  sweated  both  man  and  beast  to  get  the  Waggons  up  the 
hills  which  the  horses  never  Could  have  done  without  the  men,  and  be 
assured  notwithstanding  it  has  turn'd  out  to  so  little  purpose,  yet  it 
has  been  a  most  fatigueing  Campaign,  in  a  Wilderness  where  nothing 
is  to  be  seen  but  wood.  We  have  yet  a  pretty  little  march  to  take  to  Phili- 
delphia  of  about  250  miles— we  have  brought  few  horses  of  all  we  had, 
here,  with  us,  they  being  either  kill'd  or  Dead— and  vast  numbers  stole 
off  by  the  Waggoners  and  Drivers.  This  is  the  Conclusion  of  the  Ameri- 
can expedition  under  General  Braddock  which  was  more  amply  pro- 
vided for  by  the  Government  than  any  expedition  of  so  small  a  number 
ever  had  been  before.  The  truth  of  this  is  very  well  known  to  you.  I'm 
heartily  sorry  I  have  it  not  in  my  power  to  give  a  more  favourable 
account  which  might  have  been  shorten'd  if  I  had  avoided  some  Cir- 
cumstances—but I  thought  it  best  to  be  particular  as  they  might  not 
Come  to  your  hand  so  soon— but  I'm  sure  you'll  hear  all  I  have  ad- 
vanced and  much  more— as  soon  as  you  have  opportunity  of  seeing  any 
impartial  person  on  this  expedition,  which  will  be  Ninety-nine  out  of 
a  hundred. 

A   Return   of  the  Troops   Encamp'd   at   Wills's   Creek,   distinguishing 
the  Fit  for  Duty,  Sick,  and  Wounded,  July  25th  1755 

Fit  lor 












































44th    Regi- 

ment   of 















48th  Do 























Detachmt  of 





Light  Horse 






































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A  Return  of  the  Troops  Encamp'd  at  Wills's  Creek,  distingushing 

















































































the  Fit  for  duty,  Sick  and  Wounded,  July  25th  1755  [Continued] 


























44th    Regi- 
ment   of 

48th  Do 


Detachmt  of 

Light  Horse 






















































Tho  Dunbar 


Captain  William  Eyre  1  to  Robert  Napier 


Camp  near  Albany 
27th  July  1755. 
Dr  Sir, 

Since  I  did  my  self  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  Genl.  Bradock 
order'd  me  upon  this  Service  from  Fort  Cumberland  I  have  been  here 
helping  to  make  all  the  Necessary  Preparations  for  our  expedition 
against  Crown  Point,  and  this  Morning  were  all  Alarmed  with  the  News 
of  Genl  Bradock's  being  defeated  within  Nine  Miles  of  Fort  duquesne. 
the  Particulars  we  have  not  yet  learned,  but  make  no  doubt  but  you  W ill 
know  them  before  this  reaches  you:  its  further  said  he  has  lost  most 
Part  of  the  Artillery,  if  this  fatal  News  prove  true,  I  am  afraid  it  will 
throw  a  Damp  on  the  Minds  of  those  raw  and  undiciplined  Troops  with 
us,  and  what  is,  as  bad,  the  Indians  who  now  seem  very  hearty  in  Our 
Interest,  however  be  it  as  it  will,  we  hope  soon  to  make  the  tryal,  and 
endeavour  to  get  revenge:  the  first  Division  march'd  a  few  Days  ago, 
Under  Major  Genl.  Lymon,2  wch  was  about  1000  Men  with  two  field 
Pieces,  to  make  Roads  Bridges,  &;c,  between  this  and  a  Place  Called  the 
carrying  Place,  about  50  Miles  up  this  River;  the  Battering  Train  moves 
in  three  or  four  Days  with  1200  Men  &  the  field  Pieces  with  the  rest  of 
the  Army  immediately  After.  Our  Army  Will  amount  to  three  thousand 
five  hundred,  &  the  Number  of  Cannon  are  6  18  ptlrs,  2  32  pdrs,  8  6  pdrs, 
one  13,  &  two  8  Inch  Mortars,  but  as  all  our  Artillery  are  Iron  I  am 
afraid  we  shall  not  be  able  to  get  them  along,  if  the  Roads  prove  bad, 
particularly  the  18  pdrs,  they  weighing  from  fifty  two  to  fifty  three 
hundred  weight,  and  the  32  pdrs  only  between  41  &  44  hundred.  I  have 
very  little  help  to  assist  me  in  the  management  of  the  Artillery,  no  En- 
gineer but  my  self,  and  was  Obliged  to  Act  as  Qr  Master  Genl.  Since 
my  Arrival,  as  there  was  no  such  Officer  Appointed  by  the  Provinces, 
nor  any  Body  here  who  was  acquainted  with  that  Service,  so  Major 
Genl.  Shirley  has  lately  Given  me  A  Commission  for  that  Purpose.  I 
make  no  Doubt  but  we  shall  be  able  to  reduce  the  Fort  in  a  short  time 
if  we  can  get  up  our  Artillery,  but  they  are  so  extremely  heavy,  and  so 

1  William  Eyre,  ranked  as  a  practitioner  engineer  in  1744.  was  with  Cumberland 
at  Culloden  in  1746,  and  served  as  engineer  in  ordinary  in  Flanders  in  1747.  He 
became  a  sub-engineer  in  1748.  For  his  services  with  Johnson,  Eyre,  already  a  cap- 
tain in  the  44th  regiment,  was  rewarded  by  being  promoted,  from  England,  to  the 
rank  of  major.  He  became  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  44th  regiment  in  paly,  1758. 
After  the  war  he  was  made  chief  engineer  in  America,  and  in  1765,  as  he  was  re- 
turning to  England  for  his  long-delayed  leave  of  absence,  was  drowned  off  the 
English  coast. 

2  Phineas  Lyman  of  Connecticut. 


many  other  difficulties  in  our  way,  as  I  tear,  will  make  it  not  easy  to 
surmount,  however,  I  long  to  make  the  experiment,  and  be  persuaded 
there  is  no  thing  shall  he  wanting  on  My  Side  to  bring  things  to  a 
happy  Issue, 

Major  Genl.  Shirley  is  lately  pass'd  here  in  his  Way  to  Niagara. 
I  wish  he  could  make  a  little  more  haste,  or  I  fear  he  will  Miss  the 
opportunity  to  lay  hold  of  it.  His  Army  is  about  2000  &  upwards.  The 
Sloop  that  takes  this  Letter  to  New  York  is  just  going,  so  beg  you  will 
excuse  hurry.  My  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Napier.  And  Am  Dr  Sir,  Yr  Most 
Obliged,  &  most  Ob1  Serv1 

Will  Eyre. 
Since  I  finish'd  the  Other  Side,  we  have  a  List  Sent  up  by  Capt.  Orme 
of  the  Unhappy  &  most  Shocking  fate  of  Our  Troops,  with  the  loss  of 
the  General  &  Our  Artillery.  Oh!  how  I  wish  for  revenge:  If  the  Troops 
stands  firm,  and  the  Indians  do  not  quit  us,  I  make  no  doubt  but  we 
shall  be  able  to  return  the  Compliment.  What  shall  I  say?  we  must  re- 
turn the  Blow.  I  must  conclude,  adieu  once  more  dear  Sir— 

[Endorsed]  1755  Cap"  Eyre  July  27  Red1  Oct  2d. 

French  Account  of  the  Action  Near  the 

River  Ohio  on  the  9TH  July  1755 


RELATION  de  Laction  qui  Sest  passe  Sur  La  Rre  oyo,  a  3  Lieues  du 
fort  Duquesne  le  Qe  Juillet  1755  entre  un  Detachemen1  de  250  Canadien 
et  650  Sauvages,  commande  par  Mr  De  Beaujeu,  Capitaine,  et  un  corps 
de  2000  homines  anglais  commande  par  Le  General  Braddork 

Extrait  de  La  Lettre  ecrite  par  Mr  De  Contrecoeur  Commandan 
an  fort  Duquesne  a  Monsieur  Le  marquis  De  Vaudreuil  Gouver- 

neur  General,  date  du  dit  fort  le  14°  Juillet 


Je  n'ai  cesse  depths  le  commancement  de  ce  mois  denvoyer  des  Detache- 
ment  de  francais  et  Sauvages  pour  harceler  les  anglais  que  Je  Savois 
etre  au  nombre  de  3000.  a  30:  ou  40:  Lieues  du  fort  Sepreparent  avenir 
Lassieger,  ces  Troupes  Se  Tenoient  Si  bien  Sur  Leur  gardes,  marchant 
Toujours  en  bataille  que  Tous  les  Efforts  que  faisoient  les  Detache- 
ment  contre  elles  devenoient  inutiles, 

Enfin  apprenant  Tous  Jours  que  ces  Troupes  approchoient;  Jenvoyai 
Le  Sr  La  Peyrade,  officier,  avec  quelque  francais  et  Sauvages,  pour 

1  A  part  of  the  extract  from  Contrecceur's  letter  is  printed  in  Parkman's  Mont- 
calm and  ]\'olfe,  Appendix. 


Savoir  precisement  ou  elle  etoient,  il  ma'pprit  le  Lendemain  8e  que 
Les  anglais  etoient  a  environt  8  Lieues  de  ce  forts, 

Je  fis  Sur  Le  champ  un  autre  detachement  quy  mappris  Le  meme 
Jours  qu'ils  netoient  plus  qu'a  6  Lieues  et  qu'ils  marchoient  Sur  Trois 

Le  meme  Jour  Je  formais  un  parti  de  Tous  ceque  Je  pouvois  mettre 
horts  du  forts  pour  aller  a  Leur  Rencontres  il  etoits  compose  de  250  .  .  . 
francais  et  de  650  Sauvages,  cequi  faisoit  goo  hommes  Mr  De  Beaujeu, 
Capitaine;  le  Commandoits.  II  y  avoit  deux  Capitaine  qui  etoient  Mrs 
Dumas  et  Lignerie  et  plusieurs  autre  officiers  Subaltarnes 

Ceparti  se  mit  en  marche  Le  9  a  8  heurs  du  matin,  et  Se  Trouva  a 
midi  et  demy  en  presence  des  anglais  a  environ  3  Lieues  du  fort,  on 
commancas  a  faire  feu  de  part  et  d'autre  le  feu  de  L'artillerie  ennemie 
fit  Reculer  un  peu  par  deux  fois  notre  partie,  Mr  De  Beaujeu  fut  Tue  a 
La  Troisieme  de  charge,  Mr  Dumas  prit  Le  commandement  il  Sen  ac- 
quita  au  mieux  nos  francais  plains  de  courage  Soutenu  par  Les  Sauvages, 
quoiquil  n'eussent  pas  d'artillerie  firent  a  Leur  Tour  plier  les  anglais 
qui  Se  batoient  en  ordre  de  bataille  en  bonne  contenance  et  ces  derniers 
voyant  lardeur  des  nos  gens  quy  foncoient  avec  une  vigueur  infinie, 
furent  en  fin  oblige  de  plier  Tout  a  fait  apres  4  heurs  d'un  grand  feu 
Mrs  Dumas  et  Lignerie  qui  navoient  plus  avec  eux  qu'une  vingtaine 
de  francais,  ne  Sengagerent  Point  dans  La  poursuit;  ils  Rentrerent  dans 
le  fort,  parcequ'une  grande  partie  des  Canadiens,  qui  n'etoient  mal- 
heuresement  que  des  Enfant,  Setoient  Retire  a  La  premiere  decharge,  les 
meilleurs  avoient  Reste  a  LaRre  aux  Boeuf  a  faire  les  portage  des 
vivres;  d'aillieurs  un  partie  des  Sauvages  netoient  occupes  qu'a  Lever 
des  chevelures  et  a  piller.  Si  les  ennemis  fussent  Revenus  avec  Les  1000 
hommes  de  troupes  fraiches  qu'ils  y  avoient  en  Reserve  a  quelque  dis- 
tance d'eux,  et  dont  nous  ne  Savions  pas  L'eloignement,  nous  nous 
serions  peut-etre  Trouver  fort  embarasse 

M r  De  Courtemanche,  Lieutenant,  coucha  Sur  Le  Champ  de  Bataille, 
ainsi  que  les  officiers  qui  etoient  de  Retour  dela  poursuitte  des  fuyards, 
sur  les  quels  il  avoient  Tire  Jusqu'a  La  nuit,  avec  les  sauvages  qui  les 
avoient  Suivis. 

Mrs  Dumas  et  Lignerie  ont  bien  Remplace  Monsieur  De  Beaujeu 
dans  Tactions,  Tous  les  officiers  en  general  Sy  Sont  distingues,  Les  Cadets 
ont  fait  des  merveilles  ainsi  que  nos  Soldats, 

Tous  les  Sauvages  du  Detroit  et  de  michilimakinak  Sont  partis  des 
le  Lendemain  de  Laction,  Sans  que  J'aye  pu  les  arreter,  ces  Sauvages 
comme  les  domicilies  et  ceux  de  la  Belle  Riviere  ont  Tres  bien  fait,  il 
est  necessaire  de  les  Recompenser 


J'envoic  aujourd'hui  un  petit  D£tachement  pour  decouvrir  ceque 
sont  devenus  lcs  anglais;  et  Savoir  S'il  ont  dessein  de  Revenir  nous  at- 
taquer  ou  de  Sen  Retourner 

Si  ont  veut  conserver  cette  Riviere,  il  lata  y  faire  des  Etablicement 
plus  considerables 

Cy-Joint  Rx. 
ETAT  de  Lartillerie,  munitions  de  guerre,  et  autres  Effets  appartenant 
aux  anglais,  qui  SeSont  Trouve  Sur  le  Champ  de  Bataille  apres  Laetion 

sg  AVOIR 
4  Canon  de  fonte  aux  amies  d'angleterre  du  calibre  de  1  ilb 
4  idem  de  5lb}{> 
4  Mortiers  ou  aubussiers  de  fonte  de  7  pouce  ]{,  de  diametre 

3  autres  mortiers  de  grenade  .  .  .  de  4  pouce  %  idem 
175  Boulet  de  1  ilh 

57  aubus  de  6. % 

17  Baril  de  poudre  de  100  Chaque 

19740  Cartouche  Charge  pour  mousquets 

Les  artifices  pour  Lartillerie 

Les  autres  outils  necessaires  pour  un  Siege 

grandes  Quantite  de  fusils,  de  Service  et  hors  de  Service 

Quantite  de  Chariots  brisees 

4  a  500  Cheveaux,  dont  par  tie  Tue 
Environ  100  betes  a  Comes 

un  grand  nombre  de  baril  de  poudre  et  de  farine  enfonces 
Environ  600  hommes  morts,  dont  grand  nombre  d'officiers, 

et  des  blesse  a  proportion 
20  hommes  ou  femme  fait  Prisonnier  par  les  Sauvages 
un  butin  Tres  considerables,  en  meubles,  hardes  et  ustenciles 
Quantite  de  papier  qu'on  a  pas  eu  le  Temps  [?]  de  faire  Traduire 
on  y  a  Reconnu  entrautre  le  plan  du  fort  Duquesne  avec  Ses  Exates 

Nta  Les  Sauvages  ont  Pille  beaucoup  dor  et  dargent  mon- 


LISTE  des  officiers,  Soldats,  Miliciens  et  Sauvages  de  Canada  qui  ont 
ete  Tues  dans  Laetion  s^avoir 



De  Beaujeu,  Commandant 
De  Carqueville,  Lieutenant 
De  La  Peyrade,  Enseigne 



23  homines  Marts 

16  hommes  Blesse 

3  officiers 

3  Canadians 

2  Soldats 

15  Sauvagcs  de  differentes  nations 



Le  Borgues  Lieutenant,  un  bras  Casse 

Bailleul  Enseigne  .  .  .  Legerement 

hertel  Ste  Thereze        1        n   , 

,,  .,  I       Cadet  idem 

Montmidy J 

1 2  Sauvages  idem 

Pour  Extrait  a  Quebec  Le  8e  aoust  1755 

[Endorsed]  Relation  Francaise  de  Taction  du  9:  juillet  a  Monongahela,  pres 
de  la  Riviere  Ohio.  7755 

Summary  of  Letters  from  Spencer  Phips, 
Thomas  Fitch,  Arthur  Dobbs,  and  Rhode  Island  l 


Massachusets  Bay  Presid1  Phips     Is  raising  800:  Additional  Men.  for 
Aug'  30th  1J55.  Gen1  Johnson 

None  of  President  Phips 's  Letters 
apply  for  Assistance  from  England;— But  a  long  Memorial  from  the 
Province  has  been  delivered  by  their  Agent  Mr  Bollan,  supported  by  a 
long  Letter,  setting  forth  the  great  Number  of  Men  they  have  raised,  & 
their  Large  Expences,  &  desiring  Assistance  in  general— They  also  repre- 
sent, that  many  Inconveniences,  may  arise  from  recruiting  the  regular 
Troops  in  America;  as  it  may  lessen  the  Number  of  Inhabitants,  &  dis- 
courage the  Eagerness  of  the  People,  to  inlist  for  particular  Services- 
Connecticut.  Letter  from  Mr  Fitch.  Have  raised  &  Maintained  1000: 
&  Address  Aug1  il  iy^.2  Men  for  the  Expedition  to  Crown 

Point;  are  going  to  add  500:  more, 
—have  permitted  New  York  to  raise  300:  Men  in  their  Country— repre- 
sent the  want  of  Arms,  &  desire  such  Supply  as  the  King  shall  judge 

1  This  document  is  in  memorandum  form. 
-  Printed  in  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  I,  265-269. 


proper— they  have  contracted  large  Debts  for  this  &  other  publick  Serv- 
ices, &  desire  Relief  therein 


irolina  Gov  Dot 



12  Poundrs 


18  Pound" 


18  Poundrs 


9  Pound" 






Barrels  powder. 

Dobbs  Aug1  25: 

To  fortify  Cape  Look-out 

Has  given  Directions  for  a  Bat- 
tery &  Barracks  at  Ocacock  Har- 
bour, for  which  there  is  wanting. 
12.  12  Pound"  8e  8:  18  Pound"— 
And  for  Johnston  Fort  at  Cape 
Fear  River,  ij:  18  Pound"  16.  9 
Pound"  30  Suivels,  &  as  many 
Musquetoons,  with  Bullets,  & 
Stores  for  all  the  Guns.— Mr  Dobb 
also  desires  20:  Barrels  of  Powder- 
He  likewise  represents  It  will  be 
necessary  to  fortify  Cape  Look  out 

Rhode   Island— April   17—1755'. 

"k  Agents— Petition  in  July  1755  4:— 

20:  Cannon,  with  Stores- 

Have   raised  400:   Men,   Given 
io,ooo£,  8c  the  Town  of  Newport 
5,ooo£  for  repairing,  and  enlarg- 
ing the  Fort  at  Newport,  in  which 
there  are  24:  Cannon  purchas'd  by 
themselves— 20:  more  from  18:  to 
24:  Pounders  are  wanted,  which 
they  desire  to  be  sent,  with  50: 
Shott  for  each  Gun,  &  other  proper 
These  Cannon  were  applied  for,  several  Years  ago;  in  1735,  the  Board 
of  Trade  reported  for  sending  them:  In  174-1,  tne  Report  was  refen'd 
to  the  Master  of  the  Ordnance,  to  make  an  Estimate,  which  came  to 

Sketch  for  Next  Year's  Campaign  in 

North  America.1  Septr  6:    1755 


The  unfortunate  Miscarriage  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  in  the  designed 

Attack  upon  Fort  du  Quesne,  in  North  America,  &  the  Death  of  Major 

3  Printed  in  North  Carolina  Col.  Recs.,  V.  419. 

*  References  in  Rhode  Island  Col.  Recs.,  V,  411,  and  Kimball,  Correspondence  of 
the  Col.  Governors  of  R.  I.,  II,  156. 
1  In  the  handwriting  of  Robert  Napier,  this  document  is  in  memorandum  form. 

i34  CAMPAIGN  PLAN  FOR  1756 

Gen1  Braddock,  make  it  necessary  to  alter  the  Scheme  proposed  for  the 
next  year's  Campaign  in  that  Country;  2  which,  if  the  attempts  upon 
Niagara  and  Crown-Point  Succeed,  as  those  have  already  done  upon  Fort 
Beau  Sejour  &  Sf  John's,  will  still  put  us  in  a  condition  to  attack  Mont- 
real and  Quebec,  &  afterwards  to  go  up  the  River,  &  attack  Fort  du 

In  order  to  which,  an  additional  Force  of  (at  least)  1000:  Regular 
Troops  should  be  sent  from  Britain,  as  soon  as  conveniently  can  be, 
together  with  an  experienced  &:  active  General  Officer  to  command  in 
chief,  who  should  repair  imediately  to  Albany,  as  the  most  centrical  & 
convenient  Place  for  getting  Information,  and  also  the  most  proper 
for  making  his  chief  Magazines. 

The  Troops  to  be  sent  over,  should,  likewise  be  stationed  at  New- 
York  and  Albany,  in  which  Neighbourhood  the  rest  of  those  Forces 
should  also  have  their  Winter-Quarters,  in  order  to  begin  the  opera- 
tions next  year,  as  early  as  possible,  which  the  advantages  of  the  Rivers 
in  those  Parts,  will  greatly  contribute  to. 


To  the  1000:  Men  to  be  sent  from  Britain,  (as  above  mentioned)  a 
1000:  may  be  added  from  the  two  Regiments  of  Halket  &  Dunbar, 
leaving  the  Remainder  of  those  Corps,  Sc  Part  of  the  seven  independant 
Companies  to  recruit  in  Virginia,  &  cover  the  back  settlements  there: 
the  General  will  also  be  able  to  draw  a  considerable  number  from  the 
three  Regiments  in  Nova  Scotia  after  leaving  about  1500:  for  the  neces- 
sary Garrisons  in  those  Parts.  These  Forces,  with  the  Regiments  of 
Shirley  &  Pepperell,  &  such  additional  Provincial  Troops  and  Irregulars 
as  he  may  find  necessary  to  be  granted  by  the  different  Provinces,  will 
make  up  such  a  Corps  as,  'tis  to  be  presumed,  will  put  him  in  thorough 
Condition  to  do  his  Business  effectualy  in  those  Parts,  notwithstanding 
the  Reinforcement  sent  lately  to  Canada  from  France. 

If  the  Attacks  upon  Niagara  and  Crown-Point  have  met  with  the 
Success  which  'tis  hoped  they  will,  the  obvious  Business  of  next  Cam- 
-  Probably  the  plan  of  August  11,  1755,  Add.  MSS.  35,909,  f.  208. 


paign  is  the  Reduction  of  Montreal  and  Quebec  with  the  Forts  which 
lie  between  those  Places:  in  order  to  which  we  must  be  masters  of 
Lake  Champlain  by  having  a  proper  Number  of  armed  Vessels  upon 
it:  and,  as  this  Lake  empties  itself  into  the  River  5'  Lawrence,  by  the 
River  Sorrell,  between  Quebec  &  Montreal,  it  will  naturaly  occur  to 
the  General  that  he  must  make  himself  Master  of  the  last  mentioned 
River;  by  which  Means  he  will  have  the  Advantage  of  Water  Carriage 
from  Crown  Point  to  the  S*  Lawrence,  8:  have  it  in  his  Power  to  keep 
either  Quebec  or  Montreal  in  check,  whilst  he  carries  on  his  attack  upon 
either  of  those  Places.  And  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  with  the  Force  he 
will  have,  he  will  have,  the  Benefit  before  mentioned  of  water  Carriage 
behind  him,  &  the  assistance  of  such  a  Number  of  His  Majesty's  ships 
of  war,  as  shall  be  thought  sufficient  to  block  up  the  mouth  of  the  River 
S'  Lawrence  he  will  soon  be  able  to  reduce  those  Places,  &  by  that  means, 
make  himself  master  of  all  Canada. 

The  Providing  in  time  (so  that  the  operations  may  begin  as  early  as 
possible  in  the  Spring)  the  necessary  stores,  ammunition  &  Provisions, 
as  also  Vessels,  Batteaux  &  Floats  for  transporting  them,  must  be  dili- 
gently attended  to;  together  with  a  good  &  sufficient  Train  of  Artillery; 
and  'tis  presumed,  that  this  may  be  done  from  what  is  in  Nova  Scotia 
&  the  Provinces.  But,  'till  such  time  as  a  particular  account  can  be  got 
of  the  Numbers,  Natures  &  Condition  of  the  Artillery  there,  nothing 
can  be  said  more  on  that  head:  nor  can  it  be  said  what  number  of 
small  arms  will  be  necessary  'till  a  like  account  can  be  had  of  those  that 
are  already  there.  It  is,  however,  proper  to  mention  in  this  place,  that 
'till  such  time  as  the  Governm1  gives  some  orders  to  the  Governours  of 
the  Provinces  to  take  care  of,  &:  keep  up  the  Arms  that  are  from  time 
to  time  sent  over  there,  in  proper  condition  &  Repair;  the  sending  over 
such  large  Numbers  as  they  demand,  is  putting  the  Governm1  here  to 
very  great  Expences,  to  little  Purpose. 

On  the  Supposition  that  we  have  already  succeeded  in  the  Attack 
on  Niagara,  that  we  have  established  ourselves  strongly  there,  &  that 
our  naval  Force  on  Lake  Ontario  is  sufficient  (which  will  fix  &  confirm 
the  six  Indian  Nations  in  that  Friendship  &  Alliance  they  have  so  lately 
promised)  it  will  be  equaly  necessary  8c  very  possible  to  establish  a  like 
naval  Force  upon  Lake  Erie  also. 



The  making  ourselves  masters  of  Fort  du  Quesne  has  not  been  men- 
tioned 'till  now;  as  the  great  Tediousness,  Expence  and  Difficulties 
which  were  most  unexpectedly  found  in  our  attempt,  by  the  way  of 
Virginia,  makes  it  seem  necessary  to  alter  the  manner  of  proceeding 
to  that  Place.  To  avoid,  therefore,  the  former  inconveniencies  it  is  pro- 
posed, That  the  Expedition  to  that  Fort  should  go  from  the  sources, 
down  the  River  Ohio,  rather  than  the  former  way:  on  that  supposition, 
the  being  previously  Masters  of  Niagara  is  necessary;  upon  which  it 
is  reasonable  to  imagine  that  the  French  will  abandon  the  Ohio,  as  they 
will  be  cut  off  from  all  Comunication  with  Canada:  but,  should  they 
not;  by  means  of  Niagara,  there  will  be  a  short  &  easy  access  to  the  Ohio, 
&  the  Advantage  gained  of  conveying  the  Troops  &  Stores  down  that 
River,  in  order  to  attack  the  Fort,  'tis  to  be  hoped,  more  successfully. 


But,  whether  the  next  Campaign  is  to  begin  by  reducing  Fort  du 
Quesne  Niagara  Crown  Point  or  Quebec,  the  General  will  find  Albany 
the  proper  Center  to  collect  his  Troops,  &  to  make  the  necessary  Dispo- 
sitions for  taking  the  Field;  he  should  therefore  be  sent  over  as  soon 
as  can  be,  to  consult  with  the  several  Governors  &  jointly  to  concert 
measures  with  them,  that  he  may  not  meet  with  those  unforseen  &  un- 
expected Retardments,  which  delayed  our  Troops  so  long  this  last 

The  French  will  probably  endeavour  to  make  a  Diversion  from  the 
Missisipi  upon  our  Southern  Provinces:  but,  with  the  independant 
Companies,  &  Part  of  the  two  Regiments  left  there,  together  with  the 
Provincial  Forces  of  those  Parts,  k  the  Assistance  of  our  most  Southern 
Indians  (who  have  hitherto  been,  in  general,  steady)  it  is  to  be  presumed 
that  any  Attempts  the  French  may  make  that  zvay,  will  be  of  little  con- 
sequence, considering  also  the  Difficulties  They  will  meet  in  coming  up 
the  Mississipi  River.  The  General,  however,  by  being  upon  the  Spot, 
will  be  a  better  judge;  &,  by  consulting  with  the  Governors  of  the  South- 
ern Provinces,  be  better  able  to  take  the  most  necessary  &  prudent 
Measures  for  preventing  any  great  Danger  in  those  Parts. 


Peter  Wraxall  1  to  Henry  Fox 


Camp  at  Lake  George, 
September  -'7th  1755. 

Honoured  Sir, 

The  Title  I  take  the  Liberty  to  give  you,  I  have  before  made  use 
of,  explained  my  Motives  for  it,  and,  I  hope,  they  appeared  to  you,  as 
they  did  to  me,  a  Justification. 

The  subsequent  Matter  of  this  Letter  will,  I  flatter  myself,  atone  for 
the  Interruption  it  may  give  you,  if  I  am  mistaken,  I  am  certain  my 
Intentions  are  full  of  respect  and  gratitude. 

The  Troops  which  compose  this  Camp,  are  those  Provincial  Levies 
which  were  agreed  to  be  raised  at  the  Council  at  Alexandria,  in  order 
to  form  an  Expedition  against  Crown  Point,  and  to  be  put  under  the 
Command  of  Col:  Wm.  Johnson,  who  had,  in  Consequence  thereof, 
Commissions  given  him,  by  sundry  of  the  Governmts  concerned,  of 
Major  General,  and  Commander  in  Chief. 

The  Numbers  agreed  upon  at  Alexandria,  were  between  4  and 
5000,  but  the  500  raised  by  New  Jersey  were  drawn  off  by  General 
Shirley,  to  aid  his  Operations  from  Oswego.  The  other  Governmts 
did  not  come  up  to  their  Quotas.  The  New  Hampshire  Troops,  about 
450  did  not  join  us,  till  about  3  Weeks  ago,  so  that,  when  General 
Johnson  left  Albany,  the  amount  of  the  Troops,  fit  for  Duty,  were 
about  3000. 

I  was  sent,  by  General  Braddock's  Orders,  from  Fort  Cumberland, 
to  assist  General  Johnson,  in  his  Indian  Transactions;  he  wrote, 
afterwards,  to  General  Braddock,  that  I  might  have  leave  to  con- 
tinue with,  and  act  under  him,  in  his  Military  Department.  This  was 
consented  to.  I  received,  from  General  Johnson,  three  Commissions: 
One,  as  his  Aid  de  Camp;  One,  as  his  Military  Secretary;  the  Other  to 
be  Judge  Advocate,  to  the  Troops  under  his  Command.  These  Offi- 
ces I  have  acted  in.  The  Colonies  made  no  Nomination,  or  appointed 
any  Pay,  for  either  of  Them,  and,  I  believe,  never  will  do  it.  I  neither 
have  taken,  or  shall  take,  any  Fees  or  Perquisites.  My  Emulation  to 
serve    the    Publick,    and    my    private    Friendship    for    General    John- 

1  For  Peter  Wraxall  (d.  1759).  who  was  Town  Clerk  of  Albany,  secretary  for  In- 
dian affairs  in  New  York,  Johnson's  secretary,  and  captain  of  a  New  York  inde- 
pendent company,  see  C.  H.  Mcllwain.  ed..  An  Abridgment  of  the  Indian  Affairs 
.  .  .  by  Peter  Wra\all  (1915),  pp.  c-exviii. 


son,  were,  and  are,  my  prevailing  Motives,  for  sustaining  Employ- 
ments, which  have  given  me  unremitted  Fatigue,  for  upwards  of  3 

The  first  Post  we  took  Possession  of,  after  we  left  Albany,  was,  at 
the  Great  Carrying  Place,  about  50  Miles  from  Albany.  This  is  a 
Pass  of  great  Importance,  as  all  the  frequented  Roads,  from  Canada 
fall  in  there.  Here  the  General  ordered  a  Work  to  be  thrown  up, 
which  was  clone,  after  a  Plan,  and  under  the  Direction  of  Captain 
Eyre,  whom  Gen1  Braddock  sent  as  an  Engineer,  tho'  not  quite  com- 
pleated,  Troops  are  in  Garrison  there,  &  our  General  has  given  it 
the  Name  of  Fort  Edward,  in  Honour  to  Our  Young  Prince. 

From  Fort  Edward  We  marched,  with  1500  Men,  to  this  Lake, 
which  is  about  15  Miles  distance.  The  French  call  it  Lake  St.  Sacra- 
ment, but  the  General  gave  it  the  Name  of  Lake  George,  thereby  fur- 
ther to  ascertain  His  Majesty's  undoubted  Right  to  it.  We  arrived 
here  the  28th  of  August,  found  all  the  Land  about  it  a  thick  Wood, 
where  never  the  least  Settlement  had  been  made;  Not  a  Foot  cleared; 
Some  Days  were  spent  in  cutting  down  the  Trees,  &  clearing  Ground 
for  a  regular  Engagement.  This  Lake  runs  pretty  nearly  N.  &  S.,  in 
the  broadest  Part  about  1%  Mile.  It  abounds  with  small  Islands,  the 
Water  wholesome  &  pleasant,  &  very  full  of  Fish,  particularly  fine 
large  Trout.  It  is  navigable  for  Boats  for  about  36  Miles,  when  It 
grows  very  Narrow,  and  has  a  perpendicular  Fall,  which  stops  all 
Navigation;  there  the  small  Boats  &  Canoes  in  use  here  are  carried 
over  the  Land  for  about  a  Mile,  and  launched  into  the  Lake  again; 
It  soon  empties  Itself  in  the  River,  which  leads  to  Crown  Point;  This 
Fall  is  about  18  Miles  from  Crown  Point.  This  Fall,  &  a  little  beyond 
it,  is  another  grand  Pass  called  Tionderogo,  which  commands  all 
the  Water  Passage  between  Crown  Point,  and  these  Parts.  This  im- 
portant Pass  our  General  proposed  to  take  Possession  of,  8c  fortify, 
and  before  We  received  the  late  Visit  from  the  Enemy,  intended  to 
have  embarked  with  about  1000  Men  8ec.  &  taken  Post  there;  It  is 
about  15  or  16  Miles  from  Crown  Point.  From  all  that  I  can  observe 
from  Maps,  or  learn  from  Information,  it  would  be  a  better  Situation, 
and  a  greater  Security  for  this  Country  to  have  a  good  Fort  there, 
than  where  Crown  Point  stands;  but  as  the  River,  which  leads  from 
thence  to  Crown  Point,  is  broad  &  deep,  either  that  must  be  de- 
molished, and  the  Enemy  prevented  from  Rebuilding,  or  Tionderogo 
be  made  very  strong  &  well  Garrisoned. 

The  particular  Account  of  the  Actions  of  the  8th  Instant,  I  drew 
up,  and  was  transmitted  by  the  General  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor 


of  Boston,  in  a  general  Letter  to  all  the  Governments  concerned.2  As 
I  make  no  doubt  that  Relation  has  been  transmitted  by  Governor 
Phipps,  &  others  to  the  Administration,  &  will  have  reached  you  be- 
fore This  has  the  honor  to  be  in  your  Hands,  I  shall  not  repeat  it; 
But  make  some  Observations  on  the  Three  Actions  of  the  Day,  in  or- 
der to  let  you  into  the  Character  of  Our  Troops,  and  their  Merit. 

The  Party  in  the  Morning,  with  the  Indians,  &  the  sustaining  Party 
sent  out  upon  Our  hearing  the  first  Fire,  were  equal,  if  not  superioi 
in  Number  to  the  Enemy.  Our  People  were  surprised,  by  neglecting 
to  have  advanced,  &  flank,  Guards.  Only  the  Indians,  &  some  of  the 
foremost  of  Our  Men  stood  the  Attack;  among  both  those  there  was  a 
great  slaughter:  The  rest  did  not  advance,  or  make  any  Motions  to 
sustain  the  Front,  upon  which  They  were  beat  back,  a  Panick  took 
Place,  &  the  whole  fled  in  a  disorderly  Manner  towards  the  Camp, 
The  Enemy  pursued,  and  kept  firing  upon  the  nearest  Fugitives.  Our 
People  run  into  Camp  with  all  the  Marks  of  Horror  &  Fear  in  their 
Countenances,  exagerating  the  Number  of  the  Enemy,  this  infected 
the  Troops  in  Camp,  The  Enemy  were  advancing,  Our  General 
harangued  &  did  all  in  his  Power  to  animate  our  People,  I  rode  along 
the  Line  from  Regiment  to  Regiment,  decreased  the  Enemy's  Num- 
bers, promised  them  a  cheap  Victory  if  they  behaved  with  Spirit, 
begun  a  Huzza  which  took,  &  they  planted  themselves  at  the  Breast- 
Work  just  as  the  Enemy  appeared  in  Sight;  some  of  the  Officers,  but 
not  many,  seconded  my  Endeavours.  The  Enemy  had  been  obliged 
to  halt  upon  some  Disputes  among  their  Indians,  this  happy  Halt, 
in  all  Probability  saved  Us,  or  the  French  General  would  have  con- 
tinued his  Pursuit,  R:  I  am  afraid  entered  with  the  last  of  our  flying 
Men,  before  our  Troops  recovered  from  their  Consternation.  Great 
Numbers  of  our  Men  hid  themselves  during  the  Engagement,  and 
many  pretended  Sickness.  I  did  all  in  my  Power  to  drive  several  out 
to  the  Breast  Work,  but  for  the  most  Part  in  vain.  I  beleive  about 
1700  Men  stood  to  their  Duty,  We  might  be  in  the  whole  about  1900. 

When  the  Enemy  was  beat  off  and  flying,  a  Trial  was  made  to  pur- 
sue, but  Men  &  several  Officers  were  backward.  However  I  don't 
know  but  a  Pursuit  might  have  been  dangerous  to  Us.  The  Day  was 
declining— The  Rout  of  the  Enemy  not  certain— The  Country  all 
a  Wood,— our  Men  greatly  fatigued,  provided  neither  with  Bayonets 
or  Swords,  undisciplined,  &  not  very  high  spirited.  These  Reasons 
(for  my  Opinion  was  asked)  induced  me  to  think  we  had  better  be 
content  with  the  fortunate  Repulse  we  had  given   the  Enemy,  and 

-Documentary  History  of  New  York,  II,  691-695. 


before  Night  put  every  Thing  in  Order  and  Security,  for  the  Prisoners 
said  they  had  1000  Men  more  who  were  expected  to  be  on  their 
March  to  reinforce  them. 

The  Third  Engagement  of  the  Evening  seems  to  be  the  only  con- 
siderable Honor  on  our  Side. 

The  Enemy  were  double  our  Number,  our  brave  Party  drove  them 
from  their  Ground,  took  Possession  of  their  Baggage,  &  made  a  great 
Slaughter  amongst  them.  It  must  be  owned  the  Enemy  were  van- 
quished Troops  and  had  fled  from  the  Attack  at  the  Camp. 

I  believe  on  the  whole  of  the  Day's  Actions  the  Number  of  our 
slain  and  wounded  were  not  greatly  inferior  to  the  Enemy's.  Their 
greatest  Loss  was  among  their  regular  Troops,  who  made  and  sup- 
ported the  grand  Attack  on  our  Center,  and  behaved  with  the  utmost 

We  had  the  Honor  to  take  their  General  Prisoner;  His  Aid  de 
Camp  surrendered  himself,  &  we  killed  and  wounded  most  of  their 
principal  Officers. 

Our  General  treated  the  French  General  with  the  utmost  Human- 
ity &  generous  Delicacy,  had  him  laid  on  his  own  Bed,  and  tho'  the 
Doctor  attended  to  dress  his  wound,  had  all  the  French  General's 
first  looked  at  &  dressed.  The  Baron  de  Dieskau  from  first  to  last  be- 
haved with  Magnanimity,  with  the  most  decent  Composure,  &  with 
a  frank  Politeness,  in  short,  the  Philosopher,  the  Soldier,  and  the 
Gentleman  shone  conspicuous  through  his  whole  Behaviour.  He  is 
wounded  in  his  Bladder  and  I  fear  will  not  recover.  General  Johnson 
at  his  own  Request  sent  him  down  to  Albany  in  a  horse  Litter  where 
most  of  the  other  Prisoners  are  also  sent.  The  Intelligence  derived 
from  the  Papers  (which  were  very  few)  and  Prisoners  taken,  amounts 
to  this. 

That  with  the  Baron  Dieskau  and  under  his  Command  arrived 
from  Europe  to  Canada  about  2000  Regular  Troops  part  of  which 
were  detached  to  Cadaraqui  and  Niagara  and  the  remainder  (about 
half)  kept  to  act  against  Our  Designs. 

That  a  chosen  Body  had  been  picked  out  of  all  the  Regular  Troops 
in  Canada  to  support  the  Baron's  Opperations.  That  there  assembled 
at  Crown  Point  Regular  and  Irregular  Troops  about  6000  and  up- 
wards of  700  Indians.  That  they  were  throwing  up  new  Works  and 
strengthening  Crown  Point— taken  Possession  of  all  the  important 
Passes  in  Our  Way,  had  a  strong  Encampment  at  Tionderogo,  secured 
by  Canon  &  Works,  and  by  late  Intelligence  We  have  reason  to  be- 


leive   they  have  an  Encampment  of  Observation   between   this  and 

Two  Days  after  Our  Engagements  of  the  8th  all  Our  Indians  left 
Us  &  went  home. 

In  their  public  Speech  they  pleaded  as  their  Reason,  the  constant 
Custom  of  their  People  after  a  Battle  in  which  they  had  sustained  any 
considerable  Loss,  as  they  had  by  the  Engagement  of  the  Morning. 
They  disavowed  any  fear  of  the  Enemy  or  Treachery  towards  Us, 
and  declared  they  were  now  more  than  ever  enraged  against  the 
French  and  their  Indians  and  were  determined  upon  Revenge- 
hoped  We  should  not  sheath  the  Sword  for  they  would  not,  but  re- 
turn when  the  General  sent  for  them  and  was  ready  to  proceed.  They 
desired  most  earnestly  that  the  Cagnawaga  Indians,  who  had  broke 
their  Faith  with  them  might  never  again  be  permitted  to  trade  either 
at  Albany  or  Oswego. 

The  Cagnawaga  Indians  live  in  Canada  and  are  the  bravest  of  the 
French  Indians.  They  are  Fugitives  from  the  6  Nations  whom  the 
French  Policy  and  Priesthood  have  debauched  from  Us,  aided  by 
Our  former  Negligence  and  ill  management  in  Indian  Affairs.  They 
are  freely  admitted  to  trade  at  Oswego  and  Albany  in  behalf  of  the 
French,  who  by  their  means  supply  themselves  with  Indian  Goods 
from  Us  and  so  fight  Us  with  Our  own  Weapons.  It  is  a  profitable 
Trade  to  the  People  of  Albany  &  though  very  prejudicial  to  the 
general  Interest,  yet  those  People  have  but  one  Maxim  of  Conduct- 
that  private  Profit  is  the  highest  and  only  Motive  of  Action. 

The  Officers  of  this  Army  with  very  few  Exceptions  are  utter  Stran- 
gers to  Military  Life  and  most  of  them  in  no  Respect  superior  to  the 
Men  they  are  put  over,  They  are  like  the  heads  and  indeed  are  the 
heads  of  a  Mob.  The  Men  are  raw  Country  Men.  They  were  flattered 
with  an  easy  &  a  speedy  Conquest;  All  Arts  were  used  to  hide  future 
Difficulties  and  Dangers  from  them,  and  the  whole  Undertaking  in 
all  it's  Circumstances  smoothed  over  to  their  Imaginations,  most  of 
them  came  with  nothing  more  than  a  Wastecoat,  2  Shirts  and  one 
Blanket,  Their  Tents  ill  made,  not  Weather  Proof  and  some  none 
at  all.  during  the  warm  Weather  and  Our  first  Operations,  Things  in 
main  went  on  tollerably;  but  late  Fatigues,  some  rainy  &  cool  Days 
the  length  of  time,  the  brave  Behaviour  of  the  Enemy,  the  killed  & 
wounded  among  Us,  the  Approach  of  Winter  Weather— all  these 
matters  have  broke  Our  Mens  Spirits,  injured  Their  Healths  and 
produced  a  general  and  visible  Dejection  amongst  them,  a  fondness 


(incurable  I  beleive  at  present)  to  return  home  for  this  Winter  and 
an  avowed  Dislike  to  proceed  any  farther  till  next  Spring.  Large  Re- 
inforcements are  said  to  be  on  the  Way  from  Boston  and  Connecticut 
Governments  thro'  the  Country  by  way  of  Albany,  but  as  the  Provi- 
sions and  Ammunition  for  them  is  to  come  a  long  way  round  by 
Water,  it  will  probably  be  the  beginning  of  Winter  before  they  can 
be  brought  from  Albany  hither.  These  Reinforcements  live  and  are 
to  live  till  the  Arrival  of  their  Own,  on  the  Provision  belonging  to 
the  old  Troops;  so  that  tho'  they  add  to  Our  Numbers  they  diminish 
Our  Provisions  &  Ammunition,  of  both  which  We  had  no  super- 

Provided  the  number  of  Waggons  to  transport  Our  Provisions, 
Stores  &  Battoes  from  Albany  &  Fort  Edward  hither,  should  greatly 
exceed  Our  Expectations— should  the  necessary  Reinforcements  not 
arrive  here— should  the  warm  Cloathing  said  to  be  preparing  also 
arrive— should  the  flat  bottomed  Boats  for  Our  Artillery  be  finished— 
I  say  should  all  these  matters  take  place  and  be  compleated  within 
these  three  Weeks,  and  sooner  there  is  no  probability  they  will,  and 
provided  the  Officers  and  Men  were  all  disposed  to  go  forward  on  the 

Were  every  thing  thus  far  compassed  give  me  leave  to  observe 

1.  By  the  best  Intelligence  We  can  obtain  and  which  may  in  great 
measure  be  depended  on,  the  Enemy's  Forces  ready  to  oppose  Us  are 
more  than  We  should  with  the  expected  Reinforcements  be  able  to 
march  against  them.  A  great  part  of  theirs  are  regular  Troops  (We 
none)  over  and  above  these  the  Enemy  have  3  Indians  to  one  against 
Us  should  Ours  return. 

2.  We  have  Intelligence  that  the  Enemy  have  taken  possession  of 
Tionderogo,  have  Artillery  &  thrown  up  works  there. 

3.  We  have  not  any  practicable  Method  of  bringing  Cannon  to  at- 
tack the  Enemy  and  endeavour  to  dislodge  them  from  Tionderogo 
in  order  to  open  Our  Way,  but  by  Water;  all  Our  Battoes  will  scarcely 
transport  with  15  Days  Provisions  and  requisite  Stores  2500  Men,  a 
Number  by  the  best  Accounts  not  equal  to  the  Enemys. 

4.  Our  Battoes  are  small  kind  of  Wherrys  incapable  of  sustaining 
much  Wind  or  rough  Water.  This  Lake  when  the  Wind  at  North 
or  South  blows  any  thing  hard  is  exceeding  rough  &  very  dangerous 
to  a  loaded  Battoe.  At  the  time  of  Our  supposed  Embarkation,  there 
is  great  probability  of  high  Winds  and  stormy  Weather  of  Snow  and 
in  all  likelyhood  of  some  Ice;  it  would  not  be  practicable  to  encamp 
on  our  Passage— it  was  always  proposed  to  leave  Our  Tents  behind. 


We  shall  at  least  be  three  Days  &  Nights  on  the  Water  with  such  a 
Body,  are  Our  Battoes,  are  Our  Men  equal  to  the  Chances  against 
them,  or  rather  to  the  Certainties. 

5.  We  have  no  Body  in  our  Army  nor  I  believe  any  one  to  be  pro- 
cured, but  from  Our  Enemies,  who  is  well  enough  acquainted  with 
the  Landing  near  to  Tionderogo  (lor  it  begins  at  the  Carrying  Place) 
to  know  whether  we  could  land  any  where  but  under  the  Enemy's 
Batteries;  Tho'  a  Number  of  Men  interior  to  the  Enemy,  Sc  raw 
Troops,  without  Sword  or  Bayonet,  uncovered  by  our  own  Artillery, 
exposed  to  the  Enemy's  great  Guns  &  small  Arms,  in  this  Situation, 
would  it  not,  all  Circumstances  considered,  be  a  rash,  ill-judged  At- 

In  order  to  indulge  the  Argument  for  our  Proceeding;  I  have  sup- 
posed We  should  be  ready  to  embark  in  three  Weeks  from  the  Date 
hereof,  whereas  I  am  persuaded,  with  the  utmost  Dispatch,  We  can- 
not be  ready  under  4  Weeks  from  the  Date  hereof,  &  probably  in  not 
less  than  5.  I  have  supposed  the  Mens  present  Dispositions  to  be  re- 
versed. I  have  not  laid  any  great  Stress  on  the  Enemy's  regular 
Troops,  which,  tho'  held  in  Contempt  by  the  ignorant,  I  think,  where 
they  have  Ground  to  act  on,  are  5  to  1  against  such  as  our's.  To  con- 
clude, I  have  granted  a  Variety  of  Particulars,  which  might,  with 
more  Reason  be  denied. 

Instead  therefore  of  prosecuting  the  designed  Enterprize  at  this 
Season  of  the  Year,  &  in  our  Circumstances,  I  am  of  Opinion,  that  we 

1.  With  all  possible  Dispatch  erect  a  respectable  Fort  at  this  im- 
portant Pass.  Mount  our  heavy  Cannon  in  it;  Garrison  it  with  300,  or 
350  chosen  willing  Men,— a  good  Commanding  Officer,  the  others  the 
best  that  can  be  got;  3  or  4  good  Gunners,  full  3  Months  Provisions,  & 
other  Stores  sufficient.  The  General  would  have  had  such  a  Fort  near 
built  before  now,  but  his  Council  of  War  prevented. 

2.  March  with  the  rest  of  our  Troops,  Cannon  &:c.  to  Fort  Edward, 
compleat  That,  garrison  it  &c. 

3.  That  the  Remainder  of  the  Troops  return  Home  (Sc  if  the  Prov- 
inces have  a  Stomach  for  the  Expedition  next  Year)  hold  themselves  in 
Readiness,  with  better  Officers,  to  march  to  Fort  Edward,  and  hither 
by  the  1st  of  April  next.  That  they  be  augmented  to  8000  Men,  5000  of 
which  to  proceed  by  Way  of  this  Lake,  R:  3000  to  proceed  by  Wav  of 
Wood  Creek,  &  by  Scouts  across  which  is  not  above  14  Miles,  so  to  cor- 
respond in  their  Motions,  as  to  make,  nearly  at  the  same  time,  a  double 
Attack  upon  Tionderogo. 


If  this  Winter  affords  Snow  enough,  the  Provisions  &  Stores  for  these 
Troops  may  be  brought  to  Albany  upon  Sledges,  or  to  Fort  Edward,  & 
the  future  Fort  here,  which  being  a  cheap  &  easy  Method,  will  save  a 
great  deal  of  Money. 

4.  That  General  Johnson,  on  his  Return  Home,  keep  out  constant 
Parties  of  Indians,  to  observe  the  Motions  of  the  Enemy,  &  white  Men 
with  them  to  view  their  Fortifications  &c  and  if  they  should  discover 
any  Designs  upon  these  Forts,  to  give  immediate  Intelligence  there,  & 
then  put  the  County  of  Albany  in  Arms,  to  march  to  their  Relief,  which 
may  be  done  in  24  Hours  even  to  this. 

5.  That  General  Johnson,  on  his  Return  Home,  be  also  enabled 
to  use  His  Power  &  Influence  over  our  Confederate  Indians,  to  prepare 
&  induce  greater  Numbers  to  join  us  next  Year,  than  did  this,  &  to  take 
further  Measures  to  draw  off  the  Cagnawagas  from  the  French  Interest. 

6.  That  the  Prohibition  of  the  Exportation  of  Provisions  to  Cape 
Breton,  or  any  of  the  French  West  India  Islands  continue  throughout 
the  Colonies,  &  be  strictly  supported.  That  the  Exportation  to  the 
Dutch,  Danish,  Spaniards  &  Our  own  Islands  in  the  West  Indies,  be  so 
restrained  by  the  Colonies,  &  Our  Governors  in  the  West  Indies  so  to 
co-operate  therewith,  that  all  Resources  may,  if  possible,  be  cut  off 
from  the  Enemy  that  Way.— If  due  Care  is  taken  herein,— If  the  English 
Squadron,  so  long  as  the  Season  will  permit,— continue  to  block  up  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence;  and  the  Exportation  of  Provisions 
from  Ireland,  in  French  Ships,  be  prevented— It  is  presumed  Canada 
will  not  be  able  to  support  any  additional  Troops,  or  that  those  already 
there,  and  It's  Inhabitants,  will  be  greatly  distressed  to  support  their 
present  Military  Establishment,  either  this  Way,  or  at  Cadaraqui. 

7.  Which  should  have  been  mentioned  before;  That  Our  Artillery 
be  increased,  and  in  all  respects  put  on  a  more  formidable  &  regular 

8.  That  Our  Navigation  on  Lake  Ontario  be  continued,  &  strength- 
ened; If  the  Designs  that  Way  should  not  succeed,  or  be  put  to  trial  this 
Season,  that,  with  the  Junction  of  the  regular  Troops  under  Colonel 
Dunbar,  those  Measures  may  be  vigorously  prosecuted  next  Year. 

9.  That  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pensilvania,  keep  Possession  of 
Fort  Cumberland,  &  exert  Themselves  next  Spring,  to  make,  at  least  a 
Diversion  towards  Fort  du  Quesne. 

Finally,  That  this  Diversion  from  Fort  Cumberland,  the  Operations 
from  Oswego,  &  the  Expedition  this  Way,  be  all  put  in  Motion  next 
Year  about  the  same  Time,  and  that  there  be   a  general  Exertion 


throughout  the  Colonics,  during  the  Suspension  of  Our  Operations,  to 
put  Them  all  forward  at  the  Time  mentioned. 

In  this  Light  Matters  appear  to  me,  and  that  Things  are  not  at 
present  ripe  to  strike  the  Shake.  This  Plan  vigorously  Conducted,  if  a 
War  should  be  declared,  I  am  of  Opinion,  the  French  Dominions  in 
these  Parts  may  be,  if  not  totally,  in  a  great  Measure  overset.— The 
British  Indian  Interest  greatly  over-ballance  the  French,  and,  by  that 
Means,  the  invaluable  Fur  Trade,  which  is  the  whole  Support  of 
Canada,  fall  chiefly  into  Our  Hands,  and  be  greatly  more  than  a  Re- 
payment to  the  Colonies  for  all  their  Expences,  besides  enabling  Them 
to  cultivate  their  abandoned  Lands,  &  those,  which  never  will  be  set- 
tled, till  these  Events  are  in  some  Measure  accomplished. 

A  more  favourable  Period  for  destroying  the  ambitious  Schemes  of 
the  French  in  North  America,  &  extinguishing  their  growing  Power, 
cannot  be  hoped  for,  than  the  present,  &  if  neglected,  or  suffered  to 
slip  away,  may  never  again  be  regained. 

Our  Fleet  must  do  their  Part,  &;  if  not  sufficient  (for  I  dont  know 
their  Strength)  must  be  increased,  particularly  with  20  Gun  Ships,  for 
Cruizers,  and  must  enter  into  the  River  St.  Laurence,  not  only  to 
intercept  Succours,  but  to  alarm  Quebec,  if  the  latter  can  be  done  in 
earnest,  it  will  greatly  facilitate  all  the  other  Operations. 


I  am  afraid  I  have  been  too  tedious,  and,  perhaps,  to  little  purpose. 
I  design  well,  and  thought  I  might  be  permitted  to  throw  my  Mite  into 
the  Stock,  of  Intelligence,  from  these  Parts,  at  this  critical  and  important 
Juncture.  My  Obligations  to  you,  and  my  Experience  of  your  Good- 
ness animated  me,  and  is  my  Dependance  for  Pardon,  if  I  have  offended. 

This  Letter  has  been  wrote  by  peice-meal.  The  Post  I  act  in,  how- 
ever imperfectly  fdled,  not  only  leave  me  very  little  vacant  time,  but 
unfit  me  for  that  Composure  and  Attention,  which  I  would  always 
wish  for,  when  I  have  the  Honour  to  write  you. 

I  send  you  herewith  a  Sketch  of  Lake  George,  South  Bay,  and  the 
Wood  Creek,  The  three  only  passes  from  hence  and  Fort  Edward  to 
Tionderogo  and  Crown  Point.  I  have  never  seen  any  correct  Map.  This 
is  rather  to  illustrate  some  Parts  of  this  Letter,  than  to  ascertain  Things 
with  Accuracy. 

My  Heart  is  truly  grateful,  and  offers  to  your  Acceptance  its  best 
Wishes  most  fervently. 

I  am  &ca 

Peter  Wraxall. 


John  Brewse  1  to  the  Board  of  Ordnance 


Halifax  18th  October  1755 

Right  Honble  and  Honble  Gentlemen 

As  a  body  of  Troops  (to  which  I  was  joined)  has  been  in  motion  this 
Summer  in  Nova  Scotia,  I  humbly  beg  leave  to  give  Your  Honours 
some  Account  of  their  employment. 

In  February  last  Colonel  Lawrence  our  Lieutenant  Governour  com- 
municated to  me  His  design  of  reducing  the  Fort  of  Beausejour  to  His 
Majesty's  obedience  and  driving  the  French  from  the  Isthmus  of 
Chignecto,  and  the  rest  of  their  incroachinents  in  that  neighbourhood; 
in  consequence  of  this  resolution,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Monckton  2  was 
sent  to  Boston  to  procure  Governour  Shirley's  Assistance  in  raiseing 
the  Troops  for  the  expedition,  whilst  at  Halifax  we  were  getting  in 
readiness  all  the  implements  and  the  Stores  for  the  Train  of  Artillery. 
On  the  2d  of  May  we  sailed  from  hence  in  three  Vessels,  with  50  men  of 
Captain  Broom's  Company  and  the  abovementioned  Stores,  and  ar- 
rived the  9th  at  Annapolis  Royal.  Colonel  Monckton  with  the  Troops 
and  Battering  Cannon  arrived  there  the  26th,  under  Convoy  of  three 
20  Gun  Ships,  and  the  ist  of  June  we  sailed  for  Chignecto,  where  we 
landed  the  2d  and  were  joined  by  our  Garrison,  making  in  all  2000  Ir- 
regulars and  280  Regular  Troops,  on  the  4th  the  whole  marched  from 
Fort  Lawrence  with  4  Brass  Field  Pieces  6  Pounders,  and  flung  a  Bridge 
over  the  Mesaguash  at  Pont  Buot,  where  a  Body  of  French  and  Indians 
were  posted  in  an  Intrenchment  with  some  small  Cannon  to  oppose 
us,  but  were  soon  dislodged,  and  with  little  loss  on  our  side.  The  Troops 
continued  their  March  to  a  riseing  Ground,  within  a  mile  and  half 
of  the  French  Fort,  when  the  Enemy  set  Fire  to  the  Village  and  Church. 
The  next  day  we  cleared  the  Woods  for  an  Encampment  from  the  rise- 

1  John  Brewse  was  stationed  at  Halifax  in  1749,  and  was  serving  as  second  engineer 
in  Newfoundland  when  ordered  on  the  Fort  Beausejour  expedition.  As  captain  lieu- 
tenant, he  was  one  of  ten  engineers  at  Louishourg  in  1758.  He  became  captain  and 
engineer  in  ordinary  in  1759.  major  in  1772,  and  as  lieutenant  colonel  was  chief 
engineer  of  Minorca  after  Mackellar's  death  in  1781. 

2  Monckton's  journal  of  the  siege  of  Fort  Beausejour.  of  which  the  unique  copy  is 
among  the  Cumberland  Papers,  is  printed  in  J.  C.  Webster,  The  Forts  of  Chignecto 

The  maps  on  the  following  pages  are  reproductions  of  the  second  and  third 
of  John  lirewse's  drawings  referred  to  in  the  text.  They  are  from  the  Cumber- 
land Maps  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor  Castle.  The  original  plan  of  Chig- 
necto measures  14  by  20%  inches;  that  of  Fort  Beausejour  iS'/s  by  29  inches. 






'  i 

i   ■:  !    ',  :      ! 


ing  Ground  beforementionecl  in  a  Line  to  the  Marsh,  thro'  which  the 
River  Mesagouache  runs,  and  where  the  Vessels  were  to  lye  that  con- 
tained the  Stores  and  Provisions.  From  this  time  to  the  12th  we  con- 
tinued reconoitering  and  landing  our  Cannon,  and  on  the  evening  of 
that  day  we  dislodged  a  Body  of  French  and  Indians  from  the  Ground 
on  which  the  approaches  were  to  be  made.  In  this  Affair  Ensign  Tongue 
was  wounded;  He  was  one  of  the  three  Officers  appointed  to  assist  me 
as  Enginiers.  We  remained  in  possession  of  the  Ground,  but  the  in- 
trenching Tools  not  coming  up  'till  midnight  it  was  impossible  to 
undertake  the  work  I  had  proposed,  as  we  had  but  three  hours  till  day- 
light, so  that  I  traced  a  parallel  of  two  hundred  yards  and  lodged  the 
Men  in  security,  which  was  all  we  were  able  to  effect,  for  the  next  morn- 
ing the  Garrison  kept  an  incessant  Fire  from  six  pieces  of  Cannon, 
however  on  the  14th  we  run  a  Boyau  or  Trench  of  Approach  to  the 
Right,  and  the  next  night  another  to  the  Left.  A  thirteen  Inch  Mortar, 
and  three  of  eight  inches  were  placed  on  our  left  behind  the  parallel, 
which  had  the  desired  effect,  for  by  ten  in  the  morning  on  the  16th 
the  Commandant  sent  out  to  Capitulate,  Articles  were  exchanged  by 
seven  in  the  Evening,  and  our  Troops  in  Possession  before  dark.  Colonel 
Monckton  sent  a  Summons  on  the  17th  to  the  Commandant  of  Fort 
Gaspreau  who  desired  to  be  included  in  the  Capitulation  and  a  Body 
of  our  Troops  under  Lieu1  Colonel  Winslow  took  possession  on  the  18th. 

I  now  transmit  to  Your  Honours  four  different  plans,  the  first  a 
general  Draught  of  the  Road  cross  the  Isthmus  from  Beausejour  to 
the  Fort  Gaspreau  and  the  Bay  Vert;  the  Second  is  a  Plan  compre- 
hending the  space  between  the  Forts  and  our  passage  at  Pont  Buot;  the 
third  shews  the  Fort  and  our  Attack;  and  the  fourth  is  a  particular  plan 
of  the  Fort  itself  which  Your  Honours  may  observe  is  a  Pentagon  and 
approaches  to  a  regular  construction,  but  so  diminutive  in  all  its  parts 
[that]  even  the  little  Ditch  there  is  cannot  be  seen  from  the  Flanks, 
except  thro'  the  Embrassures,  the  Rampart  is  Faced  with  Sods  on  a 
Plinth  of  dry  Stone  Work;  on  the  Faces  of  the  Bastions  run  a  Line  of 
Fraises  to  prevent  an  Escalade.  The  Merlons  are  Caisons  of  Timber 
filled  with  Earth.  Above  half  the  Buildings  in  the  Fort  were  taken  down 
to  the  Ground  and  the  Roofs  taken  off  the  three  that  remained,  the 
first  of  which  is  a  Quarter  for  Officers  of  73  by  35  feet,  and  the  other  two 
of  22  feet  square  each.  The  French  Garrison  lay  in  Casemates  in  the 
several  Bastions,  which  are  neither  dry  nor  Bomb  Proof. 

As  to  the  situation  of  the  Fort,  it  is  advantageously  placed  on  every 
side  but  that  where  we  attacked,  there  the  Ground  rises  gradually  to  the 
distance  of  800  yards,  and  contains  hollows  covered  with  Rocks,  which 


we  immediately  seized  and  posted  our  Regulars  in  them,  who  from 
thence  could  communicate  with  the  right  of  the  Parrallel. 

Since  the  Surrender  of  the  Fort  now  Honoured  with  the  Name  of 
Cumberland,  Transports  have  been  employed  to  carry  the  whole  Body 
of  French  Inhabitants  intirely  out  of  the  Country,  and  the  greatest  part 
are  already  sailed.  If  my  Services  in  this  Business  are  approved  by  the 
Honble.  Board,  I  shall  think  myself  amply  rewarded  for  the  past,  and 
highly  encouraged  to  proceed  in  obedience  to  their  Commands  when- 
ever I  shall  be  honoured  by  them.  I  am, 

Right  Honble:  and  Honble  Gentlemen, 

Your  Honours  most  Dutiful  and  most  Obedient  humble  Servant 

Jn°  Brewse. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  John  Watts  x  to 

William  Cotterell.2  6  NovR   1755 


Our  Governor  and  Lieu1  Govr  still  continue  at  Albany,  but  their 
Stay  will  probably  be  but  short,  as  the  Season  for  Operations,  as  they 
call  it,  is  pretty  well  over.  Mr  Shirley  is  returning  to  Albany,  without 
having  attempted  any  one  thing,  with  a  Force  of  four  or  five  &  forty  hun- 
dred men,  a  few  Indians  included,  tho'  Niagara  was  known  to  be  ex- 
ceeding weak,  in  a  ruinous  Condition,  and  thinly  garrison'd.  Divisions  & 
Sickness  prevail'd  in  his  little  Army,  instead  of  military  Feats,  and  now  I 
suppose  it  will  take  a  whole  winter  to  apologize  both  here  and  at  home 
for  the  inactivity  of  the  Summer,  and  to  make  the  excessive,  fruitless 
expence  go  down,  it  has  cost  the  Nation.— Col0  Ellison  died  among 
many  others,  Cap1  Desury  of  Pepperell's  R:  Cap1  King  of  the  Inde- 
pendants.  Dunbar's  Division  (the  Remains  of  Gen1  Braddock's  Army) 
are  at  Albany,  sickly,  in  their  Tents,  whither  Mr  Shirley  order'd  them 
without  making  any  Preparation  for  their  Reception.  Govr  Hardy  is 
building  Barracks  for  them,  but  it  is  much  to  be  fear'd  many  men  will 
be  lost  before  they  are  finish'd. 

It  is  imagined  Gen1  Johnson's  chargeable  army  are  stopt  for  this 
Season,  the  Troops  are  constantly  coming  &  going  ill  arm'd,  ill  cloath'd 

1  For  John  Watts,  a  member  of  the  New  York  council,  see  his  letter-book  in  N.  Y. 
Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  1928. 

-  William  Cotterell,  a  captain  in  the  45th,  was  the  first  provost  martial  of  Nova 
Scotia,  a  member  of  the  council  there  since  October  23,  1752,  and  sometime  acting 
secretary  of  the  province.  Loudoun  gave  him  leave  to  retire  in  1757,  as  his  health 
was  broken,  and  sent  him  to  England  to  present  to  the  ministry  the  arguments  for 
Loudoun's  decisions. 


&  worse  disciplined,  some  having  served  their  time  out,  as  they  phrase 
it,  and  some  commencing  fresh  men.  Never  to  lie  sure  was  such  a  motly 
Herd,  almost  every  man  his  own  master  8c  a  General.  My  Respects  to 
Governor  Lawrence  8ec. 

[Endorsed]  Extract  of  Mr  Watts's  Lre  to  Cap1  Cottcrcll  New  York.  6  Nov1"  1755 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Sir  Charles 

Hardy  1  to  Halifax,  Dated  at  Fort  George 

the  27  of  novr.   1755 


My  last  to  your  Lordship  from  Albany  will  have  prepared  you  to 
receive  an  Account  of  the  Failure  of  the  Expedition  form'd  against 
Crown  Point.  I  return'd  to  this  City  yesterday,  after  having  used  all 
means  in  my  Power  to  enable  them  to  move  forwards:  But  on  a  due 
Consideration  of  the  whole,  I  am  of  opinion,  had  the  Army  been  in  a 
Condition,  as  well  as  Inclination,  to  have  gone  forward  after  the  Battle 
of  the  8th  of  September,  they  would  have  found  the  Pass  of  Tionderoga, 
at  the  North  end  of  the  Lake  George  so  well  guarded,  and  so  readily 
reinforced  from  the  army  at  Crown  Point,  as  would  not  only  have 
rendred  the  Attempt  very  difficult,  but  greatly  hazarded  the  Loss  of  the 
whole  army. 

Thus,  my  Lord,  have  the  whole  Expeditions  of  this  year  ended,  much, 
I  fear,  to  the  Disappointment  of  your  Lordship  and  the  Ministry.  But 
I  must  beg  your  Lordship's  Patience  and  Permission  to  lay  before  you 
some  Truths,  and  suffer  me  to  assure  you  what  I  now  assert  to  you 
is  without  Prejudice  to  any;  But  I  think  it  my  Duty,  after  the  Direc- 
tions your  Lordship  honour'd  me  with  before  I  left  Europe,  to  give  you 
every  true  and  fair  Information  of  the  State  of  things  here,  for  your 
Lordship's  knowledge,  and  as  I  do  not  doubt  but  you  will  receive 
other  Accounts  of  the  miscarriage  of  this  Expedition,  perhaps  princi- 
pally design'd  to  blacken  the  Reputation  of  the  Gentleman  who  had 
the  Command  of  it,  I  think  it  but  a  Justice  clue  to  him,  to  acquaint  you 
what  has  pass'd  under  my  own  Observations. 

Your  Lordship  had  the  earliest  Intelligence  from  me  of  my  going  to 
Albany;  on  my  getting  there,  as  well  as  during  my  Residence,  I  saw 
the  necessity  of  keeping  all  the  Waggons  and  Horses  of  this  Country 

1  Sir  Charles  Hardy  (d.  1780)  had  been  in  the  navy  since  173 1 .  became  rear  admiral 
of  the  blue  in  1756,  and  was  governor  of  New  York  from  1755  to  1757,  siding  with 
the  DeLancey  faction. 


employ 'd  in  supplying  that  Army  with  Provisions  (General  Shirley's 
Expedition  call'd  upon  me  to  assist  His  Commissaries  with  Carriages 
also).  But  the  Reinforcements  from  the  Massachusets  &  Connecticut 
arrived  so  quick,  the  first  of  which  repair'd  immediately  to  the  Army, 
without  any  supply  of  Provisions  being  laid  in  for  them,  that  it  became 
impracticable  for  this  Country  to  provide  a  sufficient  number  of  Wag- 
gons &  Horses  to  transport  the  necessary  Quantity  of  Provisions  &  Stores 
for  so  large  a  Body  of  Men,  for  this  reason  the  Connecticut  Reinforce- 
ments were  kept  in  and  about  Albany.  This  Difficulty  I  apprehend  to 
be  one  principal  Cause  that  the  Army  was  not  in  a  Condition  to  move, 
and  a  Difficulty  it  was  that  I  could  not  with  all  my  Efforts  surmount, 
tho'  I  believe  I  may  with  truth  say,  had  I  not  gone  to  Albany,  Genl. 
Johnson  would  have  been  under  a  necessity  of  moving  the  greatest  Part 
of  his  Forces  to  the  City  of  Albany  for  Subsistance,  and  I  am  not  at  all 
clear  that  General  Shirley  might  not  have  been  under  some  such  like 
Circumstances  with  his  Forces. 

Your  Lordship  will  see,  had  this  been  the  Case,  the  whole  Frontiers 
must  have  been  open,  and  in  consequence  subject  to  the  Incursions  of 
the  Enemy,  an  Advantage  I  think  they  would  not  have  overlook'd.  Add 
to  this,  that  the  Supply  of  Provisions  and  Stores,  for  these  Reinforce- 
ments, did  not  arrive  at  Albany  till  many  days  after  their  Forces,  that 
had  we  been  furnish'd  with  Conveyances  we  had  not  the  Provisions  to 
send  up.  Thus  much  for  Provisions  to  which  I  shall  only  add,  that  I 
was  extremely  glad  to  keep  them  so  supplied  as  to  enable  them  to  main- 
tain their  Camp. 

The  Army  under  such  Circumstances  most  certainly  could  not  think 
of  prosecuting  the  Expedition  to  the  full,  but,  that  they  might  not  be 
wholly  inactive,  I  recommended  to  General  Johnson,  &  that  repeatedly, 
to  attempt  removing  the  Enemy  from  their  advanced  Posts;  The  Gen- 
eral laid  these  Recommendations  before  his  Council  of  War,  but  to 
little  Effect.  In  short,  my  Lord,  I  shall  tell  your  Lordship  what  I  should 
not  care  to  say  publickly,  that  after  the  Battle  and  the  Defeat  of  the 
Baron  Dieskau,  I  firmly  believe  the  army  did  not  care  to  put  themselves 
in  the  way  of  such  another  Bout,  and  I  am  as  firmly  persuaded  that 
General  Johnson  would  as  readily  have  lead  them  to  face  the  Enemy, 
had  he  been  in  a  Condition  to  have  done  it.  There  are  many  other 
Circumstances,  had  they  been  sufficiently  supplied,  that  impeded  this 
army's  moving,  that  are  not  worth  troubling  your  Lordship  with,  and 
that  may  be  comprized  under  Jealousies  that  arose  after  the  Battle,  and, 
I  am  led  to  think,  were  spirited  up  by  some  Chiefs  in  Command  whose 
Conduct  that  day  may  not  turn  out  so  clear.  But  the  principal  Articles 


wanted  were  a  suffict.  number  of  Battoes  for  transporting  the  Army 
thro'  the  Lake,  four  hundred  of  which  could  not  be  carried  from  Fort 
Edward,  with'  taking  the  Waggons  from  transporting  the  Provisions, 
which  was  so  immediately  wanted,  also  flat  bottom  Scows  for  transport- 
ing the  Artillery  thro'  the  Lake,  which  were  begun  but  never  finish'd. 

Thus  far,  my  Lord,  I  have  endeavour'd  to  give  the  principal  Causes 
of  the  miscarriage  of  this  Expedition,  &  shall  add  no  more  upon  this 
Subject,  than  that  as  your  Lordship  may  imagine  these  Evils  would  not 
have  appear'd  had  they  been  provided  for  in  an  early  time,  granted 
my  Lord:  But  to  that  I  beg  leave  to  answer  that  the  Expedition  was 
concerted  in  a  Hurry,  without  those  necessary  previous  Considerations. 
It  was  expected  that  the  Battoes  sent  up  to  Albany  for  this  Service  would 
have  convey'd  a  sufficient  Quantity  of  Provisions  and  Stores;  in  the 
first  Place,  they  had  not  the  Provisions  and  Stores  at  Albany,  and 
secondly,  I  am  inform'd  the  Waters  of  Hudson's  River  was  then  so  low, 
that  loaded  Battoes  could  not  be  carried  over  the  Rifts  etc.  By  this  your 
Lordship  may  see  how  we  came  to  be  under  these  Difficulties. 

I  have  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of  State  Copies  of  Councils  of 
War  sent  to  me  while  at  Albany,  also  a  Copy  of  an  Agreement  at  a  meet- 
ing with  Mr.  Shirley,  and  Commissioners  from  the  Massachusetts  &  Con- 
necticut, for  garrisoning  the  Forts  Edward  at  the  great  carrying  Place, 
and  Fort  William  Henry  at  the  South  end  of  Lake  George,  by  which 
your  Lordship  may  observe  how  unanimous  they  are,  in  not  thinking 
it  adviseable  to  attempt  the  Reduction  of  Crown  Point  this  Season.  I 
make  no  doubt  but  your  lordship  will  hear  the  Provinces  are  not  so 
well  inclined  to  raise  men  for  these  Services  next  year.  I  am  not  at 
present  sufficiently  inform'd  of  their  Disposition  as  to  this  matter:  I 
shall  endeavour  to  do  all  on  my  part  in  this  Province. 

I  am  extremely  sorry  to  find  by  our  late  Advices  from  England,  that 
no  General  Officer  is  appointed  to  be  sent  here,  to  take  the  Command 
of  His  Majesty's  Forces,  and  I  hope  I  shall  stand  excused  in  saying,  I 
have  no  Opinion  of  the  Service's  being  carried  on,  with  any  prospect  of 
Success,  without  some  more  able  &  experiene'd  General  is  at  the  head 
of  them,  than  this  Continent  furnishes.  I  by  no  means,  my  Lord,  mean 
to  insinuate  anything  to  the  Prejudice  of  General  Shirley,  from  any 
hasty,  misguided  Opinion.  Your  Lordship  has  enjoin'd  me  to  be  sincere, 
and  as  a  Lover  of  Truth  I  cannot  be  otherways,  &  think  it  my  Duty  to 
tell  you,  that  it  is  a  Task  far  beyond  our  present  General's  Abilities, 
and  if  your  Lordship  should  have  been  told  otherwise,  I  beg  you  will 
suspend  your  Judgment,  &  I  am  sure  a  short  time  will  convince  you  of 
this  Truth. 


I  have  had  many  Conversations  with  Mr.  Shirley, 
Character  of  Major  whom  I  left  at  Albany,  and  I  must  take  leave  to  say  I 
Gi  Shirley  never  met  his  Equal  to  transact  Business  with.  Let  me 

entreat  your  Lordship  not  wholly  to  give  Ear  to  his 
Representations,  and  however  hard  the  Task  is  to  reflect  on  any  Gentle- 
man, the  honour  &  respect  I  have  for  your  Lordship  oblige  me  to  in- 
form you  that  /  fear  he  is  no  better  than  an  artfull  Deceiver  ready  to 
advance  any  thing  in  his  Representations  of  Things  as  Facts,  when  he  is 
perhaps  more  a  Stranger  to  the  Facts  he  asserts  than  those  he  lays  them 
before.  It  is  impossible  your  Lordship  and  His  Majesty's  Ministers  can 
be  inform'd,  if  Truths  are  not  the  Foundations  of  such  Informations: 
my  Lord,  I  much  doubt  if  that  has  been  or  is  like  to  be  the  Case  from 
that  Quarter.  The  Scene  of  Confusion  I  left  him  in  at  Albany,  is  hardly 
to  be  credited. 

In  some  of  my  last  Letters  I  mention'd  to  your  Lordship  his  temporiz- 
ing with  the  Indians;  I  greatly  fear  that  will  be  an  Evil  not  easily  to 
be  removed,  if  not  speedily  remedied.  As  far  as  I  can  judge  from  the 
little  Experience  I  have  had  in  this  Country,  if  the  Indians  are  not 
committed  to  the  Care  of  Johnson,  and  him  supported  in  it,  I  shall  have 
great  doubt  of  our  being  able  to  have  that  Dependance  on  their  sincere 
Services,  so  necessary  for  the  Good  of  these  Countries.  I  think  I  may 
venture  to  assure  you  that  many  of  the  Persons  Mr.  Shirley  employs 
to  transact  Indian  Affairs  for  him  are  meer  ignorant  Tools;  as  an 
instance  of  this,  I  must  observe  to  your  Lordship  that  his  principal 
Indian  Ambassador  is  Mr  Broadstreet,  who  never  saw  one  of  the  Castles 
till  his  going  this  year  to  Osivego,  and  now  takes  upon  him  to  know 
more  of  the  matter  than  any  body  in  this  Country.  I  will  not  assert  it, 
but  I  have  reason  to  believe  these  People  have  been  employ 'd  to  with- 
draw Johnson's  Influence  from  them.  However  of  this  I  may  soon  be 
better  able  to  inform  your  Lordship,  as  I  have  wrote  to  Johnson  to 
stop  at  the  Castles  in  his  way  from  his  Camp,  and  when  he  comes  to 
me,  I  shall  inform  your  Lordship  of  his  opinion  as  to  this  matter.  In 
short,  my  Lord,  I  fear  the  worst  if  his  Majesty  does  not  send  out  some 
able  &  experienced  Officer  to  conduct  his  Troops.  I  have  taken  the 
Liberty  to  mention  as  much  in  my  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State  from 
a  thorough  Conviction  I  can  with  great  Truth  support  this  opinion. 
And  on  the  other  Hand,  if  able  R:  experienced  Generals  arrive  here, 
[in]  time  enough  to  make  the  necessary  Preparations  for  the  opening  the 
Campaign,  I  shall  hope  his  Majesty's  Service  may  be  carried  on  with  a 
great  Prospect  of  Success,  &  I  trust  the  Provinces,  under  a  Confidence  of 


able  Leaders,  might  be  brought  to  contribute  what  is  in  their  Power 
to  the  promoting  these  Services. 

I  must  entreat  your  Lordship's  Forgiveness  in  being  thus  free,  but 
there  appears  to  me  such  a  necessity  of  Truths  being  laid  before  you, 
that  I  could  not  forbear  committing  to  Paper  those  Thoughts  that  my 
Heart  would  have  dictated,  had  I  the  honour  to  be  with  you  to  acquaint 
you  witli  the  deplorable  Situation  of  these  Countries,  if  the  Troops  of 
His  Majesty  are  to  be  no  better  conducted  than  they  will  be  under  their 
present  Leader.  And  I  must  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Lordship  that, 
after  all  I  have  said,  I  shall  to  the  utmost  of  my  Power,  assist  General 
Shirley  in  carrying  on  His  Majesty's  Service,  though  I  must  say  I  shall 
not  be  out  of  I  lopes  that  your  Lordship  will  use  your  Influence  to  have 
some  proper  Officer  sent  out.  Mr  Shirley  has  made  a  very  able  Governor 
of  the  Massachusetts,  and  I  beg  leave  to  offer  it  as  my  opinion,  that  he 
is  much  more  able  to  do  His  Majesty  Service  in  that  Department,  than 
at  the  Head  of  his  Armies. 

Summary  of  Disputes  between  Governor 
William  Shirley  and  General  William  Johnson. 

1755  ' 


There  is  no  Letter  from  Gen1  Johnson  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  but 
the  Board  of  Trade  have  transmitted  One  to  them,  dated  the  3d  Sepf; 
full  of  Complaints  against  Govr  Shirley,  who  has,  as  Gen1  Johnson 
says,  endeavour'd  to  do  him  all  the  Prejudice  he  can  with  the  Indians; 
That  He  has  represented  him  as  an  Upstart,  entirely  dependant  upon 
him,  &:  that  He  furnishes  him  with  all  the  Money  &:  Presents  for  the 
Indians,  R:  that  He  can  pull  him  down,  when  He  pleases.  That  Mr 
Shirley  employs  one  Lidius  to  the  Indians,  who  is  a  Person  odious  to 
them.  That  Mr  Shirley  in  order  to  detach  the  Indians  from  Mr  Johnson, 
has  made  them  such  large  Offers,  that  Mr  Johnson  has  been  obliged  to 
yield  to  very  unreasonable  Demands  from  them. 

In  support  of  this,  Mr  Johnson  incloses  the  Speech  of  the  Great  Mo- 
hock Indian,2  relating  what  Mr  Shirley  had  said  to  them.  Gen1  Johnson 

1  While  the  three  letters  summarized  here  are  printed,  in  C.  H.  Lincoln,  Cor- 
respondence of  William  Shirley,  II,  pp.  243-248,  309-310,  270-276,  the  way  in  which 
they  were  edited  in  the  secretary  of  state's  office  seems  worth  reproducing.  This  docu- 
ment is  in  memorandum  form. 

2  AT.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  VI,  998-999. 


thinks,  these  Proceedings  contrary  to  the  Commission  given  him  by 
General  Braddock,  by  which  he  was  appointed  sole  Superintendant  of 
the  Indian  Affairs.  That  He  cannot  fullfill  the  King's  Expectations,  if 
His  proceedings  are  to  be  controulled  by  a  Governor,  &  unless  a  certain 
Fund  is  appointed,  &  confided  to  his  Disposal,  for  that  Service,  k  unless 
he  is  put  on  that  footing,  He  desires  to  decline  the  Charge.  The  only 
Reason  he  can  guess  for  Mr  Shirley's  Conduct  is,  his  not  having  pro- 
vided 100:  Indians  to  escort  him  to  Osivego,  which  the  Indians  said 
was  unnecessary  as  the  Road  lay  thro'  their  Country. 

There  is  no  Letter  from  Mr  Shirley,  on  this  Subject,  but,  in  One  of 
the  5th  Oclr  on  the  Action  at  Lake  George,  He  refers  to  Copies  of  two 
Letters  to  Gen1  Joluison,  for  his  Sentiments  of  his  Conduct,  &  says,  He 
dont  yet  certainly  know,  what  the  Issue  of  that  Expedition  will  be  this 
Year,  but  has  Reason  to  think  it  will  be  dissatisfactory  to  all  the  New 
England  Colonies  as  well  as  Himself. 

In  Mr  Shirley's  Letter  to  Gen1  Johnson,  He  does  not  make  any  par- 
ticular Accusation,  but  seems  to  hint,  that  He  has  taken  a  wrong  Road 
to  Crown  Point, 

That  the  Fort  he  is  building  at  Lake  George  is  useless,  Presses  him 
to  go  on,  &  by  all  means  endeavour  to  make  himself  Master  of  Tiron- 

Thinks  he  must  have  sufficient  Force  for  that  purpose;  That  his  Ac- 
count of  the  'Strength  of  the  French  is  aggravated;  And  differs  from 
him  in  his  Opinion  of  the  Conduct  of  the  French  in  the  late  Action. 

Governor  Charles  Lawrence  to  Halifax 

My  Lord, 

Since  my  Letter  to  your  Lordship  of  the  18th  of  October,  by  the  hands 
of  Adm1  Boscawen,  I  have  had  the  Honour  to  receive  your  Lordship's 
most  obliging  Favour  dated  in  August,  full  of  the  highest  Encomiums 
on  my  Conduct  &  management;  My  Lord,  I  am  happy,  excessively  so, 
in  what  you  are  good  enough  to  think  8c  say  of  me,  nor  is  any  thing 
wanting  to  make  me  compleatly  so,  but  a  Consciousness  of  having  in 
truth  merited  half  the  Praise  your  Lordship's  Partiality  in  my  favour 
has  conferr'd  upon  me,  for  I  should  then  be  secure  of  that  which  is  the 
highest  Point  of  my  Ambition,  the  Continuance  of  your  Lordship's 
Approbation  and  Applause,  &  consequently  of  your  Countenance  and 
Protection.  I  wish  to  God  I  could  give  myself  Credit  for  having  crown'd 


your  Ldsp's  Labours,  for  the  happy  Establishment  of  this  Province, 
with  Success;  That  indeed  would  be  to  have  gain'd  such  Glory  and 
Advantages  as  your  Goodness  would  attribute  to  me:  But  I  fear  a  con- 
siderable part  of  so  great  a  Work  is  yet  to  be  accomplish'd.  The  Pros- 
pect may,  I  think,  fairly  be  said  to  be  now  open  that  leads  to  Success, 
and  no  Circumstance  in  my  Opinion,  my  Lord,  brightens  it  more  than 
that  happy,  tho'  expensive  one  of  extirpating  those  perfidious  Wretches, 
the  French  Neutrals,  some  of  which  that  have  escaped  Us  being  even 
still  audacious  enough  to  declare  that  the  French  will  infallibly 
make  themselves  masters  of  the  Province  the  next  Spring.  I  must  con- 
fess I  am  not  without  my  Apprehensions  of  their  attempting  it,  for 
altho'  the  Removal  of  the  Neutrals  with  the  Loss  of  Beausejour  and  their 
other  Possessions,  must  have  extremely  disconcerted  their  measures 
to  the  Northward,  and  rendred  their  Views  within  this  Province  much 
less  valuable,  yet  as  our  Military  Operations  to  the  Westward  (if  Credit 
can  be  given  to  the  inclosed  Letter  &  Extracts)  have  amounted  to  little 
more  than  the  levying  &  disbanding  of  Troops,  the  French,  who  at  first 
perhaps  trembled  for  Quebec,  will  now  certainly  (when  they  find 
Crown  Point  R:  Niagara  out  of  danger)  meditate  some  Revenge  upon 
Nova  Scotia  for  any  little  Efforts  of  Ours  to  gall  them.  And  this  Con- 
sideration, my  Lord,  leads  me  to  renew  my  Application  regarding  the 
Augmentation  to  be  made  to  the  Troops:  The  Officers  recruiting  on 
the  Continent  having  met  with  every  Obstacle  the  People  could  throw 
in  their  way  (an  Event  I  was  apprized  of  &  prepared  for)  have  hitherto 
made  little  or  no  Progress,  nor  can  I  at  present  flatter  myself  with  any 
sanguine  hopes  of  our  succeeding  better  here  amongst  the  New  Eng- 
land Irregulars,  as  a  thousand  Stories  are  daily  propagated  by  their 
Officers  to  discourage  their  becoming  Soldiers.  The  Meth[od]  of  this 
will  appear  pretty  clearly  from  the  publick  Prints  upon  the  Continent, 
and  more  fully  still  from  Lieut.  Govr  Phipps's  Lie  [letter]  and  the  Vote 
of  their  House,  which,  false  as  their  Suggestions  are,  I  inclose  for  your 
Lordship's  Perusal.  But  if  We  have  the  Resentm1  of  the  French  to 
apprehend,  and  are  at  the  same  time  without  any  Prospect  of  accom- 
plishing what  will  be  so  essential  to  Our  Security,  the  Augmentation 
to  the  Troops,  more  especially  when  the  New-Englanders  (who  will 
serve  not  a  moment  beyond  their  Term)  are  dismissal,  I  beg  leave  to 
say,  my  Lord,  if  this  be  the  Case,  We  have  nothing  to  depend  upon 
but  the  Expedient  I  proposed  and  pray'd  your  Lordship's  Consideration 
of  in  my  last,  the  compleating  the  Regiments  here  by  Draughts  from 
those  at  home.  I  cannot  quit  this  Subject,  my  Lord,  without  assuring 
you  again  that  I  fear  the  Divisions  which  We  are  told  subsist  between 


the  Colonies,  and  the  Disappointment  of  their  Hopes  &  Expectations 
from  those  Expeditions  for  which  they  have  rais'd  &  maintain'd  at  great 
Expence  such  numbers  of  men,  will  render  the  Difficulties  insuperable 
that  any  future  Attempt  must  meet  with,  to  unite  the  Provinces  in  new 
Enterprizes  against  the  French  in  the  ensuing  Spring:  And  when  the 
French  have  no  longer  any  thing  on  their  Hands  to  the  Westward,  it 
will  require  a  very  considerable  additional  Strength  to  our  present  one, 
to  secure  Our  safety  here  to  the  Northward,  where  we  are  a  Frontier, 
and  the  immediate  Object  of  their  Envy  &  Resentm*. 

I  doubt  not  but  your  Lordship's  Board  will  approve  and  carry  thro', 
the  Estimate  for  finishing  the  Fortifications  on  George's  Island,  with- 
out which  this  Town  would  be  much  more  secure,  were  there  no  such 
plan'd,  since  in  the  present  State  &  Condition  of  it,  nothing  would  be 
easier  than  for  an  Enemy  even  of  inconsiderable  Force  to  make  them- 
selves Masters  of  it,  turn  the  Guns  upon  the  Town  &  beat  it  about  Our 
Ears,  without  having  any  thing  to  apprehend.  As  the  Removal  of  the 
French  Inhabitants  has  proved  a  Work  of  much  more  Trouble  &  Time 
than  could  be  imagined,  so  great  a  Progress  has  not  been  made  as  I 
could  have  wish'd  in  the  necessary  works  &  repairs  about  the  Forts  on 
the  Isthmus  of  Chignecto,  wherefore  I  cannot  as  yet  well  ascertain 
what  the  Expence  there  will  amount  to,  but,  if  I  am  not  extremely 
mistaken,  the  ten  thousand  Pounds,  transmitted  by  order  of  the  Lords 
Justices,  will  be  abundantly  sufficient  for  answering  all  the  Ends  pro- 
posed from  it.  In  which  Case  I  intend  (upon  the  Strength  of  Sir  Thomas 
Robinson's  Letter,  which  is  clear  as  to  the  repairing  &  securing  what- 
ever We  have  taken  or,  in  his  own  words,  may  take)  to  possess  ourselves 
of  St.  John's  River,  and  repair  the  Fortifications  in  the  Spring,  if  I 
have  Strength  to  undertake  it.  Nothing,  my  Lord,  is  more  necessary; 
nothing  will  contribute  in  so  great  a  degree  either  to  our  own  Security 
or  to  the  Annoyance  of  the  French,  in  case  of  a  Rupture,  as  a  good 
Fort  in  the  Heart  of  the  St.  John's  Indians,  who  are  a  warlike  well- 
spirited  Tribe,  who  are  the  Terror  of  the  Micmacs,  our  nearest  neigh- 
bours, and  who,  I  conceive,  with  a  little  Address  may,  whilst  the 
Imposition  of  Canada  live  fresh  in  their  memory,  be  easily  brought  to 
abandon  the  French  and  attach  themselves  entirely  to  Our  Interest, 
whereas  if  they  are  now  neglected,  they  are  probably  lost  for  ever. 

There  is  nothing  I  find  myself  so  perplex'd  about,  as  the  Business 
of  calling  an  Assembly.  The  present  Posture  &  Situation  of  Our  pro- 
vincial Affairs,  the  uncertain  Event  of  the  Differences  between  Us  and 
our  treacherous  neighbours,  with  a  thousand  other  untoward  Circum- 
stances render  in  my  Opinion  all  Proposals  and  Projects  for  an  As- 


scmbly  at  this  critical  Conjuncture  chimerical.  But  as  I  have  laid  my 
Thoughts  at  large  on  this  matter  before  your  Lordship's  Board,  in 
Obedience  to  their  Commands,  I  shall  make  no  further  mention  of  it 
here,  than  to  entreat,  my  Lord,  that,  if  possible,  every  Consideration 
of  that  sort  may  be  dispensed  with  for  the  present,  and  give  way  to 
Matters  of  more  immediate  Utility  and  at  least  of  as  much  real  Im- 
portance to  the  Wellfare  &  Prosperity  of  the  Province.  For  I  know 
nothing  so  likely  to  obstruct  and  disconcert  all  Measures  for  the  publick 
Good,  as  the  foolish  Squabbles  that  are  attendant  upon  Elections  &  the 
impertin*  Opinions  that  will  be  propagated  afterwards  amongst  the 
Multitude  by  Persons  qualified,  in  their  own  Imaginations  only,  as 
able  Politicians.  I  am  morally  certain,  my  Lord,  that  if  an  Assembly 
(supposing  it  practicable)  had  been  call'd  a  twelve  month  ago,  every 
thing  that  has  been  undertaken  within  that  time  would  have  remain'd 
unattempted,  and  the  Province,  if  not  in  the  Possession  of  the  French, 
at  least  a  much  easier  Prey  than  they  will  ever  find  it  for  the  future, 
unless  I  flatter  myself  extremely. 

If  on  this  or  any  other  Occasion,  either  to  your  Lordship  or  the 
Board,  I  have  been  guilty  of  any  Omission  as  to  Points  that  should 
have  been  wrote  upon,  or  the  Explanation  of  them,  I  promise  myself 
your  Lordship's  Goodness,  in  consideration  of  the  Multiplicity  of 
troublesome  things  I  have  had  lately  on  my  Hands,  will  hold  me  in 
some  measure  excused.  As  to  every  thing  hitherto  done,  or  that  will 
hereafter  be  undertaken,  whilst  I  have  the  honour  to  be  entrusted 
with  this  important  Charge,  my  Lord,  do  me  the  Justice  to  beleive 
that  I  will  not  only  act  at  all  times  with  the  strictest  Justice  &  Integrity 
myself,  as  well  as  with  all  imaginable  Care  &  Oeconomy,  but  will  keep 
a  constant  &  vigilant  Eye  over  such  as  are  any  way  concern'd  in  the 
expenditure  of  the  publick  money.  By  such  a  Conduct  and  by  that 
alone  I  persuade  myself  I  shall  preserve  the  Continuance  of  your  Lord- 
ships favour  &  Friendship,  and  the  Liberty  of  subscribing  myself  most 

My  Lord  &c  fcc 

Chas  Lawrence. 
Halifax,  Decr  9.  1755 


Considerations  upon   the   Scite,   Interests,   and   Service 
of  North  America,  by  Thomas  Pownall  1 


THE  following  Paper  proposes  to  consider 

First— The  Scite  of  the  Country 

Secondly— The  Interests  of  the  Possessions  &  Settlements  as  the  Basis 

Thirdly— of  the  State  of  the  Service  in  America 

It  becomes  necessary  to  a  right  Understanding  of  these  to  recurr 
back  &  run  up  to  the  First  Principles  on  which  they  are  founded,  not 
only  because  the  Subject  is  New;  but  because  It  has  been  misconceived, 
Perverted  Sc  Misrepresented. 

ist PRIOR  to  any  Observations  on  the  Settlers  & 

Settlements,  it  will  be  necessary  to  take  some  Notice  of  the  peculiar 
State  &  Scite  of  the  Countries  in  which  they  have  settled;  For  it  is  the 
Scite  &  Circumstances  (I  mean  those  that  are  unchangeable)  of  a  Coun- 
try which  give  the  Characteristic  Form,  to  the  State  &  Nature  of  the 
People  who  inhabit  it. 

The  Consideration  of  the  Continent  of  America  may  be  properly 
divided  into  two  Parts  from  the  Two  very  different  &:  distinct  Ideas  that 
the  Face  of  the  Country  presents,  but  more  especially  from  the  Two 
different  Effects  which  must  necessarily  &  have  actually  arisen  from  the 
Two  very  different  Sorts  of  Circumstances  in  each  Tract  of  Country. 

All  the  Continent  of  North  America  as  far  as  known  to  the  Europeans 
is  to  the  Westward  of  the  endless  Mountains  a  High  Level  Plain.  All  to 
the  South  East  of  these  Mountaines  slopes  away  South  Easterly  down  to 
the  Atlantick  Ocean.  By  a  level  Plain  I  must  not  be  understood  as 
tho'  I  thought  there  were  no  Hills  or  Vallies  or  Mountaines  in  such, 
but  that  the  Plain  of  a  Section  parallel  to  the  Main  Face  of  the  Country 
would  be  nearly  an  Horizontal  Plain;  as  the  Plain  of  a  like  Section 
of  this  other  Part  would  be  inclined  to  the  Horizon  with  a  large  Slope 

i  Thomas  Pownall  (1722-1805),  after  some  years  in  the  Board  of  Trade  office,  went 
to  New  York  in  1753  as  Governor  Oshorn's  secretary.  After  the  governor's  suicide,  he 
remained  to  study  the  colonial  situation  as  a  whole,  presented  several  papers  to  the 
Albany  Conference  in  1754,  returned  to  England  in  1756  to  present  Johnson's  side 
of  the  dispute  with  Shirley,  and  came  out  with  Loudoun  as  the  latter's  secretary 
extraordinary.  In  1750  Loudoun  sent  him  to  England  to  present  his  case  before  the 
ministry,  and  in  1757  Pownall  returned  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  having  won 
Pitt's  confidence.  This  paper  is  the  original  draft  of  the  report  to  Cumberland  which 
Pownall  expanded  for  publication  in  the  Administration  of  the  Colonics  (1774),  II, 


to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  The  Line  that  divides  these  Two  Tracts,  that 
is  the  South  East  Edge  of  these  Plains  or  the  highest  Part  of  this  Slope, 
may  in  general  be  said  to  run  from  Onondaga  along  the  Westermost 
Alleganni  Ridge  of  the  Endless  Mountains  away  to  Apalatche  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico. 

In  considering  First  the  main  Continent  high  Plain;  It  will  appear 
that  altho'  it  be  raised  thus  high  above  the  level  of  the  Ocean,  Yet  the 
Element  of  Water  seems  to  claim  8;  hold  a  equall  Dominion  with  the 
Land  in  this  Extent.  For  by  the  Great  Lakes  which  lye  upon  it's 
Bosom,  on  One  Hand,  8c  on  the  other  by  the  Great  River  the  Messesippi 
&  the  Multitude  of  Waters  which  run  into  it  there  seems  to  be  a 
Communication  an  Alliance  or  Dominion  of  the  watery  Elements  which 
commands  thro'out  the  Whole.  These  great  Lakes  appear  to  be  the 
Throne  8:  Center  of  a  Dominion  whose  Influence  by  an  Infinitude  of 
Rivers  Creeks  &  Streams  extends  itself  thro'  all  8:  every  Part,  sup- 
ported by  the  Connection  8:  Communication  of  an  Alliance  with  the 
Waters  of  Messesippi. 

With  very  few  exceptions  in  Comparison  to  the  Whole,  it  may  be 
observed,  that  this  Multitude  of  Waters  is  properly  speaking  but  of 
Two  Masses.  The  One  composed  of  the  Waters  of  the  Lakes  8:  their 
Suit,  which  disembogue  by  the  River  Sl  Lawrence.  The  other  that 
Wilderness  of  Waters  that  all  lead  into  the  Messesippi  &  thence  to  the 
Ocean.  The  Former  into  the  Gulf  of  Sl  Lawrence,  the  Latter  into  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico. 

There  is  not  in  all  the  Waters  of  Messesippi  at  least  as  far  as  We 
Know  but  Two  Falls  of  Waters,  The  One  at  a  Place  called  by  the 
French  S*  Antoine  high  upon  the  West  or  main  Branch  of  Messesippi; 
The  other  on  the  East  Branch  called  Ohio.  Except  these  8c  the  Tem- 
porary Rapidity  arising  from  the  Freshes  of  Spring  &  the  Rainy  Seasons 
all  the  Waters  of  the  Messesippi  run  to  the  Ocean  with  a  Still,  Easy  8c 
Gentle  Current. 

As  to  all  the  Waters  of  the  Five  great  Lakes,  8c  the  many  large 
Rivers  that  empty  into  them;  The  Waters  of  the  Great  Outawawa 
River,  The  Waters  of  Lake  Champlain,  of  Trois  Riviers,  8:  the  many 
others  that  empty  into  the  River  S*  Lawrence  above  Quebec,  they  may 
all  be  considered  in  One  Mass  as  a  Stagnation  or  Lake  of  a  Wildernesse 
of  Waters  spreading  over  the  Country  by  an  infinite  Multitude  8c 
Variety  of  Branchings  Bays  Straits  8:ca;  For  altho'  at  particular  Places 
of  their  Communication  8c  mouth  of  their  Streams,  they  seem  to  pour 
out  such  an  immense  Ocean  of  Waters,  Yet  when  all  collected  &  as- 
sembled together  at  a  general  Rendevouz  where  they  all  disembogue 


themselves  into  River  Sl  Lawrence,  the  whole  Embocheur  of  this  Multi- 
tude of  Waters  is  not  larger  than  the  Seine  at  Paris. 

About  12  French  Leagues  above  Quebec  over  against  a  Place  called 
La  Loubiniere,  The  River  S*  Lawrence  appears  to  be  of  a  very  con- 
siderable Breadth;  But  when  the  Tide  (which  runs  up  much  higher 
than  that  Place)  has  at  it's  Ebb  entirely  retired  That  Breadth  which 
One  would  have  judged  to  have  been  That  of  Sl  Lawrence  River, 
remains  all  Dry  except  a  small  Channell  in  the  middle  which  does  not 
appear  to  be  much  larger  than  the  Seine  at  Paris,  nor  the  Waters  of  it 
that  pass  there  to  have  more  or  a  greater  Current. 

Not  only  the  Lesser  Waters  of  each  respective  Mass,  but  the  main 
general  Body  of  each  go  thro'  this  Continent  in  every  Course  &  Direction. 

Attention  to  these  general  Facts  will  lead  any  One  to  Know  that 
this  great  Extent  of  Country  is  as  I  have  defined  it  a  high  level  Plain 
&  a  more  curious  &  accurate  Scrutiny  into  the  particular  Facts  whence 
these  general  Observations  are  formed,  will  confirm  him  in  that 

If  You  add  still  farther  to  these  Observations  the  Information  We 
have  of  those  immense  unwooded  &  unwatered  Plains  that  to  the  West- 
ward of  Messesippi  extend  still  farther  Westward  than  any  European 
or  Indian  has  penetrated  them  the  Thing  will  appear  in  a  stronger 
&  fuller  Light. 

If  We  give  Attention  to  the  Nature  of  this  Country,  &  the  One  united 
Command  &  Dominion  which  the  Waters  hold  thro'out  the  same,  We 
shall  not  be  surprized  to  find  the  French  (tho'  so  few  in  Number)  in 
Possession  of  a  Power  which  commands  this  Country.  Nor  on  the 
other  Hand,  when  We  come  to  consider  the  Nature  of  this  eastern  Part 
of  America,  on  which  the  English  are  settled,  if  we  give  any  Degree  of 
Attention  to  the  Facts,  shall  we  be  surprised  to  find  them,  tho'  so 
numerous,  to  have  so  little  &  so  languid  a  Power  of  Command,  even 
within  the  Country  where  they  are  actually  settled.  I  say  a  very  strong 
Reason  for  this  Fact  arises  out  of  the  different  Natures  of  the  Country, 
Prior  to  any  Consideration  of  the  Difference  arising  from  the  Nature 
of  their  Government  or  their  Method  of  taking  this  Possession. 

This  Country  by  a  Communication  of  Waters  that  is  extended 
thro'out,  &  by  an  Alliance  of  all  these  into  a  One  Whole  is  capable  of 
being  &  is  naturally,  a  Foundation  of  a  One  System  of  Command.  And 
accordingly  such  a  System  would  &  has  actually  taken  Root  therein, 
under  the  French  Hands.  Their  various  Possessions  thro'out  this  Coun- 
try, have  an  Order  &  Connection,  &  Communication  an  Unity  a 
System.  &  is  forming  Fast  into  One  Government  as  will  be  seen  by  &  by. 


Whereas  the  English  Settlements  have  naturally  neither  Order  Con- 
nection, Communication  Unity  nor  System. 

The  Waters  of  this  Tract  on  which  the  English  are  settled  are  a 
Number  of  Rivers  &  Bays  unconnected  with  &:  independent  of  each 
other,  either  in  Interest  or  Communication 

As  far  as  the  Communication  of  the  Waters  of  any  River,  or  Com- 
munion there  may  be  between  Two  such  extends,  so  far  extended 
will  arise  a  Communication  Unity  or  System  of  Interest  &  Command. 
And  therefore  the  Settlements  on  this  Tract  of  Country  would  be 
naturally,  as  they  are  actually,  divided  into  Numbers  of  little  weak 
unconnected  independent  Governments. 

Which  State  &  Circumstances  of  these  our  Settlements  are  also  equally 
Consequences  of  the  Scite  &:  Nature  of  the  Country  on  which  they  are 
found  prior  to,  or  apart  of  all  Considerations  of  the  Effect  of  Gov- 
ernment or  Administration. 

The  Consideration  of  which  Country  so  far  as  it  is  connected  with, 
or  has  any  Effect  upon  the  Interests  k  Politicks  of  the  English  Settle- 
ments, presents  itself  to  View;  divided  in  Two  Ideas.  ist  .  .  .  The 
Country  between  the  Sea  &;  Mountains.  2dly:   .  .  .  The  Mountains 

The  First  Part  is  almost  thro'out  the  Whole  capable  of  Culture  & 
is  intirely  settled.  The  Second  a  Wilderness  in  which  is  found  here  & 
there,  in  smal  Portions,  in  Comparison  of  the  whole,  solitary  detached 
Spots  of  Ground  fit  for  Settlements,  the  Rest  is  Nothing  but  Cover  for 
Vermin  8c  Rapine,  a  Nest  &  Den  for  wild  Beasts  &  the  more  wild  Sav- 
ages that  lurk  in  it 

This  whole  Country  instead  of  being  united  &  strengthened  by  the 
Alliance  of  Waters  which  run  in  it,  is  divided  by  these  several  various 
Waters  detached  from  &  independent  of  each  other,  into  many  separate 
detached  Tracts,  that  do  naturally  &  have  actually  become  the  Founda- 
tion of  as  many  separate  &  Independent  Interests,  on  which  many  & 
Independent  Governments  have  been  formed. 

Thus  far  of  the  Scite  of  the  Country  as  it  becomes  the  actual  Founda- 
tion of  a  Natural  Difference  between  the  English  &  French  Possessions 
in  America. 

Secondly of  the  Manner  in  which  the  English  &  French  have 

taken  Possession  of,  &  settled  in  this,  Country. 

The  French  in  their  First  Attempts  to  settle  themselves  in  these 
Parts  endeavoured  to  penetrate  by  the  Force  of  Arms,  to  fix  their 
Possessions  by  Military  Expeditions,  'till  thro'  the  perpetual  &  con- 


stant  Abortion  of  these  Measures,  &  the  certain  Disappointment  &  sure 
Loss  that  attended  Them,  they  thro'  a  Kind  of  Despair,  gave  over  all 
thoughts  of  such 

Whether  by  the  dear  bought  Experience  that  they  learnt  from  hence, 
or  whether  thro'  Despair  leaving  their  Colony  to  make  its  own  Way, 
or  whether,  rather  the  right  good  Sense  of  Mon  Frontenac  &  Mr  Calliere 
lead  them  to  it  is  neither  easy  nor  material  to  determine 

But  so  it  was,  They  fell  afterwards  into  that  only  Path  in  which  the 
real  Spirit  &  Nature  of  the  Service  led. 

The  native  Inhabitants,  the  Indians,  of  this  Country,  are  all  Hunters, 
all  the  Laws  of  Nations  they  know  are  the  Laws  of  Sporting,  &  all  the 
Idea  they  have  of  Landed  Possession  that  of  a  Hunt,  The  French  Set- 
tlers of  Canada  universally  commenced  Hunters,  &  so  insinuated  them- 
selves into  a  Connection  with  these  Natives. 

While  the  French  kept  themselves  thus  allied  with  the  Indians  as 
Hunters  &  communicated  with  them  in,  &  strictly  maintained  all  the 
Laws  &  Rights  of  Sporting,  The  Indians  did  easily  &  readily  admit 
them  to  a  local  Landed  Possession.  A  Grant  which  rightly  acquired 
&  applied  they  are  always  ready  to  make,  as  none  of  the  Rights  or 
Interests  of  their  Nation  is  hurt  by  it;  but  on  the  contrary,  they  ex- 
perience &  receive  great  Use  Benefit  &  Profit  from  the  Commerce  that 
the  Europeans  therein  establish  with  them.  But  this  will  more  clearly 
&  better  appear  by  a  more  minute  &  particular  Attention  to  the  French 
Measures  in  those  Matters. 

i No  Canadien  is  suffered  to  hunt  or  Trade  with  the  Indians 

but  by  Conge  from  the  Governm*  &  under  such  Regulations  as  that 
License  ordains.  The  Police  [Policy]  of  which,  is  this,  The  Govern- 
ment divides  the  indian  Countries  into  so  many  Hunts  according  as 
they  are  divided  by  the  Indians  themselves.  To  those  several  Hunts 
there  are  Licences  respectively  adapted,  with  Regulations  respecting 
the  Spirit  of  the  Nation  whose  Hunt  such  is,  respecting  the  Commerce 
&  Interest  of  that  Nation,  &  respecting  the  Nature  of  that  Hunt. 

The  Canadien  having  such  License  ought  not  to  trade  &  hunt  within 
the  Limits  of  such  Hunt,  but  according  to  the  above  Regulations,  And 
he  is  hereby  absolutely  excluded  under  severe  Penalties  to  trade  or 
hunt  beyond  those  Limits  on  any  Account  whatsoever.  It  were  needless 
to  point  out  the  many  good  and  beneficial  Effects  arising  from  this 
Police,  by  giving  thus  a  right  Attention  to  the  Interest  of  the  Indian, 
in  observing  the  true  Spirit  of  the  Alliance,  in  putting  the  Trade  upon 
a  fair  Foundation,  &  by  maintaining  all  the  Rights  &  Laws  of  the  Hunt 
which  the  Indians  most  indispensably  exact. 


But  the  Consequence,  of  the  most  important  Service  which  arises  out 
of  this  Police;  is,  a  regular,  Certain,  Definitive,  Precise  &  assured  Knowl- 
edge of  the  Country. 

A  Man  whose  Interest  &  Commerce  arc  circumscribed  within  a  cer- 
tain Department  will  pry  into  R:  scrutinize  every  Hole  &  Corner,  of  that 
Endroit.  Again  when  such  a  Hunt  is  by  these  Means  as  full  of  these 
Coarears  de  Bois  as  the  Commerce  of  it  will  bear,  whoever  applies  for 
a  Conge  must  betake  himself  to  some  New  Tract  &  Hunt,  by  which 
again  begins  an  Opening  to  new  Discoveries,  Sc  fresh  Acquisitions. 

When  the  French  have  by  these  Means  established  a  Hunt,  a  Com- 
merce, Alliance  &  Influence  amongst  the  Indians  of  that  Tract,  &  have 
by  these  Means  acquired  a  Knowledge  of  all  the  Waters,  Passes,  Portages, 
&  Posts  that  may  hold  the  Command  of  that  Country,  in  short  a  Military 
Knowledge  of  the  Ground,  then  &  not  before,  they  ask  &:  obtain  Leave 
of  the  Indians  to  strengthen  their  Trading  House  to  make  a  Fort  & 
to  put  a  Garrison  into  it 

In  this  Manner  by  becoming  Hunters  8:  creating  Alliances  with  the 
Indians  as  Brother  Sportsmen  by  founding  that  Alliance  upon  2c  main- 
taining it  (according  to  the  true  Spirit  of  the  Indian  Laws  of  Nations) 
a  right  Communication  &  Exercise  of  the  True  Interest  of  the  Hunt, 
they  have  insinuated  themselves  into  an  Influence  with  the  Indians, 
have  been  admitted  into  a  Landed  Possession,  &  by  locating  &  fixing 
those  Possessions  in  Alliance  with  &:  by  the  friendly  Guidance  of  the 
Waters  whose  Influence  extends  thro'out  the  whole  They  are  become 
possessed  of  a  real  Interest  in,  &  real  Command  over  the  Country.  They 
have  thus  thro'out  the  Country  60.  or  70.  Forts,  &  almost  as  many 
Settlements,  which  influence  the  Command  of  this  Country,  not  One  of 
which  without  the  above  true  Spirit  of  Policy  could  they  support  with 
all  the  Expence  &  Force  of  Canada.  Not  all  the  Power  of  France 
could,  'tis  the  Indian  Interest  alone  that  does  maintain  these  Forts. 

Having  thus  got  Ground  in  any  certain  Tract,  fc  having  One  Principal 
Fort,  they  get  Leave  to  build  other  trading  Houses,  at  Length  to 
strengthen  such,  &  in  Fine  to  take  Possession  of  more  &  more  advanced 
Posts,  &  to  fortifie  and  Garrison  them  as  little  Subordinate  Forts  under 
the  Command  of  the  Principal  One 

I  have  not  been  able  to  get  an  exact  List  of  these  but  the  following 
is  sufficient  to  sketch  out  the  Manner  in  which  they  conduct  this  Service. 


S4  Frederic 



De  Quesne 
Le  Detroit 



S4  John 


La  Presentation 

Les  Condres 


Torento  & 

One  other 


Riviere  au  Boeuf 

One  other 


Two  or  Three  upon 

the    River 


One  Other  on  Long 


Tho'  these  Principal 
Forts  have  subordi- 
nate Forts  independ- 
ent on  them;  They  are 
Yet  independent  of 
each  other  &  only  un- 
der the  Command  of 
the  Govr  Gen1:  There 
is  a  Rout  of  Duty  set- 
Michipo-  tied  for  these  &  the  Of- 
ficers &  Comanders 
are  removed  to  better 
&  better  Commands. 

Sl  Joseph  &  One  other 
Le  Petit  Paris 

Many     more     which 
bear  the  Names  of  the 
Saquenay.  In  all  about  60. 

The  present  Establishment  for  this  Service  is  Three  Thousand  Men 
of  which  there  are  generally  Two  Thousand  Three  or  Four  Hundred 
Men  Effective. 

Most  of  these  Forts  have  fine  Settlements  &  large  Stores  round  them, 
&  they  do  I  believe  entirely  support  themselves.  It  being  usual  for  both 
Officers  8c  Men  to  defer  receiving  their  Pay  'till  the  Garrison  is  releived 
which  is  generaly  in  Six  Years.  And  scarse  any  thing  is  sent  to  these 
Garrisons  but  dry  Goods  &  Ammunition. 

There  is  a  fine  Settlement  at  Detroit  of  near  Two  Hundred  Families: 
a  better  still  at  S(  Joseph  of  above  Two  Hundred;  a  Fine  One  at  S*  Antoin 
&;  many  fine  Ones  about  Petit  Paris.  But  the  French  Government  does 
not  encourage  these,  &  have,  by  a  positive  Ordonnance  absolutely  forbid 
any  One  to  make  a  Settlement  without  especial  License  which  They 
found  necessary  to  do  to  restrain  the  Canadians  from  totallv  abandon- 
ing Canada. 

By  these  Means,  I  repeat  it,  have  they  created  an  Alliance,  an  Interest 
with  all  the  Indians  on  the  Continent:  by  these  means  have  they  ac- 
quired an  Influence  &  Command  thro'out  the  Country.  They  Know 
too  well  the  Spirit  of  the  Indian  Politicks  to  affect  a  Superiority  of 


Government  over  the  Indians;  Yet  they  have  in  Reality  &  Truth,  of 
more  solid  Effect  an  Influence  an  Ascendency  in  all  the  Councils  of 
all  the  Indians  on  the  Continent  &  lead  &  direct  their  Measures,  Not 
even  Our  Own  Allies  the  Six  Nations  excepted.  Unless  in  that  Remains 
of  Our  Interest  which  partly  the  good  Effects  of  Our  Trading  House 
at  Oswego  &  partly  Gen1  Johnson  has  preserved  to  the  English  by  the 
great  Esteem  8c  high  Opinion  the  Indians  have  of  His  Spirit  &  Truth. 

The  English  American  Provinces  are  as  fine  Settlements  as  any  in 
the  World,  but  can  scarce  be  called  Possessions  because  they  are  so 
settled  as  to  have  no  Possession  of  the  Country.  They  are  settled  as 
Farmers  Millers  Fishers  Sec8  upon  Bays  8c  Rivers  that  have  no  Com- 
munication nor  Connection  of  Interests  consequently  the  Settlers  be- 
longing to  these  Rivers  Bays  8ec"  have  no  Natural  Connection. 

But  farther  the  Settlers  upon  any  One  River  or  Sett  of  Waters  (which 
Waters  having  a  Connection  might  become  the  Natural  Seal  of  One 
Interest)  are  yet  so  settled  that  they  have  no  Connection  nor  Union 
amongst  each  other  scarce  of  Communion  much  less  of  Defence. 

Their  Settlements  are  Vag[u]e  without  Design,  scattered,  Independ- 
ent, They  are  so  settled,  that  from  their  Situation  'tis  not  easy  for  them 
to  unite  in  a  System  of  Mutual  Defense,  nor  does  their  Interest  lead 
them  to  such  a  System,  &  even  if  both  did,  Yet  thro'  the  Want  of  a 
Police  to  form  them  into  a  Community  of  Alliance  Unity  &  Activity 
amongst  Themselves  they  are  Helpless  &  Defenseless  &  thus  have  the 
English  of  this  Sort  for  many  Hundred  Miles  a  long  indefensible  Line 
of  Frontiers  prior  to  the  Consideration  of  the  Nature  of  the  Enemy 
they  may  be  engaged  with. 

First.  The  French  can  collect  in  a  short  Warning  at  any  Time,  in  any 
of  their  advanced  Posts  a  Force  sufficient  to  break  up  the  Settlements 
&  return  again  within  their  Lines  before  any  Force  can  be  collected  to 
attack  them. 

But  there  is  something  more  particularly  critical  in  the  Situation  of 
the  English  Settlements  with  Respect  to  the  Indians. 

The  English  are  settled  up  to  Mountains  the  very  Mouth  of  the 
Denns  of  these  Savages;  in  which  Situation  the  Building  a  Line  of 
Forts  as  a  Barrier  against  them  would  be  as  little  effectual  as  building 
a  Line  of  Forts  to  prevent  the  Bears  Wolves  &  Foxes  from  coming 
within  them. 

Thirdly.  .  .  The  State  of  the  Service  as  arising  from  the  above  Facts 

It  appears  from  the  First  Stroke  of  the  Eye,  That  the  English  without 
some  preparative  Measures,  will  not  be  able  to  carry  into  Execution 


any  Military  Expeditions,  agl  the  French,  in  the  upper 
The  French  Power      Part  of  America. 

will  as  dungs  are  The  First  °^  tnese  Measures  is  the  Settling  the  Po- 

now  circumstanced     lice  of  Our  Alliance  with  the  (Kenunctioni)  Confed- 
prove  too  Strong  for  , .  ,  n      „  ,  _ 

the  English.  ceracy  upon  a  permanent  solid  &  effectual  Basis;  so 

as  to  restore  and  reestablish  Our  Interest  with  them. 

The  Second  is  taking  Possession  of  &  Fortifiing  such  a  System  of 
advanced  Posts.  Viz:  Magazines  whereat  to  collect  Stores  &  Provisions, 
Camps  from  whence  within  a  reasonable  Distance  &  by  a  practicable 
Way  to  make  Our  Sorties. 

Thirdly  the  securing  the  Dominion  of  Lake  Ontario  for  the  present 
&  laying  a  Foundation  for  the  like  Dominion  on  Lakes  Erie  Huron  fe 

The  First  of  which  has  not  yet  even  a  Thought  of  a  Foundation, 
and  the  Two  other  far  from  being  carried  into  an  Effect  that  can  be 
sufficiently  depended  upon  so  as  to  build  upon  them  a  well  grounded 
Scheme  of  Action. 

It  also  appears  from  the  above  that  the  English  Settlements  as  they 
are  at  present  circumstanced  are  absolutely  at  a  Stand,  they  are  settled 
up  to  the  Mountains,  &  in  the  Mountains,  there  is  no  where  together 
Land  sufficient  for  a  Settlement  large  enough  to  subsist  by  itself,  to 
defend  itself  8c  preserve  a  Communication  with  the  Present  Settlements. 

If  the  English  would  advance  One  Step  farther,  or  cover  themselves 
where  they  are,  it  must  be  at  Once  by  One  large  Step  over  the  Mountains 
with  a  numerous  &  Military  Colony 

There  are  a  farther  Detail  of  Matters  arising  from  the  above  State  of 
Facts  but  too  minute  8c  particular  to  enter  into  this  general  Idea. 

T.  Pownall 

[Endorsed]  Mr  Pownall's  Considerations  upon  the  Scite,  Interests  and  Serv- 
ice of  North  America.  1755. 

Troops  in  the  Pay  of  the  Province  of 

Pennsylvania  and  Where  Posted. 

February  23°  1756  x 


Capt.  John  Potter  with 50     Near  the  Maryland  Lines  where 

he  is  to  build  a  small  Fort. 

1  This  document  came  into  Cumberland's  possession  in  connection  with  the  dis- 
cussion in  London  offices,  early  in  1756,  of  the  advisability  of  parliamentary  action 
towards  Pennsylvania.  See  W.  T.  Root,  Relations  of  Pennsylvania  with  the  British 
Government,  Ch.  X;  S.  M.  Pargellis,  Lord  Loudoun  in  North  America,  pp.  56-57. 


Capt.  Hans  Hamilton  with  .  .  .   75     At  Fort  Littleton  near  the  Sugar 

Capt.  George  Croghan  with  ...   75     At  Fort  Shirley  near  Aughwick. 
Capt  James  Burd  with 75     At  Fort  Granville  near  Kishyquo- 

hillis  a  branch  of  the  Juniata. 
Capt  James  Patterson  with  .  .   75     At  Pomfret  Castle  about  15  Miles 

from  Fort  Granville  &  1 2  from  the 

River  Sasquehanna 
Capt  Thomas  McKee  with  ...   30     At  Hunters  Mill. 
Capt  Frederick  Smith  with  .  .   50     20  at  Monaday  &  30  at  Swahatara 
Capt  Christian  Busse  with  ...   50     At  Fort  Henry  in  the  important 

Pass  called  Tolikaio. 
These  Men  have  been  regularly  inlisted  by  the  Governor  in  the  Kings 
Service,  for  a  certain  time,  to  serve  within  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, 
&  the  Provinces  bordering  upon  it. 

Capt  Jacob  Morgan  with  ....   50     At  Fort  Lebanon  in  the  Forks  of 

Schuylkill,  he  is  ordered  with  30 
of  his  Men  to  erect  a  Blockhouse 
halfway  between  Fort  Henry  & 
Fort  Lebanon. 

Capt  Foulke  with   63     Posted  at  a  new  Stuccado  between 

Fort  Lebanon  and  Fort  Allen. 

Capt  Wayne  with   50     Posted  at  Fort  Allen  which  stands 

where  the  Moravian  Town  of 
Gnadenhutton  was. 

Capt  Orndt  with 50     At  a  new  Stuccado  about  12  Miles 

East  of  Fort  Allen. 

Capt  Craig  with 41      At  Fort  Hamilton  about  5  Miles 

from  Delaware. 

Capt  Van  Etten  with 30     At  the  Minisinks. 

Lieutenant  Wetterhold  with  .  .  26  At  a  new  Stuccado  round  Broad- 
head's  House  near  Minisinks. 

Ensign  Sterling  and   11     At  a  Stuccado  round  Teets  house 

at  the  Wind  Gap. 

A  Serjeant  and    5     At  Uplinger's  House. 

An  Ensign  with   15     At  Druckers  Mill. 

A  Lieutenant  with 15     In  Allen  Township. 

Capt  Trexler  with 53     Within  the  Mountains. 

Capt  Martin  with   30     In  the  Settlements  above  Easton. 

These  were  inlisted,  bv  the  Commissioners  named  in  the  Act,  as  Militia. 



List  of  Applications  for  Stores 


BEFORE   THE    COMMITTEE.1    MAY,     1756 

New  Hampshire—  For  a  Strong  Fort  to  be  built  at  the  Head  of  Con- 
necticut River  and  a  Communication  opened 
from  thence  to  the  East  Side  of  Lake  Champlain. 
For  a  Naval  Force  to  be  built  on  Lake  Champlain. 
For  Fort  William  and  Mary  and  the  several  Bat- 
terys  to  be  put  in  good  Repair  and  the  Cannon 
unfit  for  Service  to  be  exchanged. 
For  a  Uniform  Set  of  Arms  for  a  certain  Number 
of  Horse  &  Foot  to  be  placed  in  the  said  Fort  to 
be  used  occasionally  and  for  Barracks  to  be  built 
for  at  least  1000  Men. 

Rhode  Island—  For  so  many  Cannon  Mortars  and  Field  Pieces  as 

may  be  sufficient  for  the  Fort  there  and  its  Ap- 
pendages with  the  usual  proportion  of  Ordnance 
Stores,  and  such  a  Quantity  of  Small  Arms  and 
Powder  as  to  His  Majesty  shall  seem  meet. 

New  York—  For  Cannon  and  Stores  for  the  New  Works  al- 

ready built  and  such  others  as  it  will  be  necessary 
to  build,  and  also  Cannon  of  a  smaller  Size  for 
Out  Forts  and  Blockhouses,  and  for  Forts  in  the 
Indian  Castles. 

Virginia—  For  Fort  George,  York  Battery  and  Gloucester 

Fort  to  be  rebuilt  under  the  Direction  of  a  skilful 
Engineer  and  supplied  with  Cannon  and  Stores. 
For  a  Fort  to  be  built  at  Cape  Henry  and  supplied 
with  Cannon  and  Stores,  and  for  Forts  to  be  built 
along  the  Ridge  of  the  Allegany  Mountains  at  the 
Passes  and  Garrisoned  with  a  competent  Number 
of  Soldiers. 

Georgia—  For  Forts  to  be  erected  and  supplied  with  Cannon 

and  Stores  and  Garrisoned  with  regular  Forces 
and  for  Two  Troops  of  Rangers. 

Jamaica—  For  the  Regiment  now  there  to  be  augmented 

to  1000  Men  and  another  Regiment  to  be  sent 

1  This  is  a  summary  of  the  Board  of  Trade  representation  of  May  11  referred  to 
the  committee  of  the  Privy  Council  May  17,  1756.  Acts  Privy  Council,  Colonial,  1745- 
'766>  P-  335- 


thither  together  with  a  Supply  of  Ordnance  Small 
Arms  Stores  and  an  Engineer. 

Leeward  Islands—  For  a  Strong  Squadron  to  be  sent  thither,  the  Reg- 
iment to  be  augmented  and  the  Men  allowed  the 
Navy  Allowance  and  for  a  Sum  of  Money  to  be 
granted  to  the  Island  of  Antigua  for  compleating 
the  Barracks. 

For  the  Fortifications  at  English  Harbour  in  An- 
tigua to  be  repaired  and  kept  up. 

Virgin  Islands—  For  a  Small  Ship  of  War  to  be  Stationed  there  and 

for  a  Supply  of  Cannon  Ammunition  and  Small 

North  Carolina—  Two  Reports  of  the  Board  of  Ordnance  with 
Estimates  of  the  Expence  of  Stores  for  Fort  John- 
son and  of  Thirty  Barrels  of  Gunpowder  and  a 
proportionable  Quantity  of  Balls. 

New  Jersey—  No  Fortification  or  Place  of  Defence  in  the  Prov- 

ince, nor  any  Cannon  Small  Arms  or  Military 
Stores  belonging  thereto. 

Pensilvania—  The  Govr  represents  that  this  Province  is  in  no 

Condition  to  defend  itself,  but  must  fall  an  easy 
Prey  to  almost  any  Invader,  without  the  British 
Parliament  interposes  and  by  proper  Laws  estab- 
lishes Order  &  Discipline  amongst  the  People. 

[Endorsed]  List  of  Applications  for  Stores  &ca  for  the  Several  Colonies  of 
North  America.  May,  17 $6. 

Captain  William  Eyre  to  Robert  Napier 


Schenectady,  ist  May  1756 
Dear  Sir 

Inclosed  I  send  you  a  Plan  and  Sections  of  Fort  William-Henry,  which 
will  shew  the  Construction  of  that  Fort  better  than  that  I  gave  Mr  Pow- 
nall  for  your  perusual,  which  no  doubt  you  have  seen  before  this  Time. 

I  have  made  a  Design  by  General  Shirleys  order  for  the  further 
strengthening  of  Fort  Edward,  which  I  sent  him  to  Boston,  a  Copy  of 
which  I  gave  to  the  Government  of  this  Province  by  Sr  Charles  Hardy's 
desire,  and  shall  by  the  Next  Opportunity  send  you  An  Other. 

We  have  lately  been  much  alarmed  for  the  Danger  that  Oswego  was 


in,  chiefly  for  want  of  Provisions,  besides  it's  other  Weakness's  which  we 
hear  are  not  a  little. 

A  Detachment  of  Our  Reg1  with  one  from  the  48th  were  sent  two 
Days  ago  to  Fort  William-Henry,  the  Garison  there  consisting  of  New 
England  Men,  having  declared  the[y]  Would  Abandon  it;  and  I  think 
its  more  than  Probable  they  will  quit  it  immedeately  upon  the  Regulars 
marching  in,  As  the[y]  seem  not  to  be  fond  of  red  Coats. 

I  do  not  recolect  whether  I  mentioned  in  my  last  a  Complim1  This 
Province  were  pleased  to  make  me;  the  General  Assembly  voted  me 
thanks  for  my  Services  last  Campaign,  and  as  a  Testimony  of  their  Es- 
teem, order'd  a  handsome  Piece  of  Plate  to  be  presented  to  me  with  the 
Arms  of  the  Province,  and  a  Genteel  Motto  Engraved  on  it,  to  shew  the 
Sense  (they  are  pleased  to  say  they  have)  for  my  Endeavours  last  Summer. 

I  am  sorry  that  things  are  not  in  more  forwardness,  I  am  afraid  the 
most  Part  of  this  Campaign  will  be  lost  before  we  shall  be  in  any  Condi- 
tion to  strike  a  Blow,  or  even  Attempt  one. 

I  shall  acquaint  you  with  our  first  Motions,  and  every  Other  incident 
that  may  happen,  tho'  I  make  no  doubt  but  you  will  have  it  from  many 
more  Hands  clearer  than  I  can  send  you. 

This,  I  send  by  Col  Dunbar  as  I  hear  he  goes  in  the  next  Packet. 

My  best  Respects  to  Mrs  Napier.  I  am,  Dr  Sir,  Your  much  obliged  and 
Most  Obe1  humb1  Serv1. 

Will:  Eyre 

P.S.  The  Strength  of  our  Regim1  is  between  Eight  &  Nine  hundred 
Men  at  present,  And  I  believe  the  48th  is  pretty  Nearly  the  Same. 

[Endorsed]  Engineer  Eyre  May  1  with  a  Plan  of  Fort  Wra  Henry  R  Jun  16 

Sir  Charles  Hardy  to  Halifax 


Fort  George  New  York  7th  May  1756. 
My  Lord, 

I  have  the  Honor  of  your  Letter  of  the  17th  of  January;  the  Opinion 
Your  Lordship  is  pleased  to  mention  of  my  Endeavours  for  the  Public 
Service  gives  me  the  greatest  Satisfaction  in  meeting  with  your  Concur- 
rence; I  shall  esteem  myself  happy  if  I  equally  succeed  in  that  Part  of  my 
Administration  that  more  particularly  relates  to  His  Majesty's  Instruc- 
tions; I  have  made  some  Efforts,  which  I  could  not  persevere  in,  without 
endangering  that  necessary  Influence  over  an  obstinate  Legislature,  for 
the  promoting  the  King's  Service,  in  support  of  the  Common  Cause,  in 


Conjunction  with,  if  I  may  use  the  Expression,  much  more  stubborn 
Colonies;  So  circumstanced,  His  Majesty's  rights  &  just  Prerogatives  re- 
main in  much  the  same  State  I  found  them,  &  if  I  may  take  Leave  to  offer 
my  Opinion,  Prudence  requires  such  a  Conduct  at  this  critical  Juncture; 
But  Your  Lordship  may  depend  I  shall  embrace  every  Opportunity  to 
enforce  my  Instructions,  in  recovering  from  the  Assembly  their  unjust 
Encroachments  upon  the  royal  Prerogative;  I  have  reason  to  think  they 
expect  as  much,  whenever  Opportunity  offers,  however  well  we  rubb  on 
together  now. 

To  enter  upon  an  Inquisition,  or  Enquiry  into  the  Causes  of  Differ- 
ences between  Men,  or  Provinces,  at  this  time,  would  be  an  endless 
Task,  as  well  as  difficult,  8c  must  tend  rather  to  heighten  the  Jealousies 
and  private  Piques,  (founded  perhaps  upon  private  Interest)  &  produce 
still  heavier  Charges  8c  recriminations,  than  answer  any  good  Purpose; 
To  consider  the  general  Good  ought  to  be  the  Attention  of  every  honest 
Man,  &  no  time  ever  more  strongly  called  for  an  Exertion  of  the  united 
Strength  of  this  extensive  Dominion  to  defend  His  Majesty's  just  rights, 
&  remove  a  perfidious  &  vigilant  Enemy  from  their  Encroachments,  an 
Enemy  watching  every  Neglect,  &  improving  every  Advantage,  &  tho' 
small  in  Number,  when  compared  to  our  numerous  Inhabitants,  still 
acting  as  one  Body,  under  one  Order  of  Controul,  &  united  in  that  Or- 
der, put  Us  poor  disunited  Millions  in  Defiance,  committing  by  the 
Means  of  their  Indians,  the  most  unheard  of  Barbarities,  &  laying  waste 
our  Lands  without  opposition. 

This,  My  Lord,  is  the  State  of  unhappy  divided  America.  Your  Lord- 
ship is  desirous  that  a  strong  Army  may  appear  in  the  Field;  the  Prov- 
inces that  were  concerned  last  Year,  are  raising  a  great  many  Men,  in- 
tended to  be  10,000  &  I  believe  will  fall  little  short  of  that  Number;  This 
may  in  appearance  promise  great  Things,  but  I  cannot  flatter  myself  in 
much  Success;  Our  Measures  are  slow;  one  Colony  will  not  begin  to 
raise  their  Men  in  an  early  time,  doubting  whether  their  Neighbours 
will  not  deceive  them,  in  compleating  their  Levies  so  largely  as  they 
promised;  By  this  Means  we  get  late  in  the  field;  Our  Magazines  are  not 
filled  so  soon  as  they  ought;  The  present  time  too  much  evinces  this 
Truth,  as  Your  Lordship  may  readily  imagine,  when  I  tell  You  there 
was  not  one  Man  at  Albany  of  the  Provincial  Forces  the  30th  of  last 
Month,  &  consequently  no  Provisions  R:  Stores  could  be  sent  to  Fort  Wil- 
liam Henry  for  want  of  proper  Escorts  for  the  Convoys;  and  without,  the 
French  Indians  make  it  impracticable  to  go;  &  when  the  whole  Army  is 
assembled  for  the  Expedition  against  Crown  Point,  if  to  be  executed  by 
Provincials  only,  I  much  doubt  if  they  can  possibly  succeed  in  such  an 


Enterprize;  They  must  expect  to  encounter  many  more  Difficulties  than 
last  Year;  the  French  we  shall  find  much  stronger  posted  on  Lake 
George,  &  Crown  Point  greatly  strengthened  by  additional  Works. 

I  am  glad  Your  Lordship  is  of  Opinion  that  Provincials  alone  are  not 
capable  of  attacking  fortified  Posts;  I  wish  they  thought  so  too;  There 
are  other  Evils  attending  those  Forces,  that  want  a  remedy,  namely,  the 
want  of  sufficient  Laws  in  the  several  Colonies  to  subject  their  Troops 
to  military  Discipline;  This  Province  is  singular  in  having  such  a  Law, 
but,  I  fear,  should  the  Law  be  rigorously  executed,  even  if  necessity 
called  for  it,  it  would  have  ill  Consequences  with  the  Forces  ours  may 
be  acting  with,  even  to  cause  a  total  Desertion  in  their  Corps,  or  if  not, 
it  must  end  in  such  with  our's.  I  am  aware  Your  Lordship  will  say  a  late 
Act  of  Parliament  subjects  all  Provincial  Forces  to  military  Discipline, 
&  the  Articles  of  War,  when  they  are  joined  with  the  King's  Forces;  pos- 
sibly the  very  reason  why  they  will  not,  or  do  not  like  to  join  His  Maj- 
esty's Forces;  one  would  imagine  the  New  England  Governments  acted 
now  upon  this  Principal,  &  that  they  foresaw  such  a  Junction;  The  Gen- 
eral Court  of  the  Massachusets,  when  they  voted  their  Quota  for  the 
Crown  Point  Expedition,  expressly  say,  "And  that  the  Forces  of  this 
Government  shall  not  be  compelled  to  march  southward  of  Albany,  or 
Westward  of  Schenectady";  8c  I  believe  the  other  Governments  have  the 
same  Resolution;  this  appears  plainly  to  avoid  joining  the  King's 
Troops;  &  I  am  the  more  confirmed  in  this  Opinion,  from  what  passed  at 
a  Meeting  of  the  Commissioners  at  Albany  to  settle  the  Garrisons  for 
Forts  William  Henry  &  Edward;  At  that  Meeting  I  observed  to  Genl. 
Shirley,  that  I  was  of  Opinion,  that  all  Forces  raised  in  the  Provinces 
should  be  under  the  Command  of  His  Majesty's  Commander  in  chief,  & 
that  I  was  not  without  some  Hopes  of  seeing  such  a  Regulation;  The 
Boston  Commissioners  took  up  the  Argument,  and  advanced,  that  they 
hoped  never  to  see  the  day,  that  their  Troops  should  be  under  the  Com- 
mand of  the  King's  Officer.  The  Absurdity  of  this  Doctrine  is  very  evi- 
dent; &  I  think  the  Mischiefs  arising  from  it  are  great,  &  tend  manifestly 
to  the  Prejudice  of  His  Majesty's  Service;  I  shall  beg  Leave  to  lay  before 
Your  Lordship  one  Case  that  may  offer,  which  will  serve  fully  to  prove 
this  Argument. 

The  four  New  England  Governments,  &  New  York,  have  agreed  to 
raise  10,000  Men  for  the  Expedition  to  Crown  Point;  His  Majesty  has 
been  graciously  pleased  to  order  such  a  Number  of  His  regiments  for 
the  American  Services,  &  probably  may  think  it  necessary  to  employ  one 
or  two  Battalions  upon  this  Service;  The  other  services  the  Commander 
in  chief  may  have  in  view  must  be  disappointed,  or  not  attended  to  if 


the  one  or  two  Battalions  are  not  replaced  by  as  many  of  the  Provincial 
Forces;  Pray,  My  Lord,  where  are  they  to  come  from?  Under  the  Vote 
for  raising  the  Men  I  have  recited,  the  Men  have  it  in  their  own  Choice, 
&  are  supported  in  it  by  a  Law  of  the  Colony  from  whence  they  came, 
the  Consequence  is  plain,  that  His  Majesty's  General  cannot  spare  any 
Part  of  the  regular  Forces  for  a  material  Service,  that  cannot  be  executed 
without  them,  or  if  he  does,  he  must  forego  every  other  for  want  of  suffi- 
cient Force. 

The  Troops  of  this  Province,  1,300  in  Number,  or,  if  necessary,  1,700, 
tho'  voted  for  the  Crown  Point  Expedition,  are,  I  thank  God,  not  under 
the  restriction  above,  &  I  think,  if  the  Commander  in  chief  should  think 
proper,  to  assist  the  Crown  Point  Expedition  with  one  or  two  regiments, 
I  can  order  them  to  join  the  King's  Troops,  or,  if  I  should  be  mistaken 
in  my  Power  of  changing  their  Destination,  I  trust  I  shall  have  no  Diffi- 
culty in  obtaining  the  full  Consent  of  the  Legislature  for  it.  One  more 
Difficulty  I  beg  Leave  to  mention  to  Your  Lordship,  with  regard  to  the 
King's  Forces  &  Provincials  joining,  that  is  in  the  first  Place,  (&  particu- 
larly on  the  Crown  Point  Expedition)  the  Command.  I  have  already 
mentioned  the  Sentiments  of  the  New  England  People  on  this  Point,  & 
shall  proceed  to  consider  the  Rank  of  the  Officers,  as  established  by  His 
Majesty's  Order  in  Council,  in  which  no  rank  is  allowed  to  the  Field 
Officers  of  the  Provincial  Forces;  their  Captains  and  Subalterns  are,  by 
that  order,  to  rank  as  youngest  Captains  and  Subalterns  of  His  Majesty's 
Forces;  So  far  very  proper  &  well,  But  what  becomes  of  the  Field  Officers? 
They  think  themselves  much  injured  in  this  Particular,  Sc  tho'  they  can- 
not expect  to  have  Command  over  the  Field  Officers  of  the  same  rank, 
they  still  hope  to  be  on  an  equal  foot  with  them,  as  the  Captains  and 
Subalterns  are  with  those  of  their  Rank;  I  shall  only  add  to  this,  that, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  Captains  of  the  regulars  will  think  it  hard  to  be 
commanded  by  Field  Officers  of  Provincials,  &  the  Field  Officers  of  the 
regulars  will  likewise  think  so  in  having  them  on  an  equal  foot;  if  this 
knotty  &  difficult  Point  could  be  once  settled,  I  am  of  Opinion  it  would 
make  the  two  Corps  act  more  chearfully  together.  This  brings  me  to 
offer  to  Your  Lordship  my  Opinion  of  raising  Men  for  His  Majesty's 
Service  in  the  Colonies;  the  present  Method  is  attended  with  great  De- 
lays, &;  many  Difficulties,  most  of  the  principal  ones  I  have  already  men- 
tioned, &  are  all  to  be  obviated  by  what  I  shall  now  lay  before  You.  All 
Men  raised  in  the  Provinces  for  His  Majesty's  Service,  should  be  raised 
by  the  Commander  in  Chief,  who  may  give  Blank  Commissions,  in  such 
Numbers  he  thinks  proper,  to  the  several  Governors,  to  fill  up  with  the 
Names  of  such  Persons  as  may  be  qualified,  &:  may  have  an  Influence  with 


the  People  of  his  Country;  which  in  most  Instances  has  more  of  Appear- 
ance in  it  than  reality,  which  I  shall  make  appear  to  Your  Lordship  pres- 
ently. The  Governors  should  be  required  to  give  the  Officers  all  the  As- 
sistance in  their  Power;  And  the  Assemblies  should  have  nothing  to  do 
with  raising  the  Men,  but  make  the  Grants  to  His  Majesty,  which  should 
be  drawn  from  the  Treasury  by  the  Governor,  upon  the  application  of 
the  Commander  in  chief,  and  invested  in  him,  &  applied  by  him  for  the 
Purposes  it  was  granted,  and  to  leave  the  assemblies  no  Room  to  think 
of  any  Misapplication  of  their  Money,  the  Commander  in  chief  should 
render  a  true  &  faithfull  Account  to  the  Governors  of  all  Moneys  he  re- 
ceived, who  should  lay  the  same  before  their  respective  Legislatures:  by 
this  Measure  the  whole  force  would  immediately  be  under  the  Com- 
mand of  His  Majesty's  General,  &  consequently  their  Destination  for 
any  Services  he  may  think  it  for  His  Majesty's  Service  to  undertake;  &, 
if  His  Majesty  pleases,  those  Services  to  be  concerted  at  a  Council  of  War 
of  the  General  and  the  Governors,  previous  to  the  opening  the  Cam- 
paign: This  regulation  may  be  attended  with  Difficulties,  but,  I  believe, 
this,  or  something  like  it,  to  be  the  only  Means  by  which  we  can  avail 
ourselves  of  the  many  Evils  arising  from  the  disunited  State  of  the  Col- 
onies in  North  America,  in  Matters  of  War. 

With  respect  to  the  Augmentation  of  His  Majesty's  Forces,  it  is  not 
altogether  so  bad  as  has  been  represented,  the  old  regiments  have  re- 
cruited beyond  Expectation,  &,  I  believe,  I  may  say,  were  once  full  goo 
each,  &  as  a  Proof  that  American  Officers  cannot  recruit  or  raise  Men 
sooner  than  European,  Shirley's  &  Pepperell's  have  never  equalled  them 
in  Number;  It  is  a  Service  that  requires  Knowledge;  &  the  old  Corps 
have  shewn  by  their  Vigilance  &  good  management,  that  they  can  get 
Men,  when  the  American  Influence  cannot.  The  great  Dispute  on  this 
recruiting  Service  has  been  enlisting  Servants,  This  has  been  carried  to 
a  great  Height  in  Pensylvania  and  Maryland:  I  have  always  declared  it 
was  my  Opinion,  that  His  Ma1"  has  an  undoubted  right  to  the  voluntary 
Services  of  His  Subjects;  Govr.  Morris  thinks  so  too;  but  the  Lawyers  dif- 
fer in  it;  they  hold  indented  &  bought  Servants  to  be  Property,  &,  as  such, 
have  no  Will  of  their  own,  &  cannot  be  withheld  from  their  Masters;  I 
much  doubt  if  His  Majesty's  Attorney  General  was  to  try  a  Cause  of  this 
Sort,  but  he  would  find  both  Court  of  [and?]  Jury  of  this  Opinion;  We 
have  had  very  few  Disputes  of  this  kind  in  this  Province.  The  only 
strong  Argument  in  support  of  the  Property  of  Servants  is,  that,  if  they 
are  taken  away,  it  may  oblige  the  Colonies  to  furnish  themselves  with 
Negroes,  which  should  most  certainly  be  avoided,  if  possible;  &  I  had 
rather  the  Servants  were  taken  away,  when  the  publick  Service  calls  for 


it,  tho'  it  may  fall  hard  on  some  individuals,  &  no  Importation  of  Ne- 
groes be  allowed.  This  is  a  Point  I  am  not  [critical?]  enough  to  deter- 
mine, &  it  must  be  settled  at  home,  &  it  might  not  be  improper  to  in- 
struct the  Governors  upon  it,  especially  those  Proprietary  Governments, 
who  are  chiefly  concerned. 

It  has  given  me  great  Satisfaction  to  find  Lord  Loudoun  appointed  to 
the  chief  Command  in  America;  &  tho'  I  have  not  the  Honor  of  knowing 
His  Lordship,  he  is  a  Soldier,  as  such,  if  he  is  not  too  violent,  but  will 
lower  himself  a  little  to  the  Disposition  of  the  People  of  these  Countries, 
(which  there  will  be  an  absolute  necessity  for  his  doing,  in  some  small 
Degree,  to  gain  their  Confidence)  he  will  soon  put  Things  in  a  proper 
Train;  But,  I  fear,  his  Arrival  here  with  his  regiments  will  be  full  late; 
I  could  wish  he  had  been  here  some  little  time  to  have  looked  round 
him,  before  he  entered  upon  immediate  Service. 

Your  Lordship's  Determination  of  putting  the  Affairs  of  Management 
of  the  Six  Nations  into  the  Hands  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  is  the  only  Means 
of  uniting  those  Castles;  It  may  be  proper  Sir  William  should,  in  some 
Degree,  be  under  the  Controul  of  this  Government,  in  order  to  support 
its  Influence  with  the  Indians;  Sir  William  Johnson  has  been  truly  rep- 
resented to  Your  Lordship  as  the  properest  Person  to  be  Agent,  or  Colo- 
nel, over  them;  He  is  both  honest  &:  brave,  &  I  should  do  him  great  In- 
justice if  I  did  not  acquaint  Your  Lordship  with  his  late  Conduct;  He  is 
Colonel  of  the  Militia  of  the  County  of  Albany,  consisting  of  two  Bat- 
talions, has  very  lately  made  three  Marches  with  Part  of  the  Militia,  & 
Indians  upon  Alarms  that  Oswego  and  some  Magazines  on  the  Mo- 
hawks river  (one  at  the  Oneida  Carrying  Place  was  destroyed  before  he 
could  get  to  it's  relief)  was  likely  to  be  attacked  by  the  French  8;  their 
Indians;  The  Fort  destroyed  I  suppose  Genl.  Shirley  has  transmitted  an 
Account  of,  &  as  he  is  likely  soon  to  lose  his  Command,  shall  say  little  to 
those  Matters,  any  more  than  he  left  this  City  for  Boston,  without  leav- 
ing the  proper  Orders  for  the  Troops  moving  on  any  Occasion,  which 
laid  the  Officers  commanding  them  under  great  difficulties,  created  a 
great  deal  of  Trouble  to  them,  and  me,  &  has  occasioned  our  Militia  to 
be  harrassed;  for  I  judged  it  necessary,  from  such  a  Neglect,  to  order  Sir 
Wm.  Johnson  to  march  with  the  Militia  to  support  any  of  the  Posts,  that 
might  be  in  Danger.  And  a  very  extraordinary  Circumstance  happened 
so  lately,  that  I  cannot  help  informing  Your  Lordship  of  it;  From  the 
original  settling  the  Garrisons  of  Forts  William  Henry  &  Edward,  I  have 
urged  Genl.  Shirley  to  let  some  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  take  up  their 
Winter  Quarters  in  them,  and  have  repeated  this  Application  to  him  at 
Boston,  but  all  to  no  Purpose;  the  Garrison  of  Fort  William  Henry  were 


all  New  England  Men,  who  were  promised  to  be  relieved  early  in  the 
Spring,  but,  finding  themselves  deceived,  declared  their  Intentions  to 
the  Commanding  Officer  of  abandoning  the  Fort,  &  fixed  their  Day; 
Upon  his  sending  this  Intelligence  to  Albany,  Colonels  Gage  &  Burton 
judged  it  necessary  to  send  80  Men  from  their  Corps,  with  proper  Offi- 
cers, all  they  could  then  spare,  for  the  Security  of  that  fort;  These  are 
joined  by  125  of  the  Militia;  Thus  had  this  important  Fort  like  to  have 
been  in  Danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Enemy;  and  even  this  I 
think  too  small  a  Garrison.  I  have  wrote  so  to  Genl.  Shirley,  who  is  now 
at  Albany,  and  hope  he  will  reinforce  that  Post,  till  the  Provincial 
Forces  can  arrive  to  releive  them. 

The  French  Schemes,  at  present,  seem  to  be  to  harrass  the  Parties  go- 
ing with  Provisions  to  Oswego,  and  to  Lake  George,  from  the  Number 
of  Indians,  that  have  lately  infested  the  Waters  &  Road;  What  our  In- 
dians are  about  I  do  not  comprehend;  I  have  repeatedly  urged  Sir  Wm. 
Johnson  to  press  them  to  keep  those  Passages  clear,  &  they  have  as  often 
promised  him,  without  effecting  it,  as  Your  Lordship  will  see  by  his  late 
Conferences,  a  Copy  of  which  I  send  Your  Lordship's  Board,  to  which  I 
must  beg  Leave  to  refer,  where  Your  Lordship  will  see  what  Steps  have 
been,  &  are  further  to  be,  taken,  to  accommodate  the  Breach  between  Us 
&  the  Delaware  Indians;  if  this  can  be  happily  accommodated,  I  hope  it 
may  give  another  Turn  to  our  Affairs,  &  encourage  the  Cherokees  to 
join  the  Southern  Provinces. 

I  am  &c  &c. 

Harry  Gordon  to  Robert  Napier 


Albany  June  22nd  1756. 

My  Brother  has  informed  me  of  your  good  offices  in  recommending 
me  to  His  Royal  Highness  The  Duke  for  a  Lieutenancy— I  think  my- 
self very  deeply  indebted  in  Gratitude  to  His  Royal  Highness  for  his 
Approbation  and  to  you  Sir  for  your  Recommendation.  I  shall  con- 
tinue as  much  as  [is]  in  my  Power  to  exert  myself,  with  Zeal,  for  the 
Service  of  the  best  of  Princes,  and  endeavour  to  recommend  myself 
to  His  Royal  Highness's  future  Protection  and  to  your  Favour. 

I  send  you  by  this  Packet  a  Plan  or  rather  a  Sketch  of  the  Country 
from  Fort  Edward  on  Hudsons  River  to  Crown  Point  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  This  you  may  depend  upon  for  conveying  a  true  Idea  of  the 
Nature  of  these  Places— I  collected  it  while  I  was  up  at  Lake  George, 

PREPARATIONS  IN   1756  177 

where  I  bcg'cl  Leave  to  goc  to,  upon  hearing  of  the  bad  Condition  that 
Fort  and  Garrison  were  in.  The  Plan  was  taken  originally  from  a 
Draught  Lieu1  Rogers  Brother  of  the  famous  Cap1  had  made— but  if 
you  desire  to  know  particularly,  I  must  refer  you  to  a  writing  I  have 
sent  by  this  Packet,  which  I  had  not  Time  to  copy  as  the  drawing  a 
Copy  of  the  Plan  for  Lord  Loudoun,  and  Designs  for  the  Improve- 
ments of  the  Forts  Edward  and  William  Henry,  which  General  Shirley 
has  ordered,  has  kept  me  very  hard  at  Work  since  I  came  down. 

I  intend  to  forward  you  by  next  Packet  Copies  of  these  Plans  and 
Designs  but  have  only  had  Time  yet  to  draw  them  for  General  Shirley 
—that  you  may  know  the  State  of  them  you  may  peruse  the  writing 
above  mentioned  and  a  Copy  of  my  Report  which  I  have  inclosed. 

Mr.  Mackellar  is  at  Oswego  and  has  sent  down  a  much  worse  Re- 
port of  that  Place  and  we  are  only  indebted  to  the  Want  of  Ability  or 
bad  Conduct  of  the  Enemy  for  its  being  in  our  Possession;  as  of  itself 
it  could  have  made  no  Defence— I  wish  Mr.  Montresor  may  send  you 
a  Copy  of  his  Report  which  could  be  of  no  bad  Consequence  if  taken 
by  our  Enemies— but  would  expose  their  Folly  in  allowing  us  till  this 
Time  to  put  it  in  a  proper  Condition. 

Our  New  England  Friends  are  coming  up  very  fast,  their  Returns 
are  now  6400  and  they  expect  1500  more.  Provisions  are  likewise  ready 
so  that  I  imagine  we  shall  set  forward  very  soon.  I  wish  an  Expedition 
had  been  encouraged  from  Virginia,  a  small  Train  of  Artillery  with 
Men  of  that  Business  and  an  Engineer  would  have  brought  2  or  3000 
Men  together  from  those  Provinces.  If  they  had  not  taken  Fort  de 
Quesne  they  would  have  caused  a  Diversion  and  secured  a  good  Fort 
to  the  Westward  of  the  Mountains,  which  would  have  better  covered 
these  torn  Provinces. 

I  am,  with  great  Gratitude  &  Respect,  Sir  Your  most  obliged  and 
most  obedient  Servant 

Harry  Gordon. 
P.S.  Young  Williamson  has  assisted  me  much  in  my  drawing  he  has 
all  the  Appearance  of  turning  out  extremely  well. 

Remarks  on  Forts  William  Henry  and  Edward, 
by  Harry  Gordon 


Remarks  upon  the  Forts  of  William  Henry  and  Edward  of  their 
Situation  and  what  Works  are  most  necessary  to  be  added  for  the 
Strengthening  of  them— by  Order  of  H.  E.  General  Shirley. 


Fort  William  Henry  is  situated  at  the  South  End  of  Lake  George 
formerly  called  Lake  St.  Sacrement—  It  is  a  Work  that  consists  of  4 
Bastions  with  intermediate  Curtains— and  a  Ditch  eight  foot  deep  and 
about  thirty  wide  from  the  North- West  Bastion  to  the  South  East  one. 
The  Work  of  the  Ramparts  and  Parapets  is  faced  up  with  large  Logs 
of  Timber  bound  together  with  smaller  ones.  The  Rampart  is  in  most 
Places  fifteen  Foot  broad  on  the  Curtains— the  Bastions  are  filled  up— 
The  Parapets  are,  in  the  Faces  of  the  Bastions  most  exposed,  from  fif- 
teen to  eighteen  Foot  thick,  and  on  the  Curtains  from  twelve  to  fif- 
teen— The  Rampart  is  between  ten  and  eleven  Foot  high,  and  the 
Parapets  from  five  to  five  and  a  half—  There  are  Barracks  for  between 
three  and  four  hundred  Men—  A  Casemate  under  the  left  Flank  of  the 
South  East  Bastion,  and  another  under  the  East  Curtain.  Likewise  a 
Magazine  under  the  N.  E.  Bastion  towards  the  Lake  and  another 
smaller  under  the  N.  W.  Bastion. 

This  Fort  stands  upon  a  high  sandy  Bank  twenty  Foot  above  the 
Lake  which  covers  one  Front—  A  Morass  another  which  winds  within 
fifty  yds  of  the  third;  so  that  an  Attack  cannot  be  well  carried  against 
any  but  the  Western  Front.  There  is  a  rising  Ground  about  300  Yards 
distant  before  the  South  West  Bastion  which  rises  to  between  sixteen 
and  eighteen  Foot  higher  than  the  Ground  the  Fort  stands  upon— 
likewise  the  rising  ground  across  the  morass  is  higher. 

In  order  to  strengthen  this  Fort  it  is  necessary  to  raise  the  Faces  ex- 
posed to  the  rising  Grounds  three  Foot  higher— to  cover  and  defend  the 
South  West  Bastion  and  Curtain,  from  the  Batteries  an  Enemy  might 
raise  upon  the  rising  Ground,  so  as  not  to  be  battered  in  breach  from 
thence—  To  effect  this  a  Ravelin  ought  to  be  raised  before  the  said 
Curtain,  and  a  Countergarde  before  the  S.  W.  Bastion.  A  Communica- 
tion ought  to  be  made  to  the  Ravelin— which  ought  to  be  sunk  under 
the  Curtain  to  come  out  at  the  bottom  of  the  Ditch— and  to  cross  it  by 
a  Caponiere  with  steps  up  to  ascend  the  Ravelin—  A  covered  Way  pal- 
lisadoed  ought  to  be  carried  from  the  left  Face  of  the  Counterguard  to 
a  detached  Redout,  made  last  Year,  very  properly  to  scour  the  Bank 
above  the  Morass  which  was  not  seen  by  the  Fort—  This  Redout  for 
Want  of  the  Communication  being  properly  secured,  is  at  present  in- 
suitable,  but  may  be  made  very  necessary  to  scour  the  left  Face  of 
the  Countergarde. 

These  proposed  Works  will  entirely  cover  the  exposed  Front  of  the 
Fort  (and  without  them  a  Breach  may  soon  be  made  without  shifting 
the  Batteries  from  the  rising  Ground— but  if  these  Works  are  added  the 
Enemy  must  first  destroy  them  and  afterwards  make  their  Batteries  in 


them  to  make  a  Breach  in  the  Bastions.  A  Casemate  should  be  made 
under  the  left  Face  of  the  Ravelin  which  cannot  be  battered  but 
obliquely.  The  covered  Way  will  serve  for  a  small  retrenched  Camp, 
or  a  Cover  for  Magazines  of  Provisions  &ca. 

Fort  Edward  is  situated  on  Hudsons  River  14  Miles  below  the  other 
Fort  above  described.  It  is  a  Work  of  four  Bastions  as  the  other— that 
on  the  River  below  is  rather  a  half  Bastion,  one  Side  is  close  to  the 
River  another  to  a  small  Rivulet  which  winds  towards  the  third.  The 
Gate  is  in  the  Curtain  towards  the  Plain.  There  is  a  Gate  likewise  in 
the  Side  thats  towards  the  Rivulet.  There  is  a  Ditch  on  the  North  and 
East  Sides,  and  a  Row  of  Pallisades  (which  has  been  the  Preservation 
of  the  Fort)  goes  quite  round  between  the  Ditch  &  the  Parapet— with 
their  Points  inclining  towards  the  Country.  There  is  no  Rampart  to 
the  Fort  and  the  Parapet  is  not  above  eight  Foot  thick  in  some  Places 
it  has  washed  to  six  a  Top.  The  Parapet  is  from  eight  to  ten  Foot  high 
reared  up  of  Sand,  without  any  regular  Banquet— or  any  kind  of  fac- 
ing. There  is  a  Magazine  in  the  East  Bastion,  which  is  only  covered 
with  one  layer  of  Logs.  The  River  Hudson  divides  itself  a  little  above 
the  Fort  and  forms  a  large  Island  opposite  to  it.  The  Branch  of  the 
River  between  the  Fort  and  the  Island  is  about  sixty  Yards  across.  The 
Island  a  hundred,  and  the  other  Branch  seventy. 

In  order  to  strengthen  this  Fort  the  Parapets  ought  to  be  faced  with 
Logs  as  at  Fort  William  Henry,  and  made  from  14  to  16  Foot  thick— 
the  Rampart  on  the  East  &  South  Sides  ought  to  be  raised  so  as  to  have 
Casemates  under  the  Curtains— and  proper  Cover  for  2  Magazines  un- 
der the  2  Bastions— A  Ravelin  constructed  before  the  Gate  of  the  North 
Curtain— and  a  Redout  detached  before  the  East  Curtain  to  discover 
the  Banks  of  the  Morass  which  are  high— this  Redout  to  communicate 
by  a  Sally  Port  under  its  Curtain  and  a  covered  Way  well  pallisaded— 
a  covered  Way  may  be  carried  from  the  Redout  to  the  Ravelin  and  pro- 
longed to  the  River.  A  Hornwork  ought  to  be  made  in  the  Island  with 
its  Lunette  across  the  Western  Branch.  This  Work  will  secure  the  Pas- 
sage of  the  River  and  cover  Storehouses  to  lodge  Provisions  &ca.  Care 
must  be  had  to  raise  the  Floors  of  the  Storehouses  as  the  River  has  been 
known  to  rise  over  the  Island.  Landing  Places  must  be  made  for  Boats 
in  the  Island.  The  Curtain  towards  the  River  must  be  secured  against 
Floods  as  the  Ground  the  Fort  stands  upon  is  rather  lower  than  the  Is- 
land. A  small  Redout  may  be  made  across  the  Rivulet  the  better  to 
Flank  the  Hornwork. 

These  Works  as  the  Timber  is  nigh  may  be  soon  Constructed,  and 
without  them  the  Passage  of  the  River  (The  Design  of  this  Fort)  can- 


not  be  covered  properly  for  communication  nor  prevented  our  Enemies 
as  they  may  goe  along  with  any  Number  of  Battoes  or  Canoes  down  the 
Western  Branch  without  being  discovered  by  the  Fort.  If  it  is  supposed 
ever  to  be  attacked  the  Out  Works  will  add  greatly  to  the  Strength  of  it 
—seeing,  in  such  Case  it  would  have  all  the  upper  Inhabitants  of  the 
Province  of  New  York  to  defend  it— whose  principal  Frontier  this  Fort 
certainly  is— and  with  the  addition  of  these  Works,  it  could  with  great 
Numbers  &  Risque  only,  be  invested. 

As  to  the  Works  to  be  added  to  Fort  William  Henry— they  seem  to  me 
so  necessary  for  a  Defense— that  without  them  the  Enemy  can  in  one 
Night  open  Trenches  make  a  Battery  within  280  Yards  of  the  Bastion 
which  entirely  commands  it  and  which  without  shifting  may  soon  make 
a  Breach. 

Harry  Gordon         Engineer 

Memoire  Narratif  de  Mr.  T:T:  x  Touchant  les 
Services  qu'il  a  Rendu  a  la  Nouvelle  Ecosse 



La  bienveillance  que  Vous  me  temoignes  m'engage  a  Vous  ecrire,  et 
cette  genereuse  sensibilite  pour  les  peines  d'autrui  que  Ton  remarque 
en  Vous,  et  qui  fait  l'essence  de  tout  honnete  homme,  me  persuade  que 
touche  de  ma  Situation,  Vous  vous  porteres  a  m'accorder  l'honneur  de 
vos  bons  offices.  Mais  comme  la  prudence  veut  du  discernement  dans 
les  graces  que  Ton  fait,  et  qu'elle  defend  de  s'interesser  pour  celui  que 
Ton  ne  connoit  pas,  Je  vais  rappeller  icy  quelqu'unes  des  circonstances 
qui  m'ont  conduit  a  l'etat  ou  je  me  trouve. 

A  la  fin  de  la  derniere  guerre  pendant  laquelle  j'ai  exerce  differentes 
emplois  distingues,  Je  fus  invite  par  le  Comte  de  Raymond  de  l'ac- 
compagner  a  l'lsle  Royale  dont  il  etoit  Gouverneur.  Je  lui  servis  de 
Secretaire.  Je  le  fis  valoir,  Je  lui  fus  de  la  plus  grande  utilite.  II  n'executa 

1  Thomas  Pichon  (1700-1781),  a  native  of  Vire,  Normandy,  went  to  Cape  Breton 
in  17-31  as  the  secretary  of  the  governor,  Count  de  Raymond.  In  1753  he  hecame 
Commissary  at  Fort  Beausejour,  and  shortly  afterwards  began  to  sell  information  to 
the  British.  He  used  the  name  of  Thomas  Tyrell,  and  as  such  settled  in  England  in 
1758,  where  he  lived  until  his  death.  His  papers  are  preserved  in  the  Public  Archives 
of  Nova  Scotia  and  at  Ottawa,  and  are  to  he  printed  shortly  by  Dr.  J.  C.  Wehster. 
There  are  four  Pichon  items  in  the  Cumberland  Papers:  two  are  copies,  with  insig- 
nificant changes,  of  papers  in  the  Pichon  collection;  a  third,  describing  the  sound- 
ings of  Louisbourg  harbor,  will  appear  in  Dr.  Webster's  volume;  the  fourth  varies 
sufficiently  in  phrasing  and  subject-matter  from  a  similar  mc moire  in  the  Pichon 
collection  to  justify  its  inclusion  here. 


cependant  aucune  des  promesses  qu'il  m'avoit  faites  en  France.  Je  re- 
fusal cle  l'y  suivre  et  il  me  laissa  a  Lonisbourg  en  affettant  d'ignorer  ce 
qu'une  genereuse  Equite  exigeoit  delui.  L'Intendant  cle  cette  Isle  in'en- 
voya  aussitot  an  fort  de  Beausejour,  aujourd'hui  dc  Cumberland,  pour 
y  faire  les  fonctions  de  Commissairc,  d'ordonnateur  et  de  subdeleguc 
de  l'lntendance.  M.  Scott  -  que  j'avois  vu  a  Lonisbourg  et  qui  comman- 
doit  au  fort  Lawrence  proche  le  fort  francois,  m'invita  a  Taller  voir. 
Dans  nos  conversations  sur  les  interets  respectifs  des  deux  Couronnes 
dans  l'Amerique  du  Nord,  il  me  fit  entendre  qu'il  pouvoit  occasionncr 
ma  fortune  qu'il  en  connoissoit  des  moyens  tres  stirs,  et  ([tie  Je  n'aurois 
jamais  lieu  de  me  repentir  de  m'etre  devoue  pour  ce  qu'il  me  proposoit. 
Les  assurances  reiterees  qu'il  me  donnoit,  de  me  mettrc  dans  lc  plus 
agreable  bienetre,  que  rien  ne  manqueroit  a  ma  Satisfaction  et  que  ce 
qu'il  me  promettoit,  il  le  faisoit  au  nom  du  Gouvernement  en  general, 
m'engagerent  a  me  livrer  entierement  a  tout  ce  qu'il  desiroit  de  moi. 

Nous  etablimes  line  correspondance  qui  fut  des  plus  suivies.  II  fut 
successivement  averti  cle  toutes  les  menees  des  pretres  francois  pour  ex- 
citer les  Sauvages  a  faire  coup  Sur  les  Anglois,  Ce  que  j'ai  tou jours 
detourne.  II  le  fut  egalement  cle  tout  ce  qui  se  passoit  concernant  la 
Colonie  et  les  Commandans  de  cette  partie  de  l'Acadie  &c.  II  eut  des 
memoires  aussi  instructifs  qu'interessans  Sur  l'ctat  actuel  des  forts 
francois,  sur  les  babitans  refugies  et  sur  ceux  qui  restoient  dans  la  partie 
cle  l'Acadie  deja  sous  la  domination  Angloise.  II  Scait  quelle  confiance 
ces  bonnes  gens  avoient  en  moi. 

Je  lui  donnai  peu  avant  son  depart  tin  memoire  fort  detaille  sur  les 

-  George  Scott's  parentage  is  unknown.  He  may  have  been  a  native  New  Englander. 
He  was  commissioned  ensign  in  the  British  army  January  24,  1741.  On  September  1. 
1745,  he  became  captain-lieutenant,  perhaps  in  Shirley's  regiment  of  foot  raised  after 
the  capture  of  Lonisbourg,  which  went  on  the  establishment  that  month.  On  April 
30,  1746,  he  became  a  captain  in  Shirley's  regiment,  went  on  half-pav  when  the  regi- 
ment was  broken  in  1748,  and  three  years  later  exchanged  with  Captain  John  Window 
of  the  40th  regiment  (June  28,  1751).  In  1753  he  was  listed  as  a  justice  of  the  peace  and 
commandant  of  the  garrison  at  Chignecto.  Selected  in  1755  to  command  the  second 
battalion  of  Shirley's  regiment  of  New  Englanders  sent  to  Nova  Scotia,  he  was  praised 
by  Monckton  as  an  officer  "on  all  occassions  of  the  greatest  Service  to  me,  as  well  from 
his  Knowledge  of  the  Indians  &  Inhabitants  as  from  his  activity  &  good  Conduct." 
(Monckton's  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Fort  Beausejour,  printed  in  J.  C.  Webster,  The 
Forts  of  Chignecto).  On  July  28,  1757,  he  wrote  Loudoun  an  anonymous  letter, 
which  he  afterwards  acknowledged,  containing  cogent  arguments  against  proceeding 
with  the  projected  attack  on  Louisbourg.  He  was  rewarded  with  the  post  of  Major 
of  Brigade.  Later  that  winter  he  drew  up  a  plan  for  clothing  and  accoutering  troops 
serving  in  America,  and  reducing  the  number  of  firing  motions  (Henry  E.  Hunting- 
ton Library,  LO  6927).  In  1758  he  was  put  in  command  of  a  body  of  rangers  and  light 
infantry  appointed  to  act  as  rangers,  and  in  1759  he  commanded  the  rangers  in  Wolfe's 
army.  He  became  lieutenant-colonel  in  America  July  11,  1761,  though  still  gazetted  as 
first  captain  in  the  40th  regiment.  In  1766  he  received  a  grant  of  20,000  acres  in  East 
Florida  (Acts  Privy  Council,  Colonial,  1766-1783,  p.  590).  The  Army  List  of  1767  is 
the  last  in  which  his  name  appears. 


mesures  que  je  croyois  qu'on  pouvoit  prendre  pour  reussir  a  s'emparer 
des  forts  francois,  Je  peux  avancer  icy  qu'on  a  Suivi  dans  la  plus  grande 
partie  le  projet  que  j'en  avois  fait.  Je  devrois  done  etre  regarde  comme 
un  des  instrumens  qui  a  servi  a  cette  importante  Conquete. 

Le  Capitaine  Hussey  Successeur  de  M.  Scott  et  charge  dela  meme 
correspondance,  recut  egalement  quantite  de  Lettres  et  de  memoires, 
copies  de  tout  ce  qu'envoyoit  l'abbe  le  Loutre  a  la  Cour  de  france  et 
de  ce  qu'il  en  recevoit. 

M'etant  procure  avec  autant  de  peines  que  de  depenses  les  noms  des 
Sauvages  repandus  dans  FAcadie,  le  recensement  noms  par  noms  des 
habitans  francois  et  de  leurs  families,  je  les  fis  passer  a  ce  Capitaine. 

Je  lui  remis  presque  a  Son  arrivee  le  plan  que  j 'avois  fait  faire  de 
l'lsthme  et  entier  des  Bayes  Verte  et  Beaubassin  de  leurs  environs,  des 
deux  forts  francois  qui  y  sont  Situes,  et  les  distances  les  plus  exactes  de 
chaques  endroits.  J'y  joignis  un  memoire  et  des  observations  particu- 
lieres.  Cet  ouvrage  fut  tres  utile  pour  la  reduction  des  deux  forts. 

Je  pourrois  m'en  rapporter  sur  tout  cecy  aux  temoignages  de  Mrs 
Boscawen,  Lawrence,  Scott  et  Hussey,  Si  j'ignorois  que  vous  etes  deja 
instruit,  Monsieur,  de  bien  d'autres  details  que  j'omets.  Mais  Ton  n'a 
gueres  scu  qu'en  partie  tout  ce  que  j'ai  risque  pour  continuer  la  plus 
difficile  correspondance  que  je  vous  assure  m'avoit  coute  considerable- 
ment  pour  rompre  en  visiere  a  plus  d'un  envieux  observateur. 

Je  fis  ralentir  les  ouvrages  qu'on  avoit  projette  de  faire  et  d'ajouter 
tant  au  fort  de  Beausejour  qu'a  celui  de  Gasparaux  pour  leur  defense. 

Le  premier  ayant  ete  en  quelque  facon  investi  et  l'effet  des  bombes 
s'etant  fait  sentir,  les  habitans  au  nombre  de  cinq  cent  que  Ton  y  avoit 
enferme  pour  aider  a  le  defendre,  forcerent  par  mes  conseils  le  Com- 
mandant Vergord  a  demander  a  Capituler  ce  qui  abregea  beaucoup  ce 
Siege.  Ce  fut  aussi  par  mes  conseils  que  le  Commandant  du  fort  Gas- 
paraux se  rendit  sur  la  Seule  Lettre  qui  fut  portee  par  un  habitant  et 
que  j 'avois  aide  a  dieter. 

Un  grand  nombre  des  Acadiens  les  plus  guerriers  et  dont  les  families 
sont  les  plus  nombreuses,  projettoient  de  se  retirer  avec  les  Sauvages 
Abenakis  Sur  la  Riviere  Sl  Jean;  leur  secret  m'ayant  ete  decouvert,  on 
trouva  les  moyens  de  les  retenir. 

Depuis  la  reduction  des  deux  forts,  M.  le  Colonel  Munckton  et  M. 
Scott  furent  toujours  informes  dans  le  plus  grand  detail  de  tout  ce  qui 
pouvoit  interesser  par  rapport  aux  habitans  &c. 

Lorsqu'il  fut  question  de  l'expedition  de  la  Riviere  Sl  Jean  ou  les 
francois  alloient  commencer  un  nouveau  fort,  j'ai  remis  a  M.  de  Munk- 


ton  le  plan  tout  nouvcllement  fait  pour  la  Cour  de  france,  tant  du 
premier  fort  francois  que  des  Cotes  dela  mer,  de  l'embouchure  de  cette 
riviere,  de  son  entree  et  de  scs  profondeurs. 

Etant  convenu  avec  Mr8  de  Munkton  et  Scott,  pour  cather  necessaire- 
ment  l'espece  d'intelligencc  oil  Nous  etions,  et  afin  que  je  fusse  toujours 
a  portee  de  continuer  a  etre  egalement  utile,  que  je  Serois  fait  prison- 
nier  de  guerre,  je  fus  transfere  au  fort  Lawrence,  ensuite  a  celui  de  Pegi- 
guitk.  J'ai  recti  dans  ces  divers  endroits  la  visite  d'un  grand  nombre 
d'Acadiens  qui  me  demandoient  conseil  sur  le  parti  qu'ils  avoient  a 
prendre.  En  qualite  de  prisonnier  je  ne  pouvois,  leur  disois-je,  leur  en 
donner,  ce  qui  les  jettois  dans  la  plus  grande  inquietude.  Je  leur  repre- 
sentois  cependant  qu'ils  devoient  connoitre  bien  mieux  que  moi,  leurs 
vcritables  interets,  considerer  l'avenir;  qu'ils  avoient  des  families  dont 
la  transmigration  dans  d'autres  pays,  ftit-ce  en  france,  ne  pourroit  que 
leur  prejudicier  considerablement;  qu'il  etoit  triste  pour  eux  de  n'avoir 
pas  ete  en  etat  de  faire  comparaison  des  deux  dominations,  Angloise 
et  francoise;  que  la  premiere  etoit  infiniment  plus  douce  que  l'autre 
a  tous  egards,  Sec. 

Transports  depuis  a  Halifax  et  y  ayant  trouve  beaucoup  de  prison- 
niers  francois,  Je  continual  de  passer  pour  prisonnier,  et  Je  fis  entendre 
aux  principaux  qu'en  consequence  dela  capitulation  de  Beausejour  Je 
devois  etre  renvoye  a  Louisbourg  aussitot  apres  l'examen  de  quelques 
papiers  qu'on  supposoit  m'avoir  ete  remis  par  l'abbe  le  Loutre.  Dans 
cette  idee  plusieurs  de  ces  francois  me  chargerent  de  Lettres,  memoires 
&c.  pour  faire  passer  a  Louisbourg  et  en  france.  La  fameuse  Savonnette 
qui  contenoit  le  plan  d'Halifax  et  un  projet  pour  surprendre  ce  poste 
&c,  ouvrage  de  M.  Hocquart  et  des  trois  Ingenieurs  francois,  me  fut 
aussi  remise.  Je  la  rendis  aussitot  a  M.  l'Amiral  Boscawen  ainsi  que  les 
Lettres  et  pacquets  cachettes  des  autres  francois.  La  decouverte  de  ce 
projet  de  M.  Hocquart,  des  Ingenieurs,  R:c  de  s'emparer  ou  de  detruire 
Halifax,  de  bruler  les  vaisseaux  qui  devoient  hyverner  dans  ce  havre  Sec, 
parut  d'une  telle  importance  qu'il  en  ftit  ordonne  un  jour  d'action  de 
grace  a  Halifax. 

L'on  m'a  Souvent  flatte  dela  Satisfaction  qu'on  m'assuroit  avoir  de 
toutes  mes  operations,  ne  puis-je  done  pas  paroitre  desirer  l'accomplis- 
sement  des  promesses  qui  m'ont  ete  faites,  de  me  procurer  un  etat  Solide 
et  avantageux?  Ne  puis-je  pas  me  flatter  de  le  meriter?  La  Conquete, 
pour  ainsi  dire,  de  toute  la  nouvelle  Ecosse,  l'importance  dont  cette 
partie  del'Amerique  doit  etre  pour  toutes  les  autres  Colonies  Angloises, 
ainsi  que  pour  la  grande  Bretagne,  par  les  consequences  qui  en  resultent 


et  par  les  avantages  qu'on  en  doit  tirer  des  a  present  et  pour  l'avenir; 
tout  ne  Semble  t'il  pas  m'autoriser  a  demander  une  recompense  pro- 

J'avois  un  etat  en  france  ou  J'ai  encore  du  bien.  Je  devois  etre  charge 
dela  Subdelegation,  del'Intendance  dans  plusieurs  Colonies  del'Ame- 
rique  du  Nord,  postes  qui  m'auroient  assurement  ete  avantageux.  Je  les 
ai  abandonne,  J 'en  fais  de  meme  de  tout  ce  que  j'ai  en  france  ou  Je  ne 
dois  plus  penser  a  retourner.  J'ai  fait  en  outre  des  pertes  tres  consid- 
erables lors  et  par  la  prise  de  Beausejour,  &c. 

Voila,  Monsieur,  ce  que  je  n'ai  point  craint  de  confier  a  votre  discre- 
tion; votre  facon  de  penser  Sage  et  judicieuse  m'est  connue.  Je  me  per- 
suade que  ces  details  que  j'aurois  desire  pouvoir  abreger,  vous  exciteront 
a  continuer  de  vous  interesser  pour  moi.  Je  voudrois  bien  continuer 
d'etre  de  quelque  utilite.  Ce  fut  dans  cette  vue  que  M.  Boscawen,  qui 
connoit  tout  mon  zele  a  cet  egard  me  fit  venir  a  Londres.  Je  compterai 
done  beaucoup  Sur  vos  demarches  si  vous  aves  la  bonte  d'en  faire  pour 
moi;  vous  obligeres  un  homme  reconnoissant  et  qui  s'etudiera  toute  sa 
vie  a  vous  donner  des  preuves  de  son  attachement. 

J'ai  l'honneur  d'etre  bien  respectueusem1 
Monsieur,  Votre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  Serviteur 


Le  27  Juin  1756 

Benjamin  Franklin  to  Sir  Everard  Fawkener  ' 

New  York,  July  27,  1756. 
Honourable  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  a  very  long  Letter  by  the  Harriot,  Capt.  Bonnell,  to 
which  I  have  now  little  to  add.  It  was  in  answer  to  those  I  had  been 
favour 'd  with  from  you. 

Being  requested,  by  a  Letter  from  Mr  Pownall  before  he  left  Eng- 
land, to  be  here  at  Lord  Loudon's  Arrival,  I  came  accordingly  about 
the  time  he  was  expected,  but  waited  near  5  Weeks  before  he  arrived, 
which  was  not  till  last  Friday.  I  am  pleased,  however,  that  I  staid  so 
long,  as  I  have  had  the  Satisfaction  of  several  Conferences  with  his 

1  Sir  Everard  Fawkener  was  one  of  the  Postmasters  General,  and  Cumberland's 
private  secretary.  He  died  in  1758,  at  the  age  of  seventy-four,  and  his  widow,  the 
natural  daughter  of  General  Churchill  whom  he  had  married  as  a  young  girl  in 
1747,  became  the  wife  of  Governor  Thomas  Pownall. 


Lordship  on  American  Affairs,  and  hope  I  may  be  able,  on  my  Return, 
to  do  him  a  Piece  of  Service  that  he  requests  of  me.  He  seems  to  me 
very  well  fitted  for  the  Charge  he  has  undertaken,  and  I  promise  myself 
the  King's  Affairs  on  this  Side  will  prosper  in  his  Hands.  He  sail'd 
yesterday  for  Albany,  and  I  return  home  tomorrow. 

The  publick  Papers,  which  I  inclose,  contain  all  the  material  News. 
The  Provincials  under  General  Winslow,  are  on  their  March  to  Lake 
George,  in  order  to  attack  Crown  Point.  They  declin'd  the  Assistance 
of  the  Regulars,  who  therefore  only  follow  them,  and  take  the  Posts 
they  leave,  to  be  ready  to  support  them  in  case  of  any  Accident.  The 
Provincials,  it  seems,  apprehend,  that  Regulars  join'd  with  them,  would 
claim  all  the  Honour  of  any  Success,  and  charge  them  with  the  Blame 
of  every  Miscarriage.  They  say,  that  last  Year,  at  Nova  Scotia,  2000 
New  England  Men,  and  not  more  than  200  Regulars,  were  join'd  in 
the  Taking  BeauSejour;  yet  it  could  not  be  discovered  by  the  Ace1 
sent  home  by  Govr  Lawrence,  and  published  in  the  London  Gazette, 
that  there  was  a  single  New  England  Man  concern'd  in  the  Affair.  It 
is  suppos'd  by  some,  that  they  will  now  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost; 
and  that  the  Joining  to  them  a  Regiment  or  two  of  the  Regulars, 
would  have  discouraged  and  dispirited  them  exceedingly,  and  thereby 
weaken'd  more  than  it  would  strengthen  them.  The  general  Opinion, 
however,  of  the  Regular  Officers,  is,  that  they  will  be  beaten  and  re- 
puls'd;  for  they  must  expect  to  meet  at  Crown  Point  almost  the  whole 
Force  of  Canada.  A  few  Weeks  will  now  determine  this  Matter. 

The  Naval  Force  of  the  Enemy  on  Lake  Ontario,  is  represented  as 
superior  to  ours;  but  as  we  have  more  Vessels  fitting  out,  and  almost 
ready,  'tis  hop'd  the  Scale  will  soon  turn  there  in  our  Favour.  The 
Check  the  French  receiv'd  in  their  Attack  on  our  Battoes,  it's  thought 
will  have  a  good  Effect;  and  discourage  them  a  little  in  their  Scheme  of 
cutting  off  our  Communication  with  Oswego.  It  is  agreed  by  all,  that 
Bradstreet  &  his  Battoe-men  behav'd  very  well. 

The  last  Act  of  Parliament,-  that  authorizes  the  Enlisting  of  bought 
Servants  in  America,  tho'  it  directs  that  the  Officers  who  inlist  them,  shall 
pay  the  Masters  the  prime  Cost  of  the  Servant,  deducting  for  the  time 
he  has  serv'd  a  proportional  Part  of  the  Sum  (which  perhaps  is  the  best 
general  Rule  that  could  be  fix'd)  or  return  the  Servant,  the  Master 
paying  back  the  Enlisting  Money;  will  nevertheless  intirely  destroy  the 
Trade  of  bringing  over  Servants  to  the  Colonies,  either  from  the 
British  Islands  or  Germany.  Because  no  Master  for  the  future  can  af- 

-  29  Geo.  II,  c.  35. 


ford  to  give  such  a  Price  for  Servants  as  is  sufficient  to  encourage  the 
Merchants  to  import  them,  while  the  following  Inconveniencies  and 
Hardships  still  remain  on  the  Master,  viz 

i.  Many  of  our  Servants  are  purchased  young  of  their  Parents,  who, 
coming  with  large  Families,  bind  some  of  their  Children  to  Trades- 
men and  Farmers,  in  order  to  raise  a  Sum  to  pay  the  Freights  of  the 
whole,  and  keep  themselves  free;  their  Children  too  being  by  this 
Means  well  provided  for,  as  they  are  taught  some  Business  with  which 
they  may  obtain  a  future  Livelihood.  Now  the  last  Year  or  two  of  such 
a  Servant's  Time  is  of  more  Value  to  the  Master  than  three  or  four 
of  the  first  Years;  and  the  Allowance  of  a  Part  of  the  first  Cost,  in 
proportion  only  to  the  Time  remaining  unserv'd,  is  therefore  by  no 
means  an  adequate  Compensation  to  the  Master. 

2.  When  a  Man's  Servants  are  taken  from  him,  he  knows  not  where 
to  find  Hands  to  assist  him  in  cultivating  his  Land,  or  carrying  on  his 
Business,  hired  Labourers  or  Journeymen  not  being  so  readily  obtain'd 
here  at  any  time  as  in  England,  People  chiefly  depending  on  their 
bought  Servants,  and  in  the  present  Case  the  Labourers  and  Journey- 
men had  been  before  rendered  much  scarcer  by  the  long  continued 
Recruitings.  Thus  many  Masters  are  reduced  to  the  greatest  Distress 
in  their  Affairs,  by  a  total  Stop  put  to  their  Business.  And  where  the 
Business  is  carried  on  in  different  Branches,  depending  on  one  another, 
the  Taking  of  one  Servant  may  render  useless  several  that  are  left. 
For  instance,  Taking  the  Spinners  from  a  Ropewalk,  the  other  Serv- 
ants who  know  not  how  to  spin,  tho'  they  do  not  inlist,  cannot  go  on 
with  the  Business,  and  must  stand  idle.  Taking  the  Compositors  from 
a  Printing  House  (my  own  Case)  the  Servants  who  are  Pressmen,  tho' 
left  behind,  not  knowing  how  to  compose,  must  remain  idle.  There- 
fore the  Allowance  directed  by  the  Act  for  the  Time  the  Spinner  or 
Compositor  had  to  serve,  is  by  no  means  a  Composition  for  the 
Damage  done. 

3.  If  the  Officer  declines  paying  the  proportional  Sum,  directed  by 
the  Act  to  be  paid,  he  is  to  return  the  Servant,  and  the  Master  is  to 
pay  back  the  Inlisting  Money.  The  Servant  very  probably  has  spent  it 
in  Drink  with  the  Serjeant  and  his  Fellow  Recruits,  so  it  must  be  out 
of  the  Master's  Pocket:  Then  there  being  no  Provision  to  prevent  the 
Servant's  Inlisting  again,  he  may  repeat  the  Frolick  as  often  as  he 
pleases.  If  the  same  Officer  should  generously  refuse  (for  he  is  not  for- 
bid) to  inlist  the  same  Servant  twice,  another  Officer  may  inlist  him, 
not  knowing  that  he  had  been  inlisted  before,  and  discharged;  and 
so  the  Master  may  be  continually  harass'd  with  the  Expence  and 


Trouble  of  Recovering  his  Servant,  till  he  chuses  rather  to  lose  him 

Upon  the  whole  I  see  clearly,  that  the  Consequence  will  be,  the  In- 
troduction of  Slaves,  and  thereby  weakening  the  Colonics,  and  pre- 
venting their  Increase  in  White  Inhabitants. 

How  much  better  would  it  be  to  recruit  in  Britain,  Ireland  or  Ger- 
many: For  by  that  means  the  Colonies  would  be  strengthened! 

I  write  this  in  Obedience  to  your  Commands  that  I  should  give  my 
Opinion  freely  to  you,  on  Publick  Measures  relating  to  America. 

I  hope  Mr  Hunter  is  with  you  by  this  Time,  and  that  the  Voyage 
will  answer  the  Expectations  of  his  Friends,  in  restoring  his  Health. 
He  sail'd  about  the  20th  of  June,  in  the  Anna,  Capt.  Randolph,  from 
Virginia.  He  will  settle  our  Accounts  with  the  Office,  and  inform  you 
of  everything  relating  to  it  on  this  Side.  I  am,  with  the  greatest 
Respect,  Honble  Sir,  Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  Servant 

B  Franklin 

A  Journal  of  the  Transactions  at  Oswego  from 

the   i6th  of  May  to  the   14  of  August  1756. 

By  Patrick  Mackellar  '  Eng'r  en  Second 

to  the  Expedition 


May  16  I  arrived  at  2  a  Clock  in  the  afternoon,  with  Lieut.  Colonel 
Broadstreet,2  &  a  Convoy  of  Battoes  with  Provisions  Naval  Stores  &c. 

1  Patrick  Mackellar  (1717-1778)  got  his  training  as  an  engineer  at  Minorca,  where 
he  was  stationed  from  1739  to  1754.  Of  the  British  engineers  who  served  in  America 
in  the  Seven  Years'  War,  Mackellar  was  probably  the  ablest.  Engineer  en  second 
with  Braddock's  expedition  and  at  the  siege  of  Louisbourg  in  1758,  he  acted  as  chief 
engineer  at  Quebec  in  1759,  in  Canada  in  1760,  at  Martinique  in  1762,  and  at  Ha- 
vana in  1763.  Four  of  these  sieges  demanded  the  use  of  European  methods;  only  at 
Oswego  was  Mackellar  called  upon  to  adapt  his  knowledge  to  meet  frontier  require- 

-  Captain  John  Bradstreet  (c.  1711-1774)  of  the  51st  regiment  may  be  identical 
with  that  Jean-Baptiste  Bradstreet,  born  December  21,  1714,  and  baptized  March 
12,  1716,  the  son  of  Lieutenant  Edward  Bradstreet  of  the  40th  regiment  in  Nova 
Scotia  (died  December,  1718)  and  Agathe  de  la  Tour  (Murdoch,  Hist,  of  Xova  Scotia, 
I.  263,  354).  John  bought  an  ensigncy  in  the  40th  regiment  in  1735.  played  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  Louisbourg  expedition  of  1745,  and  became  a  captain  in  Pep- 
perrell's  regiment  raised  in  1746  and  lieutenant  governor  of  St.  John's,  Newfound- 
land. In  1755  Shirley  put  him  in  charge  of  transportation  to  Oswego,  recognizing, 
as  did  later  commanders  in  chief,  his  unusual  qualities  as  a  leader  of  irregulars.  His 
title  as  lieutenant  colonel  was  at  this  time  unofficial;  he  was  one  of  several  officers 
who  suffered  from  Shirley's  unauthorized  promotions.  Not  until  December,  1757, 
when  he  became  a  deputy  quartermaster  general,  did  he  gain  the  rank  he  had 
coveted  for  eleven  years.  Ambitious  and  aggressive,  his  superiors  realized  that  he 


In  the  Evening  I  visited  Fort  Ontario  and  took  Memorandums  of  its 

17th  In  the  Morning  I  visited  Fort  Oswego  and  Fort  George  and 
took  Memorandums  of  their  Defects.  About  ten  a  Clock,  I  reported 
the  Defects  of  the  Three  Forts  to  Lieut.  Colonel  Mercer  and  shewd 
him  my  Instructions;  I  then  demanded  eight  Men  to  assist  my  taking 
a  Survey  of  the  Place,  and  all  the  Men  that  coud  be  spared,  to  begin 
the  Repairs  of  the  Works  next  clay;  He  told  me  that  the  Master  Builder 
demanded  more  Men  to  carry  on  the  Business  of  the  Sniping,  than  he 
coud  possibly  spare  from  the  Dutys  of  the  Garrison,  that  he  was 
obliged  from  the  Misfortunes  that  had  happen'd  of  Scalping  and  tak- 
ing the  Workmen  in  the  Woods,  always  to  send  strong  Covering  Partys 
along  with  them;  but  that  he  woud  call  a  Council  of  War  in  the 
Afternoon,  and  settle  what  ought  to  be  done. 

In  the  Afternoon  He  called  a  Council  of  War,  viz1  Lieut.  Colonels 
Littlehales  and  Broadstreet  and  Captain  Broadley  3  Commanding  Of- 
ficer of  the  Vessels  upon  the  Lake,  I  was  desired  to  attend.  Before  the 
Council  of  War,  He  represented  the  weak  condition  of  the  Garrison, 
the  impossibility  of  sending  sufficient  Covering  Partys  with  the  Work- 
men into  the  Woods,  and  to  give  Men  for  the  Repairs  of  the  Fortifica- 
tions at  the  same  time;  He  likewise  represented  the  Want  of  Money.  It 
was  resolved,  that  the  Business  of  the  Sniping  was  the  most  essential 
and  therefore  to  be  forwarded  with  most  Despatch,  that  the  Repairs 
of  the  Works  shoud  be  postponed,  that  the  Party  at  the  Falls  (left 
there  by  Colonel  Broadstreet  to  build  a  Fort)  shoud  be  called  in,  if 
Colonel  Schuyler's  Regiment  was  not  arrived  there,  in  its  way  to  Os- 
wego; and  that  the  Want  of  Money  shou'd  be  represented  to  General 
Shirley  by  the  first  Opportunity,  and  that  the  Commanding  Officer 
shoud  endeavour  to  prevail  with  Mr.  Lewis  4  the  Commissary  to  con- 
tinue the  payment  of  the  Workmen,  untill  his  Excellency's  pleasure 
shoud  be  known. 

This  morning  Lieut.  Blair  of  the  51st  Regiment  being  posted  with  a 
Party  of  Men  above  the  Rift  to  cover  the  Battoes  was  attackd  by  a 
Party  of  Indians;  Lieut.  Blair  and  one  of  his  Men  were  killed  and  an- 
other Mortaly  Wounded;  upon  the  Alarm  of  the  Fire,  there  was  a 

"had  to  be  rode  with  a  bridel."  In  1758  he  planned  and  carried  out  the  successful 
expedition  against  Fort  Frontenac.  Appointed  colonel  in  America  in  1762,  he  died  a 
major  general  in  the  British  army. 

3  For  the  conduct  at  Oswego  of  Captain  Flousman  Broadley  of  the  Royal  Navy, 
see  W.  L.  Grant,  "The  Capture  of  Oswego  by  Montcalm  in  1756:  A  Study  in  Naval 
Power  .  .  .  ,"  Royal  Society  of  Canada,  Transactions  (1914),  ser.  Ill,  Vol.  viii,  p.  193. 

4  Francis  Lewis,  later  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


Reinforcement  sent  from  the  Garrison,  (of  which  one  of  our  Mohawk 
Indians  was  killed);  upon  their  Appearance  the  Enemy  went  oil  and 
left  two  of  theirs  killed  who  were  scalped  by  our  people. 

18th       I  visited  the  Powder  Magazine  and  look  Memorandums  of 
its   Defects.   Colonel   Broadstreet   return'd    this   Morning   lor 
Schenectady  with  his  Battoes. 
19th        This  day  very  rainy  which  put  a  Stop  to  the  Work  of  the 

Shi  ping. 
20th        Lieut.  Cooling  came  in  with  the  Party  left  at  the  Falls  ac- 
cording to  the  Resolution  of  the  Council  of  war  of  the  17"1 
Instant.  Mr.  Sowers  the  Engineer  came  by  Water,  and  had  a 
Battoe  of  Tools  oversett. 
21st         I  reconoitred   the  Ground  round   Fort  Oswego  and   Fort 

22nd       I  reconoitred  the  Ground  along  the  Lake  to  the  Westward 

and  up  the  River  towards  the  Rift. 

24  About  eleven  at  Night  a  Party  of  Indians  attacked  a  small 
Encampment  of  Battoemen  at  about  forty  yards  distance 
from  the  Town,  they  took  two  Prisoners,  killed  four,  three  of 
whom  they  scalped,  they  likewise  scalped  a  Soldier  who  lay 
drunk  asleep  (he  afterwards  recover'd)  and  wounded  two 
more.  When  they  found  the  Garrison  alarm'd  they  went  off, 
but  had  pursued  some  of  the  Men  into  the  Street.  The  Gar- 
rison continued  under  Arms  till  two  in  the  Morning. 
25th  In  the  Afternoon  Colonel  Schuyler  5  Sc  Major  Kineer  arrived, 
the  former  with  about  170  Men  of  his  Regiment,  the  Major 
with  a  Party  of  (  ),G  they  brought  a  convov  of  Battoes  with 
Naval  Stores  and  Provisions. 

There  arrived  likewise  a  Drove  of  Oxen. 

I  writ  the  following  Letter  to  Mr.  Montresor  Chief  En- 

Oswego  25th  May   1756 

I  arrived  here  the  16th,  but  untill  now,  have  not  had  an 
opportunity  of  writing  to  you,  since  I  examined  the  Condition 
of  the  Fortifications,  which  I  send  you  an  Account  of  that  you 
may  be  prepared  to  speak  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  about 
them  and  receive  his  farther  Directions. 

5  Peter  Schuyler  of  the  New  Jersey  regiment. 

6  Space  left  in  manuscript. 


"Old  Fort  Oswego  is  according  to  the  Plans  you  have  seen,  a 
Blockhouse  surrounded  with  a  Wall  at  a  Small  distance  from 
it,  both  of  dry  rubble  but  pointed  upon  the  Joints  here  and 
there  with  Mortar;  there  are  three  Guns  mounted  within  the 
outward  Wall  to  fire  through  Loopholes  in  the  rounding 
towards  the  River,  but  they  must  not  be  fired  for  fear  of 
bringing  down  the  Wall,  which  is  already  crack'd  in  three 
places  from  top  to  Bottom,  these  are  the  only  Guns  within 
this  Work. 

"The  Hornwork  built  last  Year  and  the  Raveline  before  it, 
are  badly  laid  out,  the  Flanks  of  the  half  Bastions  do  not 
defend  the  opposite  Faces,  the  Wings  are  enfiladed  from  end 
to  end,  the  Terreplain  seen  almost  throughout,  the  North 
wing  towards  the  Lake  quite  open,  with  only  a  small  Cliff  of 
Earth  and  Rock  where  any  Body  may  run  up  and  down;  the 
South  wing  towards  the  Town  was  closed  somewhat  in  the 
form  of  a  Tenaille  last  Winter,  in  Fascine  and  wattled  Work 
fitted  with  Earth,  which  I  think  some  Improvement,  it  has 
eight  or  ten  Embrazures  towards  the  Town;  the  Gorge  of  the 
Raveline  is  so  close  upon  the  Curtain,  and  the  whole  of  it 
rais'd  so  high  that  it  obstructs  the  Fire,  at  least  of  two  thirds 
of  both  the  Flanks  and  ye  Curtain,  and  makes  no  Defence 
itself,  there  being  only  a  Rampart  raisd  to  a  great  Hight  with- 
out any  Parapet,  the  retaining  Wall  within  which  is  of  dry 
rubble,  and  the  scarp  without  which  is  of  Sod,  have  both 
given  way;  The  Faces  of  it  terminate  upon  the  Curtain  some 
Toises  within  the  Flanks. 

"The  Fort  upon  the  Hill  on  the  Town  Side  called  Fort 
Oswego  seems  to  have  been  designed  a  Square  with  Bastions, 
but  there  is  so  little  of  it  done  and  that  so  roughly,  that  one 
cannot  say  what  it  might  be  if  finished,  the  Ditch  is  sunk  on 
two  Sides  about  five  feet  deep  and  the  Earth  thrown  in  and 
supported  with  Wattle  Work  about  three  feet  high,  this  gives 
a  rough  Form  to  one  Bastion  and  two  half  Bastions;  the 
other  two  sides  are  not  touched  upon  but  for  the  present  in- 
closed with  a  bad  Pallisade  which  is  continued  round  the 
whole  leaving  out  the  Figure  of  the  Bastions;  there  are  Huts 
within  for  lodging  the  Men  and  Officers,  tho  in  my  opinion 
the  Work  is  by  no  means  tenable,  and  quartering  Men  there 
is  I  think  runing  a  great  risk  of  losing  them. 

"The  Town  if  it  may  be  called  so,  is  open  to  the  south  and 


west  Sides,  and  of  Course  exposed  to  the  Enemy's  Scalping 
Partys,  one  of  which  a  few  Nights  ago  came  in  to  the  very 
street  and  scalped  killed  wounded  and  took  eight  Men  Bat- 
toemen  and  Soldiers. 

"The  Powder  Magazine  is  so  bad  that  I  think  the  Powder 
must  be  considerably  dammaged,  it  is  so  crouded  at  present 
that  it  cannot  be  narrowly  examined,  but  it  being  sunk  four 
feet  in  the  Ground,  and  the  top  one  side  and  one  Gable  End 
coverd  with  Sod,  there  must  certainly  be  a  great  deal  of  Mois- 
ture got  into  it. 

"The  Fort  on  the  east  Side  of  the  River  called  Fort  Ontario 
is  stockaded  with  good  Timber  and  the  joints  squared,  but 
the  Plan  is  bad,  its  other  Defects  are  as  follows.— The  Bar- 
racks for  the  Men  and  officers  are  mostly  built  against  the 
Stockade  which  loses  so  much  of  the  Fire,  the  Gate  is  placed 
in  an  Angle  and  flankd  on  neither  Side,  which  must  be  the 
Case  in  a  Star  as  all  the  Angles  are  dead;  there  is  no  Banquet, 
nor  Loop  holes  cut,  but  for  the  Canon,  however  there  is  a 
Gallery  carryd  round  the  top  where  the  Buildings  do  not 
interfere,  which  has  a  good  Command  and  renders  the  Work 
capable  of  a  tolerable  Defence  against  small  Arms. 

"I  intended  according  to  his  Excellency's  orders  to  have  set 
about  repairing  the  most  material  &  least  costly  of  these  De- 
fects immediately  after  my  arrival,  and  spoke  to  Colonel  Mer- 
cer the  Command5  Officer  upon  that  head,  who  immediatly 
consulted  some  of  the  principal  Officers,  and  it  was  agreed, 
that  as  they  were  under  apprehensions  of  a  siege,  the  work  of 
the  Shiping  was  the  most  requisite  to  be  forwarded,  and  that 
as  the  Weakness  and  Sickliness  of  the  Garrison  would  not 
admitt  of  their  giving  a  sufficient  Number  for  that  service,  the 
other  Works  must  be  postponed  untill  the  Hurry  of  that  Busi- 
ness shoud  be  got  over. 

"The  principal  Defects  I  intend  to  go  upon  when  I  can 
get  Workmen,  are  those  of  the  Horn  Work  and  Fort  Ontario; 
the  former  of  these  notwithstanding  its  Defects,  is  the  only 
work  on  this  Side  that  we  can  mount  Guns  upon;  the  Re- 
pairs I  intend  [in]  it,  are  Traverses  to  secure  the  Enfilade, 
securing  the  North  Wing,  and  making  platforms  and  Em- 
brazures  where  necessary;  I  think  the  Raveline  must  be  de- 
molished intirely. 

"The  Repairs  in  Fort  Ontario  are  soon  done  except  that 



of  removing  the  Buildings,  which  cannot  be  done  without 
removing  the  Troops,  it  is  besides  too  expensive  a  Work  to 
go  upon  without  a  particular  Order. 

"Fort  Oswego  I  can  consider  as  a  Work  begun  only,  and 
what  is  done  does  rather  more  harm,  than  good,  I  shall  there- 
lore  deter  doing  anything  to  it,  untill  I  receive  his  Excellency's 
orders,  it  is  in  fact  the  same  as  building  a  new  Fort. 

"The  Powder  Magazine  and  that  of  inclosing  the  Town  will 
likewise  be  Articles  of  too  much  Expence  to  enter  upon  with- 
out orders,  and  sending  Plans  which  I  cannot  do  at  present. 

"I  shall  as  soon  as  the  hurry  of  the  shiping  will  allow  me  a 
few  hands,  take  an  exact  Survey  of  both  sides,  where  I  shall 
lay  down  whatever  I  may  see  necessary  both  in  the  building 
and  fortifying  way,  for  his  Excellency's  and  your  Perusal;  in 
the  former  of  these  I  do  not  expect  to  succeed  to  my  own 
satisfaction,  the  Situation  is  very  unfavourable,  for  the  Ground 
where  a  Fort  woud  be  of  most  general  use,  is  overlooked  on 
two  Sides  and  mostly  within  Musquet  Shot—,  and  building 
little  Forts  here  and  there  at  a  distance  from  each  other,  ought 
I  think  to  be  avoided  for  many  reasons  if  possible.  I  shou'd 
be  very  glad  you  had  seen  the  Ground. 

"I  writ  to  you  from  the  Carrying  place,  to  acquaint  you 
with  the  Orders  I  had  received  from  the  General  of  laying  out 
three  Forts.  That  at  the  head  of  Wood  Creek  where  Bulls  Fort 
stood,  I  hear  is  finished  but  the  Ditch  not  according  to  my 
plan;  that  at  the  mouth  of  Wood  Creek,  there  was  no  time 
nor  hands  to  enter  upon,  and  that  at  Oswego  Falls  we  were 
obliged  to  leave  off,  after  digging  the  Trench  and  cuting 
some  of  the  Stockades,  the  Party  for  that  service  being  wanted 
to  reinforce  this  Garrison. 

"I  was  very  unfortunate  in  the  Tools  I  brought  along  with 
me,  all  the  Spades  and  a  good  many  Pickaxes  and  felling  Axes 
were  destroyed  or  lost  at  Herchkermers,  Williams's  Fort  and 
Bull's  Fort;  and  at  the  Falls  there  was  among  many  others  no 
less  than  three  of  the  Tool  Battoes  oversett  or  sunk,  some  of 
the  things  were  recoverd,  but  lost  the  Hambro'  Line,  the 
Nails  and  the  best  part  of  our  remaining  Pickaxes  and  Felling 
Axes;  these  Articles  with  some  Spades,  we  shoud  be  glad  to 
have  a  supply  of  as  soon  as  an  opportunity  offers,  and  I  shou'd 
be  glad  the  felling  Axes  were  of  a  different  kind  from  the  last, 
which  are  the  worst  I  ever  saw. 


"When  you  get  a  Supply  of  Stationary  Ware  we  shall  be 
glad  of  some,  We  have  scarce  any  left,  and  pray  dont  let  the 
Paymaster  forget  to  send  us  some  Money,  which  we  find  a 
more  Necessary  Article  than  we  imagined. 

"I  have  been  ill  for  these  three  Weeks  past,  first  of  an  Ague 
and  now  of  a  Flux,  I  am  weaken'd  a  good  deal,  but  I  think 

"I  shall  write  to  the  General  by  this  opportunity,  but  as  I 
cannot  trouble  him  with  all  the  particulars  in  your  Letter, 
you'l  be  so  good  as  wait  upon  him,  and  if  he  desires  to  know 
them  you'l  please  to  inform  him.  I  am"  etc. 
26th    The  Garrison  upon  the  Business  of  the  Shiping 
I  this  day  writ  the  following  Letter  to  his 
Excellency  General  Shirley. 

Oswego  26th  May  1756 

I  arrived  here  the  16th  Instant  &  Communicated  your  Ex- 
cellency's Orders  Concerning  the  Works  to  the  Commanding 
Officer,  who  after  consulting  some  of  the  principal  Officers 
then  upon  the  Spot,  finds  that  dispatching  the  Shiping,  is  at 
present  of  more  immediate  Consequence  than  repairing  the 
Works,  and  as  the  former  Requires  all  the  hands  off  Duty,  the 
latter  has  been  postponed. 

"I  have  since  that  time  examined  the  several  works  and 
find  them  very  defective,  especially  those  on  the  west  Side;  it 
woud  give  your  Excellency  too  much  trouble  to  read  the 
particulars,  but  I  have  transmitted  them  to  the  Chief  Engineer, 
who  will  lay  them  before  your  Excellency  if  required.  I  can 
consider  Fort  Oswego  only  as  a  Work  begun,  and  as  it  re- 
quires a  good  deal  of  Expence  to  finish  it,  I  shall  forbear  doing 
anything  to  it,  without  your  Excellency's  farther  Orders.  When 
the  hurry  of  Business  for  the  Shiping  is  over,  I  shall  go  on 
with  some  of  the  Repairs  in  the  other  Works  that  are  most 
necessary  and  least  Expensive.  The  Commanding  Officer  will 
use  his  Endeavours  to  reduce  the  price  of  Labour,  it  chiefly 
depends  upon  him;  the  want  of  ready  Money  may  be  some 
obstacle  to  it,  but  this  difficulty  I  presume  your  Excellency 
will  soon  remedy. 

"As  soon  as  I  can  get  a  few  hands,  I  shall  take  a  plan  of 
the  whole  and  lay  down  such  particulars  as  I  shall  think 
Necessary,  with  Estimates  for  your  Excellency's  Consideration. 




"Colonel  Broadstreet  woud  inform  your  Excellency  that 
Wood  Creek  Fort  was  left  in  hand,  I  hear  it  is  finished  since; 
he  had  not  Men  to  begin  the  Fort  at  the  Mouth  of  Wood 
Creek;  and  after  the  Fort  at  the  Falls  was  begun  upon,  there 
was  a  Necessity  of  taking  off  the  Party  to  reinforce  this  Gar- 
rison. I  am  Your  Excellencie's."  &c. 

There  was  an  alarm  on  Ontario  Side  this  afternoon  of  some 
Indians  being  seen  skulking  about  the  Swamp,  but  they  went 
off  without  making  any  attempt. 

27th        The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Business  of  the  Shiping. 
A  Convoy  of  Battoes  arrived  this  afternoon  with  Provisions 
and  Naval  Stores. 

28th        The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping. 

Captain  Richmond  of  the  New  York  Independents  marchd 
off  this  Morning  with  his  Company  for  the  German  Flatts. 

29th  The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping.  There  was  an 
attack  in  the  Woods  on  Ontario  side  in  the  Afternoon,  &  two 
of  our  Men  kill'd. 

L  The  Garrison  upon  the  Shiping. 

June  1st     The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping. 

a  Corporal  and  eight  Men  orderd  by  the  Commanding  Of- 
ficer to  begin  the  Survey  but  the  Weather  too  bad. 

There  were  some  Indians  fired  at  from  Fort  Ontario  and 
went  off. 
2d  The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping 

The  Survey  begun  by  Mr.  Sowers  I  being  ill  of  the  Flux. 
4th         The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping 
Mr.  Sowers  upon  the  Survey. 
The  garrison  and  Vessels  fired  at  one  for  the  Prince  of  Wales's 

Some  Indians  who  had  been  in  the  Woods  reported,  they 
had  seen  a  french  Vessel  passing  12  mile  point;  there  was  a 
Schooner  sent  in  the  Evening  to  discover  her,  but  did  not. 
5th  The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping. 

The  Survey  continued. 
The  two  Vessels  Commanded  by  Captains  Bradley  and  la 
Forey,  and  the  small  Schooner  went  out  this  Morning. 
6th  The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping. 

The  Survey  continued. 
7th         The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping. 


I  went  out  to  examine  the  Survey  &:  finding  it  disagree  I 
began  a  fresh  Survey. 
8th  The  Garrison  upon  the  Shiping. 

I  continued  upon  the  Survey. 
gth  The  Garrison  upon  the  Shiping. 

I  finished  the  Survey  of  the  West  side. 
10th        The  Garrison  upon  the  Shiping. 

I  began  the  Survey  of.  Ontario  Side. 
1  ith        The  Garrison  upon  the  Shiping. 

The  Survey  continued. 
12th        The  Garrison  upon  the  Shiping. 

I  finished  the  Survey. 
13th   "1 

14th    L  The  Garrison  upon  the  Shiping. 
15th  J 
16th        The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping. 

The  Battoe  Guard  consisting  of  a  Serjeant  a  Corporal  and 
12  Men,  were  at  four  this  morning  cut  off  by  a  Scalping  Party 
of  Indians,  believed  to  be  about  150.  Two  private  Men  made 
their  Escape,  the  rest  were  killed  or  taken.  They  kept  about 
the  Skirts  of  the  Wood  for  about  an  hour  and  half,  during 
which  time  we  fired  some  Shot  and  Shells  at  them. 
The  Vessels  returnd  this  Evening. 
17th  The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping,  and  clearing 
away  the  Wood  round  the  Forts.  The  platforms  having  given 
way  with  yesterday's  firing,  there  were  20  Men  employ 'd  this 
day  to  make  new  ones  as  p  acco1. 

A  Scoute  of  five  Whale  boats  sent  to  the  Eastward  returnd 
this  Evening  with  an  account  of  their  being  fired  upon  from 
the  shore  (about  20  miles  to  the  Eastward)  by  a  party  of  In- 
dians thought  to  consist  of  1000. 
18th        The  Garrison  employed  as  Yesterday. 

A  Convoy  of  Battoes  and  Whale  boats  arrived  by  whom  I 
received  the  two  following  Letters  from  the  General  and 
Chief  Engineer. 

Albany  June  the  10th  1756 

"I  received  your  favour  of  the  25th  of  May  with  a  very  clear 
Description  of  Oswego  with  its  Forts  &c.  and  accordingly 
waited  on  the  General,  who  desired  to  know  the  particulars 
relating  to  the  present  Condition  of  the  Fortifications,  with 


your  Opinion  on  them  referr'd  in  my  Letter,  and  after  an 
exact  Examination  of  the  State  of  the  Several  Works,  with 
their  Situation,  and  the  Services  that  can  be  expected  from 
them,  considering  the  advanced  Season  of  the  Year,  I  have 
with  the  Approbation  of  his  Excellency  General  Shirley  pro- 
posed the  following  Articles  to  be  executed  in  your  depart- 
ment at  Oswego  immediatly.  Notwithstanding  your  doing 
this  the  General  desires  that  you  will  as  soon  as  possible  make 
proper  Designs  of  larger  and  more  respectable  Fortifications 
and  transmitt  them  here. 

ist  Fort  Ontario's  Situation  both  Commands  the  Lake 
River  and  its  Environs,  and  is  by  your  Letter  Capable  of 
making  a  tolerable  Defence  against  small  arms,  shou'd  be  the 
immediate  point  in  View  by  the  Securing  it  and  strengthening 
it  nearly  to  the  plan  and  profil  herein  inclosed  (order'd  to  be 
sent  to  you)  making  such  improvements  and  ammendments 
as  you  may  see  farther  Necessary  for  its  Defence. 

"The  Gate  to  be  removed  where  you  think  proper  for  its 
Security  and  if  some  little  Couvre-port  was  thrown  up  in  front 
of  it,  that  would  not  be  amiss. 

2nd  "The  Magazine  for  Powder  I  imagine  you  will  think 
necessary  to  be  considered  upon  at  the  same  time,  and  to  be 
constructed  on  such  a  Situation  as  will  keep  it  dry  and  free 
from  any  Inclemencies  of  Weather,  with  room  to  Shift  and 
Skreen  the  Powder  (if  thought  necessary)  also  placed  in  Se- 
curity from  Shot  and  Shells,  and  to  lye  Convenient  for  the 
Supplying  your  principal  Works,  which  are  supposed  to  have 
a  small  Magazine  in  Each. 

3—  As  to  the  Horn  Work,  the  Repairs  you  have  proposed 
seem  to  me  just  and  right,  and  think  as  you  do,  that  there  is 
no  Occasion  for  such  a  Ravelin  on  so  short  an  exterior  Side. 

4—  Oswego  Fort  as  it  is  only  sketch'd.  It  is  a  Field  open  for 
your  Constructing  and  Securing  it  properly. 

5—  Since  the  Scalping  that  has  happened  in  the  Street  at 
Oswego,  the  General  is  of  opinion  that  some  few  Stockades 
placed  properly  woud  prevent  Such  Accidents  for  the  future. 

"His  Excellency  has  often  mentioned,  that  he  had  some 
thoughts  Concerning  the  Removal  of  the  Town  of  Oswego 
from  where  it  is  at  present  to  the  east  Side,  also  of  a  Morass 
underneath,  that  whether  a  small  Harbour  for  Boats  coud 
not  be  made  on  that  Spot,  and  desires  your  Opinion  about  it. 


"As  to  Tools,  there  are  a  great  Quantity  sent  to  Oswego  of 
all  kinds  wanted  except  Nails  which  will  be  sent  you.  I  spoke 
to  the  Paymaster  about  Money,  and  as  he  cannot  send  any  up, 
desires  that  you'l  draw  on  him  here  at  Albany.— 

"There  are  no  Ships  from  the  Ordnance,  K:  of  Course  no 
Stationary,  I  shall  get  some  from  New  York  and  supply  you 
with  a  little  Writing  paper. 

"His  Excellency  will  send  you  Orders  for  the  executing 
these  several  Articles  above  mentioned  which  you  will  receive 
at  the  same  time. 

I  am  &c.  (Signed)  Jas  Montresor  Ch  Engin1"." 

You  are  hereby  directed  to  compleat  the  Works  at  Oswego 
in  the  manner  pointed  out  to  you  by  Mr.  Montresor  in  this 
Letter  I  am  Sir  &c. 

(Signed)  W.   Shirley"- 

Albany  10th  June  1756 

Sir  I  have  only  to  add  to  the  inclosed  that  with  regard  to  the 
Money  you  shall  want  to  pay  off  the  Workmen,  You  will  take 
it  up  of  the  Traders  at  Oswego,  or  such  other  persons  there 
as  can  furnish  you  with  it,  and  draw  upon  the  Paymaster  at 
Albany  for  it,  and  your  Bills  shall  be  punctualy  answerd; 
I  doubt  not  of  your  transmitting  Accounts  of  the  Money  paid 
to  the  Workmen  in  a  Regular  Way,  so  as  to  be  good  Vouchers 
to  annex  to  the  Warrants  that  shall  be  drawn  for  discharg- 
ing those  accounts  I  am  Sir  (signed)  W.  Shirley." 

"To  Mr.  Mackellar". 
19th        The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping,  clearing  awa\ 
the  Woods,  and  making  Platforms,  the  latter  as  pr  Account. 

I  writ  of  this  date  to  the  Chief  Engineer  to  acquaint  him 
of  my  having  finish'd  the  Survey,  and  to  desire  he  woud  let 
his  Excellency  know  in  answer  to  his  Letter  of  the  10th  re- 
ceived yesterday,  "that  there  was  not  money  to  be  had  at 
Oswego  for  Bills,  from  Traders  or  any  Body  else  sufficient  for 
carrying  on  the  Works,  and  that  an  Engineer  is  not  a  proper 
person  to  receive  or  pay  Money,  as  his  certificates  are  the 
proper  Vouchers  for  laying  it  out." 

This  Letter  sent  by  a  Convoy  of  Battoes  which  returned  to 


20th  The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping  &  clearing  the 
Woods,  and  upon  the  Work  by  the  advanced  Guard,  the  latter 
as  p  Account. 

This  morning  I  laid  out  the  Work  round  the  advanced 
Guard,  to  cover  the  Town,  in  place  of  the  pickets  orderd  by 
the  General  in  the  Chief  Engineer's  Letter  received  the  18th 
Inst,  the  former  being  the  most  Expeditious. 

21st  The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping,  clearing  the 
wood  and  upon  the  Work  by  the  advanced  Guard,  the  latter 
as  pr  Acco1. 

22nd  The  Garrison  employed  as  yesterday,  the  Morns  being  very 
wet  they  wrought  only  for  the  afternoon. 

23rd  The  Garrison  employed  as  Yesterday  upon  the  Work  round 
the  Advanced  Guard  as  pr  Acco1. 

The  two  large  Vessels  the  two  Schooners  and  eight  Whale 
Boats  with  a  Party  of  Men  and  Officers  went  out  this  Evening 
to  Cruize  and  Scout. 

24th  The  Garrison  employed  as  Yesterday  round  the  advanced 
Guard  as  pr  acco1. 

25th  The  Garrison  employed  as  Yesterday  round  the  advanced 
Guard  as  pr  acco1. 

Mr.  Ogden  of  Colonel  Schuyler's  Regiment  who  had  gone 
out  in  one  of  the  Whale  Boats  the  23d  Inst,  return'd  early  this 
Morning,  and  brought  an  account,  that  having  gone  to  the 
eastward  with  the  little  Schooner  and  the  other  seven  Whale 
Boats  they  were  fired  upon  Yesterday  Afternoon,  by  a  con- 
siderable Body  of  Indians  from  one  of  the  Islands  off  Port- 
land point.  Captain  McPhun  in  the  little  Schooner  with  a 
Whale  Boat  came  in  soon  afterwards,  and  Lieut.  Moncrieff 
one  of  the  Officers  who  came  with  him,  says  that  Captain 
Bickers  of  Schuyler's  Regiment,  going  in  near  the  Shore,  was 
fired  upon  as  related  by  Mr.  Ogden,  and  a  good  many  of  his 
men  being  killed,  His  Boat  coud  not  get  off,  that  some  Indians 
immediately  put  off  from  the  Shore,  seized  the  Boat  and 
carryed  her  in,  they  saw  only  two  of  her  hands,  which  were 
eleven  in  all  taken  out  alive,  they  think  Capt.  Bickers  and 
Mr  Loe  a  Voluntier  are  killed;  that  He  and  three  other  Whale 
Boats  immediately  got  aboard  of  the  Schooner,  she  having 
stood  farther  out,  and  scuttled  three  of  the  Whalcboats,  least 
they  might  fall  into  the  Enemy's  hands,  and  brought  the 
fourth  along  with  them,  they  judged  the  Number  of  the  In- 
dians to  be  about  150.  Ensign  Grant  came  in  the  afternoon 


with  two  other  Whale  Boats,  and  says  they  were  pursued  by 
some  of  their  Canoes. 
26th        The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping  and  upon  the 
Work  round  the  Advanced  Guard;   the  Number  upon  the 
latter  as  pr  account. 

Captain    McPhun    went    out    this    Evening    in    the    little 
27th        No  Men  employed  upon  the  Works. 

Captains  Broadley  and  La  Forey  came  in,  having  been  met 
upon  the  Lake  by  four  French  Vessels  one  of  whom  carryed 
14  Guns,  they  judged  the  Enemy  considerably  superior  to 
them  in  force; 

They  think  Captain  Farmer  7  in  the  great  schooner  is  taken. 
This  proved  true. 
28th    The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping  and  work  round 
the  Advanced  Guard,  the  latter  as  pr  Account. 

Captain  McPhun  was  chased  into  the  harbour  by  one  of 
the  French  Vessels  which  we  took  to  be  the  Commodore  La 

Colonel  Broadstreet  sent  an  account  of  his  arrival  at  the 
Three  Rivers  with  a  large  Convoy  of  Battoes  and  demanded 
a  Party  of  100  men  to  be  sent  immediatly  to  the  great  Falls 
to  cover  the  building  of  a  Fort  there. 

There  was  a  Council  of  War  called  to  resolve  whether  they 
cou'd  be  spared,  I  was  askd  my  opinion  as  to  the  number 
requisite  to  put  the  Works  in  a  State  of  Defence,  I  answer'd 
it  woud  require  at  the  rate  of  400  men  for  three  Months.  It 
was  unanimously  agreed  that  the  Party  demanded  by  Colonel 
Broadstreet  coud  not  be  spared,  as  carrying  on  the  Works 
woud  require  a  greater  number  than  coud  possibly  be  spared 
even  with  the  reinforcement  then  acoming  which  consisted 
of  about  230  Men  including  Captain  Patoun's  Party  at  Onon- 
29th        The  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping,  and  Work  round 

the  advanced  Guard  the  latter  as  pr  account. 
30th        The  Garrison  employed  as  Yesterday. 

The  Work  round  the  Advanced  Guard  finished  about  9 
a  clock,  and  the  Men  employed  for  the  Remainder  of  the  day 
in  making  Fascines. 
July  1st       A  Part  of  the  Garrison  employed  upon  the  Shiping  and  the 
7  Jasper  Farmer,  son  of  a  New  York  merchant  of  that  name. 


Men  allowed  for  the  Works  in  bringing  Fascines  as  pr  Account. 

I  took  the  Soundings  of  the  Harbour  and  Entrance. 

Colonel  Broadstreet  arrived  this  day  with  a  Convoy  of  about 
600  Battoes  with  Provisions  for  the  Garrison  and  Guns  and 
Rigging  for  the  Vessels— Captains  Moore  and  Paget  with  a 
Party  of  150  Men,  and  Mr.  Pitcher  Commissary  of  the  Musters 
came  with  him. 
2nd  The  men  allowed  for  the  Works  employed  in  making  and 
bringing  Fascines;  This  Morning  I  began  a  Fascine  Battery 
upon  the  North  Wing  of  the  Horn  Work  towards  the  Lake 
for  securing  that  wing  and  defending  the  Entrance  of  the 

A  Council  of  War  called  about  Noon  to  represent  the  want 
of  Money  for  carrying  on  the  Works  and  in  regard  to  detain- 
ing a  company  of  Pioneers,  to  work  here,  which  came  with 
Colonel  Broadstreet,  to  Work  upon  the  Fort  at  the  Falls.  It 
was  resolved  as  to  the  former  to  send  an  Express  to  the  Gen- 
eral, and  Mr.  Lewis  the  Commissary,  at  the  Request  of  the 
Commanding  Officer,  agreed  to  pay  the  Workmen  for  some 
time  longer,  tho'  he  had  already  advanced  a  good  deal  of 
Money  upon  that  account,  and  had  no  publick  money  in  his 
hands  for  a  considerable  time  past.  It  was  thought  adviseable 
to  send  the  Pioneers  away,  least  their  high  pay  might  create 
a  murmuring  amongst  the  Soldiers.— 

I  writ  a  Letter  this  day  to  Mr.  Montresor  representing  some 
Difficulties  about  the  Ditch  and  Loghouse  proposed  by  his 
Letter  of  the  10th  of  June  at  Fort  Ontario,  and  the  want  of 
men  and  Money. 
3rd  No  men  allowed  for  the  Works  upon  account  of  the  Mus- 


Colonel  Broadstreet  set  out  this  Morning  with  his  Convoy 
of  Battoes  for  Schenectady. 

A  Brig  of  16  Guns  and  a  Sloop  of  12  guns  launched  this 
Morning  about  10  a  Clock. 

Between  three  &  four  in  the  afternoon  there  came  an  Ex- 
press with  an  Account  of  Colonel  Broadstreet's  Convoy  being 
attack'd  about  seven  miles  off,  Captain  Paget  with  a  Party 
of  150  Men  was  sent  to  reinforce  him.  About  ten  at  Night 
there  came  another  Express  from  Colonel  Broadstreet  with 
an  Account  of  the  Enemies  quiting  the  Field  and  of  his  hav- 
ing taken  two  Prisoners,  and  by  the  Account  of  one  of  them, 


the  strength  of   the   Enemy   consisted   of    180   Regulars  400 
Canadians  and  100  Indians,  by  the  Account  of  the  Other,  they 

consisted  of  a  great  many  more. 
4th  The  Morning  very  wet.  No  Men  allowed  for  the  Works  on 

account  of  the  Musters. 

Captain  Moore  with  a  Party  of  200  Men  was  sent  out  about 
2  a  Clock,  there  being  an  Account  that  the  Enemy  were  en- 
camped on  the  East  Side  of  the  River  seven  or  eight  Miles  up. 
This  Evening  arrived  a  small  Convoy  of  Battoes  for  Mr. 
Lewis  with  Merchandize,  one  of  whom  brought  in  a  french 
Prisoner  who  surrender'd  himself  two  miles  above  the  Town. 
This  Prisoner  says,  "that  about  three  Weeks  ago  they  left 
Montreal  with  800  Men  and  came  in  13  days  to  la  Baye  de 
Niaoure,  that  they  were  encampd  there  the  24th  past,  when 
the  little  Schooner  appeared  of!  the  Islands  to  the  northward 
of  them,  that  200  Indians  put  off  immediatly  to  the  Island 
where  the  Whale  Boat  was  afterwards  taken,  that  in  the  after- 
noon when  they  saw  the  Indians  fire  upon  our  Whaleboats, 
there  were  200  Regulars  sent  off  to  their  assistance.  That  Cap- 
tain Bickers  and  five  of  his  Men  are  alive,  that  Mr.  Loe  and 
all  the  rest  are  kill'd.  That  six  days  ago,  they  came  from  la 
Baye  de  Niaoure  with  60  Canoes  and  Battoes  to  Riviere  au 
Sable,  that  200  men  remain  there  to  guard  the  Craft,  and  600 
came  forward  to  Scalp  and  take  Prisoners  about  this  place 
and  attack  our  Battoes  upon  the  River;  that  yesterday  the 
Indians  went  off  immediately  after  the  first  fire,  and  that  the 
rest  of  the  Engagement  was  continued  by  the  Canadians  and 
Regulars,  that  they  all  went  off  in  about  two  hours  after  the 
Engagement  began,  that  they  brought  only  eight  days  Pro- 
visions w*  them,  that  he  himself  had  eat  nothing  for  two  Days 
which  with  his  having  lost  his  Way,  was  the  reason  of  his 
surrendring  Prisoner,  that  there  are  seventeen  ships  arrived 
this  year  from  France  in  Canada  with  Merchandize  Troops 
and  Provisions,  but  does  not  know  whether  any  of  them  are 
Men  of  War,  that  they  have  plenty  of  Bread  and  Pork,  Chiefly 
from  France  and  a  little  from  our  Colonies,  that  there  are 
four  Battalions  in  Canada  King's  Troops  &  1500  Colonv 
Troops,  two  Battalions  at  Cataraqui.  and  one  Battalion  with 
500  Canadians  at  Niagara,  that  the  Battalions  consist  of  500 
Men  each.  He  says  the  Indians  are  Lords  and  Masters  of  the 
Country,  and  that  they  must  all  do  as  the  Indians  woud  have 


them.  He  says  the  Party  will  get  in  four  days  to  Riviere  au 
Sable,  and  that  they  are  to  remain  at  La  Baye  Niaoure  untill 
they  receive  the  General's  Orders,  which  they  can  have  in 
six  days  from  Montreal." 
5th  No  Men  for  the  Works. 

A  Council  of  War  called  about  12  a  Clock.  The  Command- 
ing Officer  represented  "that  Mr.  Lewis  the  Commissary  had 
acquainted  him  with  his  having  received  a  Letter  from  Mr. 
Alexander  General  Shirley's  Secretary  of  the  20th  of  June  in 
which  Mr.  Alexander  told  him  that  he  woud  not  be  con- 
cerned with  any  Payments  made  on  account  of  the  Fortifica- 
tions or  any  other  Works  about  the  Place,  the  Sniping  ex- 
cepted, and  directed  that  the  People  concernd  in  carrying  on 
these  Works  shoud  apply  by  Memorial  to  the  General  for 
Money  for  their  respective  Branches;  that  Mr.  Lewis  thought 
this  Letter  countermanded  the  order  he  had  received  from 
Mr.  Alexander  in  October  last  for  making  those  payments, 
and  woud  therefore  pay  no  more,  not  even  the  Bills  that  were 
due  at  the  time  of  his  receiving  the  Letter."  Mr.  Lewis  being 
called  upon,  produced  the  said  Letter  and  the  Paragraphs 
relating  to  the  above  particulars  were  read  and  found  an- 
swerable to  what  the  Commanding  Officer  had  set  forth,  and 
Mr.  Lewis  being  publickly  ask'd  whether  he  would  advance 
any  more  Money  for  the  Works  as  usual,  answer'd  that  he 
did  not  now  think  himself  safe  in  doing  it  and  therefore  would 
not.  The  Commanding  Officer  then  took  Notice  of  some  De- 
sertions that  had  lately  happen'd,  and  produced  an  Anony- 
mous Letter  that  was  found  in  Fort  Ontario  some  days  before, 
tyed  to  a  Stone,  as  if  it  had  been  thrown  in,  it  was  directed 
to  the  Officers  in  General;  the  Substance  of  it  was  as  follows. 
"Gentlemen,  You  seem  surprized  at  our  Desertion,  but  youl 
"not  be  surprized  if  you'l  Consider  that  we  have  been  starved 
"with  Hunger  &  Cold  in  the  Winter,  and  that  we  have  received 
"no  pay  for  seven  or  eight  Months;  Now  we  have  no  Cloaths 
"and  you  cheat  us  out  of  our  allowance  of  Rum  and  half 
"our  Working  Money".  The  Commanding  Officer  then  put 
the  Question,  whether  it  would  be  adviseable  to  make  the 
Men  Work  and  trust  for  the  payment?  It  was  resolved  that  it 
would  not,  and  that  the  Works  coud  not  be  carryed  on  with- 
out ready  Money,  and  that  Memorials  should  be  drawn  by 


those  directed  in  Mr.  Alexander's  Letter  to  apply  to  the  Gen- 
eral for  Money. 

Captain  Patoun  with  1 12  Men  from  Onondago  being  joined 
by  Captain  Moore's  Party  that  went  out  yesterday  came  in 
this  Afternoon. 
6th  I  drew  up  a  Memorial  to  the  General  for  Money  to  carry 

on  the  Works,  agreeable  to  the  Resolution  of  the  Council  of 
War  held  Yesterday. 
7th  I  sent  the  Memorial  to  the  General  inclosed  in  a  Letter 

of  this  date;  the  Copies  of  which  follow. 

"To  His  Excellency  William  Shirley  Sec. 

"The  Memorial  of  Patrick  Mackellar  Esq1  Sec. 

"That  on  the  5  Instant,  it  has  been  resolved  by  a  Council 
of  War  at  this  place  to  employ  no  more  Work  men  upon  the 
Fortifications  for  want  of  Money. 

"That  to  repair  the  old  Works  and  put  them  in  a  proper  pos- 
ture of  Defence  with  some  additional  New  Works  to  secure  the 
Town  Sec.  it  will  require  400  Men  for  three  Months  which 
will  amount  to  £900  Sterling. 

"That  delaying  these  Works  may  be  of  dangerous  conse- 
quence, in  case  of  being  attackd,  which  is  not  unlikely  to 
happen,  as  the  Enemy  are  Masters  of  the  Lake,  are  making 
preparations  at  Cataraqui,  and  by  Report  have  superior 

"The  Memorialist  therefore  prays  his  Excelly  may  remitt 
the  above  Sum  as  soon  as  possible,  and  appoint  a  Paymaster 
for  receiving  and  paying  the  Same". 

"Oswego  7th  July  1 756 — 

"Mr.  Lewis  the  Commissary  having  by  a  Letter  of  the  20th 
June  from  Mr.  Alexander  your  Excellencie's  Secretary,  re- 
fused to  advance  any  more  Money  for  carrying  on  the  Works, 
and  a  Council  of  War  of  the  5th  Instant  having  in  consequence 
of  that  put  a  Stop  to  them,  I  have  according  to  the  Directions 
of  that  Letter,  tho  contrary  to  Method,  sent  your  Excellency 
the  inclosed  Memorial.  I  am  &c. 

To  His  Excellency  General  Shirley" 
8th  The    two  Regiments  were  musterd  by  the  Commissary. 

An  Express  sent  to  the  General  returned  in  the  Evening 



13  th 





with  an  alarm  of  his  having  discover 'd  some  Enemy  Indians 
four  miles  up  the  River.  He  was  sent  off  again  in  the  Night. 
Some  of  our  Indian  Squaws  having  brought  an  account  of 
having  discoverd  Enemy  Indians,  there  were  two  Captains 
sent  out  with  Scouting  Partys  but  they  made  no  Discovery. 

Nothing  Extraordinary. 

An  Express  to  the  General,  and  some  of  our  Onondago 
Indians,  set  out  this  Morning;  One  of  the  Indians  returnd  in 
the  Evening  with  the  Death  Cry  and  an  Account  of  having 
discover'd  a  great  Number  of  French  and  Indians  up  the 
River.  Our  Guards  and  Gentries  were  doubled. 

A  scouting  Party  sent  out  this  Morning  to  look  for  the 
Enemy,  which  the  Indian  reported  last  Night,  but  returned 
without  making  any  Discovery. 

In  the  Evening  an  Indian  from  Cataraqui  who  had  been 
with  our  Indians  that  went  out  yesterday  and  got  drunk  with 
them,  came  in  without  Arms  and  profess'd  Friendship,  and 
said  that  the  Missisaguas  his  Countrymen  were  not  concern'd 
in  any  of  the  Mischiefs  done  about  this  place,  but  wanted  to 
be  in  Friendship  with  us,  and  come  and  traffick  with  us,  that 
they  were  in  great  Want  of  every  thing,  but  that  the  French 
told  them  it  would  not  be  safe  to  come  near  us,  however,  he 
ventured  to  come  and  try  and  was  now  at  our  disposal.  The 
Commanding  Officer  having  made  him  a  favourable  Answer, 
he  said  that  he  left  four  more  Indians  in  the  Woods,  two  of 
whom  were  our  Friends,  and  he  would  bring  them  in  to  wit- 
ness his  good  reception,  but  the  other  two  he  believed  were 
French  in  their  Hearts,  and  they  shoud  not  come  in,  nor 
woud  he  surfer  them  to  do  any  harm. 

The  Indian  mentioned  yesterday  went  out  this  Morning, 
as  he  said  to  bring  in  his  Friends,  but  soon  afterwards  was 
discover'd  reconoitring  Fort  Ontario  from  behind  some  Loggs, 
he  was  fired  at  by  one  of  the  Centries  and  some  Men  who 
happen'd  to  be  accidentaly  paraded;  as  soon  as  they  fired 
they  ran  and  surrounded  him  and  took  him  Prisoner. 


Ensign  Grant  with  a  Scout  of  Whale-boats  was  sent  to  the 

Nothing  extraordinary 

19th    I 

20th     j 

81  The  Indian  Prisoner  says  that  the  French  certainly  intend 

to  attack,  us  next  moon,  that  they  lately  sent  500  Men  from 
Cataraqui  accross  the  Lake  but  does  not  know  their  destina- 
tion, that  1200  more  had  moved  towards  the  eastward  to 
Cross  at  the  Head  of  St.  Laurence,  who  he  believes  are  in- 
tended against  this  place,  that  they  have  a  great  french  War- 
rior and  a  Number  of  Canon  at  Cataraqui;  they  have  four 
Vessels  one  of  14  Guns,  one  of  ten  Guns  and  two  of  four  Guns 
22  Ensign  Grant  returned  this  Morning  from  a  Scout  from  the 

Eastward,  and  reports  his  having  discover'd  a  pretty  large 
Encampment  upon  the  Lake  fifteen  Miles  on  this  side  of  Port- 
land point. 

The  Commanding  Officer  call'd  a  Council  of  War;  and 
acquainted  them  with  Mr.  Grant's  Report  and  the  Indian's 
Information,  and  as  there  was  no  Answer  from  the  General 
upon  the  Resolutions  of  the  Council  of  War  of  the  5th  In- 
stant, proposed  whether  it  would  not  be  adviseable  to  em- 
ploy the  Troops  in  repairing  the  Works,  &  that  the  Captains 
and  Commanding  Officers  of  Company's  shou'd  speak  to 
their  Men  to  induce  them  to  Work  and  trust  for  the  Payment 
untill  there  shoud  be  a  remittance  sent  up,  which  was  unani- 
mously resolved  upon.  The  Captains  were  called  soon  after- 
wards and  acquainted  with  the  above  Resolution. 
A  Snow  of  18  Guns  lanched  this  Afternoon. 
I  marked  out  a  Ditch  round  Fort  Ontario  according  to  the 
General's  order  received  the  18th  past. 

23rd  The  men  allowd  for  the  Works  (as  pr  Account)  are  em- 
ployed in  sinking  the  Ditch  round  Fort  Ontario  making  Foot 
Banks  and  platforms,  cutting  Loop  holes  and  securing  the 
Gateway;  at  Fort  George  in  making  Platforms,  Footbanks, 
repairing  the  Parapet  and  sinking  the  Ditch. 

The  little  Schooner  and  some  Whaleboats  were  sent  to  the 
Eastward  but  returnd  without  making  any  Discovery. 

24th  The  Men  allowed  for  the  Works  employed  as  yesterday  on 
both  Sides,  No.  as  pr  Account. 



25th         The  Men  allowed  for  the  Works  employed  as  before  pr 

The  small  Schooner  was  sent  to  the  Eastward,  but  returned 
without  making  any  Discovery. 
26th         The  Men  allowd  for  the  Works  employd  as  pr  Acco1. 

The  small  Schooner  with  a  Party  and  some  Whale  Boats 
were  sent  out  first  to  the  Eastward,  and  afterwards  to  the 
Westward  where  some  of  the  Party  landed  and  discover'd  a 
Road  which  they  suspected  had  lately  been  made  by  the 
Enemy;  the  Party  return'd  in  the  Evening  by  Land  and  re- 
ported it. 
27th  The  Men  allowed  for  the  Works  employ'd  as  before  as  pr 

There  was  a  Captains  party  sent  out  to  reconoitre  the  road 
discoverd  yesterday,  but  it  proved  to  be  a  path  made  by  some 
of  our  Indians  who  had  lately  been  out  that  way  to  get 

The  Men  allowed  for  the  Works  employed  as  before  viz1 
at  Fort  Ontario,  making  the  Ditch  &c.  and  at  Fort  George 
repairing  the  parapet  &c. 
30th         The  Men  allow'd  for  the  Works  employed  as  yesterday. 

This  morning  the  New  Brig  of  16  Guns,  the  New  Sloop  of 
12  Guns  and  one  of  the  old  vessels  of  six  Guns  went  out  with 
a  Command  of  Men  on  board. 
31  The  men  allowed  for  the  Works  employed  as  before. 

This  morning  the  Vessels  came  in,  the  Brig  having  Sprung 
one  of  her  Masts  and  the  old  Vessel  her  Boom. 

1st  The  Men  for  the  Works  employed  as  before. 

2nd         The  Men  for  the  Works  employed  as  before. 

An  Indian  Spy  arrived  from  Niagara  sent  there  by  Colonel 
Broadstreet,  says  they  have  built  a  New  strong  Fort  there 
with   a   Ditch  round   it  &  have  a  good   Number  of  Guns 
mounted,   but  says  their  Garrison  is  not  very  strong.  The 
French  Vessels  from  Cataraqui  arrived  there  with  a  great  deal 
of  Merchandize  some  days  before  he  came  away  and  were 
then  ready  to  return. 
,     f     The  Men  for  the  Works  employed  in  sinking  the  Ditch  &c 
J  at  Fort  Ontario,  repairing  the  Parapet  and  making  Platforms 
[&c  at  Fort  George. 
5th         The  Men  for  the  Works  employed  as  yesterday. 


The  Now  Brig  Sloop  and  one  of  ihe  Six  Gun  Vessels  went 
out  upon  a  Cruize. 

The  Indian  who  came  from  Niagara  the  2nd  Instant,  being 
sent  to  scout  to  the  Eastward  brought  Intelligence  that  he 
had  seen  28  Battoes  the  day  before  coming  along  the  Lake. 
6th  The  Men  employed  as  before  on  both  Sides. 

The  Vessels  being  seen  off  near  the  Harbours  Mouth,  the 
Commanding  Officer  sent  out  Lieut.  Schuyler  in  the  small 
Schooner  to  Acquaint  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Dis- 
covery the  Indian  had  made  yesterday. 
7th  The  Men  employed  as  before  on  both  sides. 

The  Vessels  seeing  a  Storm  rising,  came  into  the  Harbour 
about  Noon.  The  Brig  run  aground  being  taken  aback  with 
a  sudden  squall. 

The  Small  Schooner  went  out  this  Morning  but  returned 
without  making  any  Discovery. 
8th  The  men  employed  as  before  on  both  sides. 

The  Brig  was  got  off  this  Morning  and  had  Suffer'd  but 
little  dammage. 
7th[gth]      The  Men  employed  upon   the  Works  for  the  Afternoon 
only.  The  Execution  of  two  Deserters  took  up  their  time  in 
the  Morning. 
10th         The  Men  employed  as  before. 

A  Man  scalp'd  this  Afternoon  near  the  Lake  on  Fort  On- 
tario Side. 
11th  The  Men  employ'd  on  Fort  Ontario  Side  upon  the  Ditch, 
Securing  the  Gateway  and  making  a  Bridge  before  it.  Upon 
Fort  George  repairing  the  Parapet  towards  the  Town  and 
making  Platforms. 

The  small  Schooner  being  sent  out  early  this  Morning  dis- 
coverd  an  Encampment  to  the  Eastwd  within  four  mile  point, 
about  a  Mile  and  a  quarter  from  Fort  Ontario;  She  imme- 
diately put  back  and  made  the  Signal  concerted  for  her  Dis- 

Soon  after  two  Vessels,  one  of  12  Guns  and  the  other  of  six 
Guns,  the  only  Vessels  then  ready,  were  sent  out  to  make  the 
Enemy  decamp;  when  they  got  opposite  to  them,  they  were 
fired  upon  with  Canon,  the  Vessels  returned  the  Fire  and  a 
Canonading  ensued  on  both  Sides  for  about  an  hour  and 
half,  the  Vessels  finding  their  attempt  fruitless  then  bore 
away.  The  people  belonging  to  Fort  Ontario,  who  had  been 


at  Work  upon  the  Ditch  retired  within;  the  Commanding 
Officer  sent  them  a  Supply  of  Ammunition  and  Provision  and 
some  additional  Gunners;  I  offerd  my  Service  to  go  there, 
the  Commanding  Officer  told  me,  that  he  thought  1  could 
be  of  no  use  there  and  that  my  service  would  be  wanted  more 
where  I  was. 

Between  two  and  three  in  the  afternoon,  we  found  the 
Enemy  had  got  along  all  the  Skirts  of  the  Wood  and  some  of 
them  behind  the  Ridge  to  the  Eastward  of  the  Fort  and  be- 
hind some  Loggs  that  lay  about  Upon  the  Ground;  from  this 
time  a  firing  of  small  Arms  began  upon  both  Sides,  which 
continued  till  dark,  the  Fort  now  and  then  firing  a  Gun  or 
throwing  a  Shell  when  they  discovered  any  Number  of  the 
Enemy  together.  They  heard  them  felling  Trees  to  make  a 
Road  for  their  Canon  from  their  Encampment  to  the  Fort, 
and  saw  they  had  begun  a  parallel  (under  the  Cover  of  the 
Ridge  to  the  Eastward)  which  run  towards  the  Lake  slanting 
to  the  Northwest. 

This  Evening  there  arrived  an  Express  by  two  Indians  from 
General  Abercromby  to  the  Commanding  Officer  desiring  him 
to  go  forward  with  the  Repairs  of  the  Works,  and  that  he 
would  send  him  a  Reinforcement  and  a  Supply  of  Money  as 
soon  as  possible. 
12th  The  Night  pass'd  with  a  few  Shots  on  both  sides  without 
any  Attack,  at  Daybreak  there  was  a  Smart  Fire  of  small  Arms 
for  near  an  hour,  then  slacken'd  a  little,  and  continued  en- 
creasing  and  diminishing  by  turns  till  Evening. 

This  Morning  the  People  at  Fort  George  were  employed  in 
repairing  the  Parapet  towards  the  Town,  sinking  the  Ditch 
before  it  and  laying  Timber  and  Plank  upon  the  Powder 
Magazine  to  make  it  Bomb  Proof. 

The  two  Indians  with  the  Answer  to  General  Abercromby's 
Express  set  out  this  morning  between  8  and  9,  we  afterwards 
learned,  they  cross'd  the  River  to  the  French  Camp  and  de- 
liver'd  our  Letters  which  contained  the  Strength  and  State 
of  the  Garrison. 

This  Evening  a  Body  of  the  Enemy  fired  accross  the  Water, 
from  behind  the  rising  above  the  Swamp,  at  our  Workmen, 
and  another  Party  at  our  advanced  Guard,  but  after  our 
firing  a  few  Shot  and  Shells  at  them,  they  retired  into  the 


Late  this  Evening  Colonel  Schuyler  with  a  Detachment  of 
200  Men  of  the  50th  Regiment  and  his  own,  was  sent  to  Fort 
Oswego  to  guard  that  Post. 
13th  There  were  a  few  small  Arms  fired  during  the  Night  with- 
out any  thing  farther  remarkable,  at  Day  light  there  was  a 
Smart  fire  of  small  Arms  for  some  little  time  as  the  Day  be- 
fore and  continued  in  the  same  Manner. 

The  Men  at  Fort  George  employed  in  repairing  the  Parapet 
towards  the  Town  and  sinking  the  Ditch. 

Between  four  and  five  I  went  to  Fort  Oswego  and  mark'd 
out  a  Trench  within  the  Pallisades  to  be  sunk  two  feet  and 
the  Earth  to  be  thrown  up  against  the  Pallisades  (to  make  a 
Breast  Work  for  the  Men  to  lire  over)  and  set  the  people  to 
work  upon  it.  About  eight  I  was  called  to  attend  a  Council 
of  War,  where  it  was  proposed,  whether  it  would  not  be  ad- 
viseable  to  withdraw  the  Garrison  of  Fort  Ontario  (as  the  place 
was  defenceless  against  Canon)  and  reinforce  Oswego  Side. 
I  was  asked  whether  it  was  Canon  proof,  I  answerd  "that  they 
"might  fire  at  it  for  some  time  before  they  coud  make  a  Breach, 
"but  that  I  had  seen  Canon  Shot  go  through  much  larger 
"Trees  than  any  that  were  there  and  fly  a  considerable  way 
"afterwards,  but  that  it  would  have  an  unmilitary  Look  to 
"withdraw  the  Garrison  before  there  was  any  Canon  fired"; 
while  they  wrere  deliberating,  there  came  an  Express  from 
Fort  Ontario  with  the  Opinions  of  a  Council  of  War  held 
there,  setting  forth  that  they  heard  the  Enemy  drawing  up 
their  Canon  and  then  near  at  hand,  and  as  they  presumed 
their  Batteries  were  prepared  to  receive  them  and  as  their 
Fort  was  not  Canon  proof,  proposed  whether  it  woud  not  be 
adviseable  for  them  to  retreat  and  join  Oswego  Side.  The 
Council  of  War  then  sitting  Resolved  that  the  Garrison  ought 
to  be  withdrawn,  and  left  the  Manner  of  doing  it  to  the  Com- 
manding Officer. 

It  was  then  proposed  whether  the  Vessels  ought  not  to  go 
out  and  endeavour  to  distress  the  Enemy,  and  keep  the  Lake 
untill  the  fate  of  the  Garrison  shou'd  be  decided,  and  in  case 
of  its  being  taken,  go  to  the  Westward  and  sink  the  Vessels, 
and  the  Men  to  make  the  best  of  their  Way  to  the  back  of  our 
Colonies?  or  whether  they  shou'd  remain  in  the  Harbour, 
assist  in  the  Defence  of  the  place  and  share  the  fate  of  the 
Garrison?  I  was  asked  whether  the  Vessels  cou'd  be  of  any  use 


for  the  Defence  of  the  place?  I  answerd  that  "their  Fire 
"towards  Oswego  side  was  obstructed  by  the  Town  and  there- 
"fore  cou'd  be  of  little  or  no  use,  nor  did  I  know  any  use  they 
"cou'd  be  of  in  the  Harbour  but  in  covering  the  Retreat  from 
"Fort  Ontario  if  attacked,  but  if  they  kept  them  in  the  Har- 
"bour  proposed  pointing  Guns  into  their  Hold  to  be  ready  to 
"sink  them  and  prevent  their  falling  in  to  the  Enemy's 
"Hands".  It  was  agreed,  that  if  they  went  out,  it  was  too  late 
to  annoy  the  Enemy,  and  if  the  Place  was  taken,  they  must 
deliver  themselves  to  the  Mercy  of  the  French  or  perhaps  their 
Indians  without  any  Terms,  and  if  they  were  to  sink  the  Ves- 
sels to  the  Westward,  they  were  liable  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  Indians  in  their  Way  through  the  Woods  or  perhaps  per- 
ish in  the  Woods  if  they  lost  their  Way;  It  was  therefore  re- 
solved that  they  shoud  share  the  fate  of  the  Garrison. 

The  Trench  laid  out  this  Morning  in  Fort  Oswego  was 
finished  about  eleven,  the  Men  were  then  sent  to  get  Fascines 
and  Pickets  for  an  Intrenchment  which  the  Commanding  Of- 

The  map  opposite  is  a  reproduction  of  the  essential  portions  of  Mackellar's 
original  drawing  in  the  Cumberland  Maps  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor 
Castle.  The  original  measures  25  by  25^  inches,  on  a  scale  of  200  feet  to  an 
inch.  The  reproduction  has  been  reduced  to  a  scale  of  360  feet  to  an  inch. 

PLAN    of    OSWEGO    with    its    FORTS    as    BESEIGED    by    the    MARQUIS    of    MONTCALM 

August  1756. 


A  Block  House 
B  Traders  Houses 
C  Hospital  and  Bolting  House 
D  Bake  House 

E  Ditch  within  Fort  Oswego  made  the  13th  of  August 
F  Retrenchment  at  D°.  Fort  laid  out  the  14th  in  the  Morning 
G  Batterys  of  Pork  Casks  made  the  13th  in  the  Evening 
H  Carpenters  Houses 
I  Smith's  Shop 

K  Parallel  begun  by  the  French  in  the  Evening 
L  Batterys  against  Fort  Ontario 
M  Approaches  made  the  13th  in  the  Night 

N  Battery  en  Barbette  made  the  13th  at  Night  against  Fort  George 
P  Dock 

Fort  George 20 

N.B.  -|  Fort  Oswego   70  [  above  the  Level  of  the  Lake. 

Fort  Ontario 50 


for  the  Defence  of  the  place?  I  answerd  that  "their  Fire 
"towards  Oswego  side  was  obstructed  by  the  Town  and  there- 
"fore  cou'd  be  of  little  or  no  use,  nor  did  I  know  any  use  they 
"cou'd  be  of  in  the  Harbour  but  in  covering  the  Retreat  from 
"Fort  Ontario  if  attacked,  but  if  they  kept  them  in  the  Har- 
"bour  proposed  pointing  Guns  into  their  Hold  to  be  ready  to 
"sink  them  and  prevent  their  falling  in  to  the  Enemy's 
"Hands".  It  was  agreed,  that  if  they  went  out,  it  was  too  late 
to  annoy  the  Enemy,  and  if  the  Place  was  taken,  they  must 
deliver  themselves  to  the  Mercy  of  the  French  or  perhaps  their 
Indians  without  any  Terms,  and  if  they  were  to  sink  the  Ves- 
sels to  the  Westward,  they  were  liable  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  Indians  in  their  Way  through  the  Woods  or  perhaps  per- 
ish in  the  Woods  if  they  lost  their  Way;  It  was  therefore  re- 
solved that  they  shoud  share  the  fate  of  the  Garrison. 

The  Trench  laid  out  this  Morning  in  Fort  Oswego  was 
finished  about  eleven,  the  Men  were  then  sent  to  get  Fascines 
and  Pickets  for  an  Intrenchment  which  the  Commanding  Of- 

The  map  opposite  is  a  reproduction  of  the  essential  portions  of  Mackellar's 
original  drawing  in  the  Cumberland  Maps  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor 
Castle.  The  original  measures  25  by  25%  inches,  on  a  scale  of  200  feet  to  an 
inch.  The  reproduction  has  been  reduced  to  a  scale  of  360  feet  to  an  inch. 

PLAN    of    OSWEGO    with    its    FORTS    as    BESEIGED    by    the    MARQUIS    of    MONTCALM 

August   1756. 


A  Block  House 
B  Traders  Houses 
C  Hospital  and  Bolting  House 
D  Bake  House 

E  Ditch  within  Fort  Oswego  made  the  13th  of  August 
F  Retrenchment  at  D°.  Fort  laid  out  the  14th  in  the  Morning 
G  Batterys  of  Pork  Casks  made  the  13th  in  the  Evening 
H  Carpenters  Houses 
I  Smith's  Shop 

K  Parallel  begun  by  the  French  in  the  Evening 
L  Batterys  against  Fort  Ontario 
M  Approaches  made  the  13th  in  the  Night 

N  Battery  en  Barbette  made  the  13th  at  Night  against  Fort  George 
P  Dock 

Fort  George 20 

N.B.  -J  Fort  Oswego   70  J-  above  the  Level  of  the  Lake. 

Fort  Ontario 50 


ficer  proposed  for  the  Garrison  of  Fort  Ontario,  and  for  the 
Whole  to  retire  to  in  case  of  being  drove  out  of  Fort  George. 

Between  two  and  three  in  the  Afternoon  the  Garrison  of 
Fort  Ontario  was  withdrawn  &  landed  on  Oswego  Side  with- 
out any  Annoyance  from  the  Enemy  and  I  believe  without 
being  discovered,  which  I  judged  by  the  Manner  of  their  go- 
ing or  rather  stealing  up  to  the  Fort  after  its  fire  ceased. 

Before  they  left  the  Fort,  they  spiked  the  Guns  and  threw 
the  Remainder  of  their  Ammunition  into  the  Well.  When 
they  landed,  they  were  sent  up  to  Fort  Oswego  to  join  the 
Detachment  there  and  assist  them  in  Carrying  on  the  intended 
Work,  but  when  they  joined  they  mis'ed  and  fell  into  a  Con- 
fusion, which  the  Officers  with  all  the  fair  Means  they  cou'd 
use,  coud  not  get  the  better  of,  and  they  perhaps  thought  it  an 
improper  time  to  make  use  of  severe  Measures,  so  that  there 
was  no  more  Work  done  there  that  Night. 

In  the  Evening  we  made  a  Battery  or  Blind  of  Pork  Casks 
on  each  side  of  the  Blockhouse  to  Cover  the  Gunners  from 
Grape  Shot  and  Swivels;  behind  that  on  the  north  Side  there 
were  two  Guns  and  a  Mortar,  and  one  Gun  and  two  Mortars 
behind  the  other  on  the  south  Side.  We  kept  firing  at  the 
Enemy  after  they  took  possession  of  the  Fort  till  eleven  at 

Late  in  the  Evening,  I  discover'd  from  the  Advanced 
Guard,  the  Enemy  drawing  up  their  Canon  behind  Fort  On- 
14th  At  Day  Break  in  the  Morning,  we  discover'd  a  Battery  en 
Barbette  erected  along  the  Edge  of  the  Cliff  in  the  front  of 
Fort  Ontario,  which  we  then  began  to  fire  upon,  they  imme- 
diately returnd  our  Fire,  at  first  only  with  three  Guns  tho' 
they  had  six  mounted,  this  Battery  commanded  all  the  Inside 
of  Fort  George,  excepting  a  little  Space  that  was  cover 'd  with 
the  Blockhouse  towards  the  Town;  We  fired  with  four  Mor- 
tars and  six  Guns,  three  of  which  (standing  upon  the  North 
Flank  and  Curtain  of  the  Horn  Work)  were  reversed  upon 
the  Platforms,  One  from  the  Indian  Council  House,  and  two 
from  the  Battery  of  Pork  Casks  on  the  North  Side  of  the 
Blockhouse,  which  last  two,  were  the  only  Guns  that  had  any 

A  little  before  five  I  went  up  to  Fort  Oswego  and  laid  out 
the  designed  Intrenchment,  and  took  about  200  Men  to  digg 


the  Ditch,  the  rest  being  employed  in  getting  Fascines  and 
Pickets;  when  the  Enemy  discoverd  us  at  Work,  they  directed 
a  good  part  of  their  Fire  upon  us,  but  being  obliged  to  fire 
at  an  Elevation  upon  Account  of  the  distance,  did  us  no  harm. 
The  Commanding  Officer  came  up  between  seven  and  eight 
and  approved  of  the  Work  laid  out. 

Between  eight  and  Nine  Lieut.  Bailey  of  the  50th  Regi- 
ment, came  up  to  tell  me  that  Colonel  Littlehales  wanted  me 
at  Fort  George  to  attend  a  Council  of  War,  that  Colonel  Mer- 
cer the  Commanding  Officer  was  killd,  and  that  a  great  Body 
of  French  and  Indians  had  crossed  at  the  Rift  in  order  to 
surround  us;  all  the  Workmen  were  at  the  same  time  orclerd 
to  lodge  their  Tools,  take  their  Arms  and  march  down  to 
Fort  George,  except  the  Guard  which  consisted  of  100  Men 
and  was  to  remain  in  Fort  Oswego. 

When  I  went  to  Fort  George  I  found  Colonel  Littlehales 
(then  Commanding  Officer)  the  Field  Officers  and  some  of  the 
Captains  without  the  South  Bastion,  the  Detachment  from 
Fort  Oswego  were  posted  in  the  Ditch  round  the  Work,  and 
some  sent  in  within  the  Work,  there  was  likewise  a  Captain 
and  100  Men  sent  to  reinforce  the  Advanced  Guard,  the  En- 
emy coming  then  in  a  large  Body  towards  that  place,  who 
soon  afterwards  march'd  off  from  the  left  along  the  Skirts  of 
the  Wood,  towards  Fort  Oswego,  the  Guard  left  there  was 
then  sent  for  to  Fort  George  and  a  Party  sent  to  bring  the 
Tools;  soon  after  the  Guard  left  it  the  Enemy  took  possession 
of  it,  and  took  up  the  Brow  of  the  Hill  from  the  River  to  the 
Lake;  the  Enemy's  Canon  were  by  this  time  increased  to  nine 
or  ten  in  Battery.  The  Commanding  Officer  then  askd  my 
opinion  in  the  presence  of  the  Council  of  War  in  regard  to 
the  place,  whether  it  was  tenable?  and  whether  it  coud  stand 
a  Storm?  I  answerd  as  to  the  former  "that  I  did  not  think  it 
tenable  long,  but  desired  they  would  consult  their  own 
Judgement  and  not  take  my  opinion  for  a  Rule";  and  as  to 
standing  a  Storm,  "I  thought  that  must  depend  upon  the  Be- 
haviour of  both  Sides,  and  as  they  knew  their  own  Men  best, 
they  ought  to  be  the  best  Judges".  Captain  Hind  was  called 
upon  and  asked  the  State  of  the  Artillery.  He  answered  that 
"there  was  one  of  the  Iron  Mortars  burst,  that  the  Carriage  of 
one  Gun  was  disabled,  and  the  Carriages  of  four  more  he 
judged  must  be  disabled  in  a  few  Rounds."  Circumstances 


then  being  stated  viz.  our  being  exposed  to  the  Enemy's  Fire 
of  a  Superior  Number  of  Canon  in  our  Flank  and  Rear,  and 
our  being  inclosed  upon  the  other  Side  by  a  Superior  Number 
from  the  River  to  the  Lake;  It  was  proposed  whether  we 
should  Capitulate  or  Stand  a  Storm;  it  was  agreed  that  out- 
standing a  Storm  was  most  becoming,  but  that  it  woud  be  to 
little  purpose  as  the  Enemy  were  certain  of  Carrying  the 
Place  in  a  Short  time,  whether  the  Storm  Succeeded  or  Not, 
and  that  if  there  was  a  Chance  for  any  Terms,  it  must  be 
before  an  assault  was  made;  it  was  therefore  resolved  to  beat  a 
Parley,  and  send  to  the  French  General  to  know  what  Terms 
he  woud  give.  The  Parley  was  accordingly  beat  and  imme- 
diately answerd  by  the  Enemy  from  Fort  Ontario.  There  were 
then  two  Officers  sent  with  a  Flag  of  Truce  accross  the  Water. 
Upon  their  Arrival  at  Fort  Ontario  they  were  forwarded  to 
the  Camp,  and  a  French  Oificer  sent  from  the  Fort  to  know 
what  Terms  we  desired;  whilst  we  were  assembled  to  write 
them  out  (it  being  a  little  after  ten)  there  arrived  an  Aid  de 
Camp  (Monsr  de  Bougainville)  from  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
calm with  the  Terms  which  he  Agreed  to  give  us,  which  were 
to  deliver  up  all  the  Forts  and  surrender  Prisoners  of  War, 
with  Promises  of  good  Treatment,  and  desired  an  Answer  by- 

It  was  then  proposed  to  ask  to  be  sent  to  the  Carrying 
place,  but  the  Aid  de  Camp  said  it  woud  not  be  done,  nor 
any  other  Terms  given  but  those  that  were  offer'd,  so  that  the 
Capitulation  was  made  out  &  signed  and  sent  to  the  Marquis 
of  Montcalm. 

Soon  afterwards  Monsr  De  la  Pauze  his  Major  General 
brought  it  back  in  French  with  the  Marquis's  acceptance  un- 
der some  Conditional  Articles  of  delivering  up  the  Artillery 
Stores  Vessels  and  their  Appurtenances,  and  impowering 
Mons1"  De  la  Pauze  to  settle  the  Manner  of  performing  the 
Capitulation,  and  to  protect  the  Garrison  from  Insult.  When 
every  thing  was  settled,  some  of  their  Regulars  marched  in  & 
posted  Centries  round  the  Work,  and  took  Possession  of  all 
the  Magazines  both  in  the  Town  and  Fort,  and  our  People 
deliver'd  their  Arms;  we  were  then  carryd  in  Detachments  to 
Fort  Ontario  escorted  by  Centries,  and  had  a  Strong  Guard 
of  Regulars  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  rushing  in  upon  us, 
which  they  several  times  attempted.  That  Night  they  took  Re- 



turns  of  all  the  different  Corpses,  and  next  day  put  the  Offi- 
cers with  their  Servants  on  board  of  twenty  Battoes  with  as 
many  Women  and  Soldiers  as  made  eleven  to  each  Battoe 
besides  the  four  Battoemen;  There  was  an  Officer  and  a  Sur- 
geon for  each  Regiment  kept  with  the  Men.  All  the  Officers 
were  then  required  to  sign  a  Parole  of  Honour  not  to  serve 
against  his  most  Christian  Majesty  untill  they  were  exchanged 
by  Cartel  or  otherwise;  when  the  Parole  was  signed  we  set  out 
for  Montreal,  without  any  Guard,  where  we  arrived  the  fifth 

Workmen  on  the  Fortifications  at  Oswego 
The  Three  Corpses. 






P.  men 

How  employed 

June     17 



Platforms  in  Ft.  George 












Work  at  ye  Advanced  G<i 












Do  2  ye  No  J  ye  day 










































Do  this  Work  finishd 

Tot'  June 





July         1st 




bringing  Fascines  to  Ft  George 





Do  &  Battery  to  the  Lake 






Workmen  at 



50th  Regiment 






P.  men 

How  employed 

July      23rd 





Fass  tire.  [?]  Fort  George 






Do  &  repair  Do 





































Do  2  ye  No  J  ye  day 







Toti  July 

18        938, V 


Time       Overs"     Sergs     Corps      Dr*      P.  men 

How  employed 



oti   Augt 





Fas»  ire.  [?]  Fort  George 









Do  2  ye  No  i  ye  day 








Workmen  at  Oswego   1756. 
Schuyler's  Regiment. 


Overs*     Sergs     Corps      Drs      P.  men 

How  employed 

July      23rd         1 


40  \ 

24             1 



25             ' 



26             1 



27             ' 



28             1 



29             1 



30             1 



3'             ' 



lot'  July            9 



Augt       1st          1 



2             1 



3             1 



4             ' 



5             « 



6             1 



7             ' 



8             1 



9             1 


« 5 

10             1 



1 1              1 



12             1 



"3             • 



Tot'  Aug*          13 



Fascines  &  Reps  Ft  George 







Do  2  ye  No  .}  ye  day 


Fort  George 








Do  2  ye  No  h  ye  day 









at  Osw 

ego  175 









P.  Men 

How  employed 

July  23rd 




Ditch  of  Ft.  Ontario  &c 










































Do  2  ye  No  |  ye  day 







Tot1  July 





Augt.  ist 




















































Do  2  ye  No  ^  ye  day 






Tot1  Augt. 





Abstract  of  the  Number  of  Private  Men  employe!  on  the 
Fortifications  at  Oswego  in  June  July  &  August  1756 

Tune  from  the  f  ,        .       .  „ 

J     .         .  ,  -I  for  the  three  Corpses 

17  th  to  the  30th  \_  r 

July  1st  &  2nd—  for  Do 



23rd  to 

31st  - 

50th  Regiment 

5ist        ' 





1st  to 

13th  - 

50th  Regiment 
51st        " 

1088  j 





TOTAL     " 

"  5618-J 

From  the  foregoing  Journal,  the  following  Particulars,  relat- 
ing to  the  Engineer's  Conduct,  appear  viz1. 
May  17th       The  day  after  his  Arrival  at  Oswego,  He  represented  the 


Defects  of  the  Works  to  the  Commanding  Officer  and  Ap- 
plyed  for  all  the  Men  that  coud  be  spared,  to  begin  repair- 
ing them;  there  was  a  Council  of  War  called  in  consequence 
of  that  Application,  which  postponed  the  Fortifications  & 
carryed  on  the  Shiping. 

25th       He  sent  an  Account  of  them  by  Letter  to  the  chief  En- 
gineer setting  forth  their  Defects. 

26th  He  writ  to  General  Shirley  referring  him  to  the  Chief 
Engineer  for  a  full  Account  of  the  Works,  and  mentioning 
the  want  of  Money. 
June  18th  He  received  the  Instructions  relating  to  the  Works,  agree- 
able to  which  Instructions,  all  the  Works  that  he  carryed 
on,  were  done. 

Do         He  received  a  Letter  from  the  General  desiring  him  to 
draw  upon  the  Paymaster  for  Money  for  the  Works. 

19th       He  writ  to  the  Chief  Engineer  desiring  him  to  acquaint 
the  General,  that  there  was  no  Money  at  Oswego. 

28th  In  a  Council  of  War  he  estimated  the  Number  of  Men 
Necessary  for  repairing  the  Works  at  400  Men  pr  day  for 
three  Months  or  90  days  which  is  equal  to  36000  Working 
days  of  one  Man,  and  by  the  preceeding  Account  kept  of 
the  Whole  that  were  employ 'd,  there  is  only  561 8%,  which 
is  not  one  sixth  part  of  the  Demand,  and  their  Working 
time  was  often  broke  with  Alarms,  consequently  the  Exe- 
cution of  the  Works  in  the  Instructions  must  fall  so  much 
July  7th  When  the  Works  were  stop'd  by  a  Council  of  War  of  the 
5th  Instant  for  want  of  Money,  He  applyed  by  Memorial 
to  the  General  for  Money  &  represented  the  danger  of 
Stoping  the  Works. 

If  the  Council  of  War  of  the  17th  May  postponed  the 
Fortifications  to  carry  on  the  Shiping,  and  that  of  the  5th 
of  July  put  a  Stop  to  them  for  want  of  Money,  The  En- 
gineer hopes  it  will  not  be  laid  to  his  Account,  as  he  had 
neither  Voice  nor  Sway  in  their  Councils,  but  only  at- 
tended to  answer  Questions  for  their  Information.  At 
both  these  Councils  He  spoke  against  stoping  the  Works 
and  the  danger  attending  it  in  case  of  being  attackd. 
When  the  Works  were  carrying  on,  he  frequently  com- 
plained of  the  smallness  of  the  Numbers  allowd  him,  and 


was  always  answerd,  that  there  cou'd  be  no  more  spared, 
and  that  the  Men  were  greatly  harrassed. 

From  the  Resolutions  of  both  these  Councils  it  Ap- 
pears, that  there  was  upwards  of  fifty  days  Work  intirely 
lost,  and  for  many  other  days,  the  Numbers  allowed  very 
Small,  which  in  three  Months  time  that  the  Engineer  had 
been  there,  makes  a  considerable  difference  in  Works,  to 
lengthen  the  Siege  of  so  Defenceless  a  place.  The  former 
of  these  Councils,  the  Commander  in  chief  had  early  In- 
telligence of,  and  the  Want  of  Money  he  was  acquainted 
with  at  the  same  time  and  was  not  a  Stranger  to  it  for 
some  time  before. 

Upon  the  whole  then  it  Appears  that  the  Engineer  gave 
early  Accounts  of  the  Defects  of  the  Works  both  to  the 
Commanding  Officer  upon  the  Spot  and  to  the  Com- 
mander in  chief,  and  had  not  one  sixth  part  of  the  De- 
mand he  made  to  put  them  in  repair,  which  he  is  very 
certain  was  within  Compass;  when  there  were  Men  al- 
lowed for  the  Works,  He  himself  as  well  as  all  the  persons 
Concern'd  gave  due  attendance  and  did  all  they  cou'd  to 
forward  the  Work  in  hand.  His  personal  Behaviour  and 
diligence  then  and  throughout  every  part  of  the  Expedi- 
tion, he  leaves  to  the  Accounts  of  all  the  Officers  and 
Engineers  who  from  time  to  time  were  Eye  Witnesses  to 

An  Account  of  the  Strength  of  the  Garrison,  &  State 

of  the  Works  at  Oswego,  at  the  Time  of  Its 

Being  Invested,  Together  with  an  Account 

of  the  Naval  Force  at  That  Time,  &  the 

Seige  of  the  Place,  in  August,   1756 


The  Garrison  Consisted  of  twenty  seven  Officers,  twenty  nine  Ser- 
jeants &  four  hund  &  eighty  one  Rank  and  File  of  His  Majesties  50th 
Reg1  of  Foot;  Twenty  Two  Officers,  Twenty  eight  Serjeants,  and  Three 
hundered  and  ninety  Rank  &  File  of  the  51th  Regiment;  Seven  Officers, 
Ten  Serjeants,  and  One  hundered  Twenty  three  Rank  &  File,  of  the 
New  Jersey  Reg1  Command  by  Col0  Schuyler  (Including  the  Sick  of 


these  Corps)  Together  with  1  Cap1  1  Lieu1  &  16  private  men  ol  the 
Royal  Reg1  of  Artillery;  The  Remainder  of  these  Regiments  being 
Posted  at  the  Oneida  Carrying  Plate,  and  other  Passes  between  Sche- 
nectady and  Oswego,  for  guarding  the  Magazines  there,  and  keeping 
open  the  Communication  between  those  two  places. 

The  Works  consisted  of  three  Forts  Viz1.  The  old  Fort,  or  Trading- 
house;  wc  was  in  a  ruinous  Condition,  nor  designed  at  first  or  ever 
capable  of  resisting  Artillery,  built  several!  years  ago,  at  the  Entrance 
into  the  Harbour  from  Lake  Ontario,  and  Commanded  to  the  East- 
ward by  a  high  Point  of  Land,  about  the  distance  of  Five  hundered 
Yards,  on  the  Opposite  side  of  the  River,  and  to  the  Westward  by 
another  Eminence  at  the  same  Distance  on  the  Land  side,  and  two 
New  Forts,  erected  on  the  aforementioned  Eminences;  The  Fort  On- 
tario to  the  Eastwd  unfinished  and  the  other  to  the  Westwd  scarcely 
begun,  &  which  was  evacuated  the  13th  of  June  1756  (The  Day  the 
Batteau  Guard  was  cutt  off,  on  the  East  side  of  the  River,  a  Surprize 
being  apprehended  from  the  Enemy,  who  were  frequently  in  great 
Numbers  about  us)  and  not  one  of  these  Forts  being  tenable  against 
Artillery.  So  that  the  Garrison  depended  wholly  for  its  Defence,  upon 
a  Naval  Force  on  the  Lake,  Sufficient  to  prevent  the  French,  from 
bringing  Artillery  againest  the  Forts,  which  could  only  be  done  by 
Water  Carriage. 

The  Naval  Force  consisted  of  one  new  Brigantine,  mounted  with 
Fourteen  Carriage  Guns,  Six  &  four  Pounders,  and  fourteen  Swivells; 
a  new  Sloop  mounted  with  Six  Carriage  Guns,  Four  &  three  Pound- 
ers, and  twelve  Swivells;  a  Sloop  and  a  Small  Row  Schooner  (Both 
built  last  Year).  The  former  mounted  Six  Carriage  Guns  Four  Pound- 
ers, and  twelve  Swivells,  and  Two  Haubitz,  and  the  Latter  with  twelve 
swivels;  as  Likewise  one  large  Snow,  intended  to  carry  Eighteen  Six 
Pounders,  &  a  Number  of  Swivels,  and  a  schooner  Capable  of  carrying 
Eight  four  Pounders,  with  swivels,  both  useless,  as  they  had  neither 
men  nor  Guns  for  them. 

On  the  loth  of  August  a  few  of  the  Enemy's  Indians  appeared  under 
Fort  Ontario,  and  scalp't  a  man  of  Pepperrells  Reg1  who  were  Gar- 
risoned in  that  Fort.  On  the  nth  in  the  morning  a  small  Schooner 
was  ordered  out  to  view  the  Coast  to  the  Eastward  of  the  Garrison, 
which  very  soon  Returned,  and  fir'd  a  Gun  (the  Signal  agreed  upon 
for  discovering  the  Enemy),  upon  this  an  Officer  of  the  50th  Reg1  was 
sent  out  in  a  Whale  Boat  to  reconnoitre',  who  on  his  Return  reported, 
that  he  discover'd  an  Encampment  Sufficient  for  fifteen  hundered  men, 
but  he  believed  their  whole  force,  to  be  between  four  and  five  thou- 

220  SIEGE 

sand,  as  they  were  Regulars  who  were  Encamp'd  on  the  Beach,  and  he 
supposed  the  Irregulars  to  be  concealed  in  the  Woods,  this  accotl  we 
found  afterwards  to  be  prettie  exact,  as  the  Enemy  had  One  Thousand 
Seven  hundered  and  Fifty  Regulars,  and  Three  Thousand  Five  Plun- 
dered Cannadians  &  Indians.  Two  Sloops  of  Six  and  four  Pounders 
were  upon  this  Report,  Order'd  out  to  annoy  the  Encampment  of  the 
Enemy;  But  were  soon  oblidged  to  bear  away,  as  they  were  smartly 
fired  upon,  from  a  Battery  of  twelve  Pounders,  and  most  of  their  Shott 
took  place.  The  afternoon  of  the  same  Day,  the  Cannadians  and  In- 
dians began  to  fire  on  Ontario  Fort,  with  their  small  Arms  which  they 
continued  'till  dark,  and  which  was  briskly  returned  from  the  Fort. 
This  night  the  Enemy  opened  their  Trenches,  and  began  their  Parallel 
to  the  Northwd  of  the  Fort,  at  the  distance  of  about  two  hundered  and 
fifty  Yards,  under  cover  of  a  rising  ground.  On  the  12th  at  Daybreak, 
we  discovered  about  two  hundered  of  the  Enemy's  Battoes  coming 
round  a  point,  about  four  miles  to  the  Eastwd  of  Ontario,  their  Fire 
from  their  Musquetry  recommenced,  and  the  Enemy  were  plainly  dis- 
covered at  Work,  their  Cannon  bringing  up,  and  a  Battery  ready  to  be 
opened  upon  the  Fort,  without  a  possibility  of  disturbing  them,  which 
was  attempted  by  a  few  Recochett  Shott,  and  throwing  all  our  Shells, 
but  without  Effect,  as  their  works  were  greatly  elevated  above  ours; 
The  Garrison  was  pent  up  in  a  Pickitted  Fort,  with  a  Ditch  begun  but 
not  Compleated,  &  too  weak  to  admitt  of  a  Sortie,  &  but  one  Entrance 
to  the  Fort,  the  Picketts  of  this  Fort  which  were  fourteen  feet  high, 
were  below  the  Level  of  a  little  hill  to  the  Eastwd  about  eighty  Yards, 
on  which  their  Battery  was  raised,  so  that  we  could  not  bring  one  Gun 
to  bear  upon  the  Enemy.  This  was  immediately  reported  to  Colonel 
Mercer,  with  the  Opinion  of  the  Officers  thereupon,  which  was,  That 
they  could  not  hold  out  above  an  hour  or  two,  after  opening  the 
Enemy's  Battery,  Col0  Mercer  agreeable  to  this  Opinion  made  a  Dis- 
position, and  sent  Orders  for  the  Evacuation  of  that  Fort,  which  was 
performed  in  Good  Order,  about  four  o'Clock  in  the  Afternoon,  with- 
out the  loss  of  a  man.  The  same  Night  the  Enemy  took  Possession  of 
that  Post,  and  began  a  Battery  to  the  Westward  of  it,  which  they  had 
to  forwardness,  and  opened  with  eleven  pieces  of  Cannon,  at  Day 
break  the  14th,  at  which  time  the  Cannonading  began,  and  continued 
very  hott  for  some  Hours:  About  eight  o'Clock  we  discovered  the 
Enemy  Fording  the  River  about  a  mile  above  us,  in  three  Columns,  and 
we  have  reason  to  believe  they  had  passed  over  five  or  six  hundered 
the  night  before;  Our  men  were  oblidged  to  quitt  our  Works  (except 


the  Officers  and  men  on  the  Plattforms)  and  go  into  the  Ditch  as  we 
were  Enfiladed  by  the  Enemy's  Batter),  without  any  (over,  The  Guns 
reversed  on  their  Plattforms,  and  the  Parapetts  intended  lor  our  De- 
fence were  in  our  Rear,  and  the  whole  of  our  Works  so  overlook't,  that 
the  Feet  of  our  men  were  plainly  to  be  seen  from  the  Enemy's  Battery, 
and  some  of  our  Sick  lying  in  their  Tents,  were  killed  by  their  Shott; 
Besides  the  Guns  that  were  reversed  on  their  Plattforms,  we  had  a 
Battery  of  Three  Guns,  which  played  upon  the  Enemy,  made  ol  Pork 
Barrells,  three  Barrells  in  heighth,  and  three  in  Breadth,  these  three 
Guns  were  all  dismounted  through  the  badness  of  the  Carriages  Re- 
mounted on  Fresh  Carriages  in  the  midst  of  the  Enemy's  Fire,  and 
dismounted  a  second  time  which  rendered  them  usless  having  no  more 
Garriages.  During  the  Fire  our  seven  Inch  Mortar  burst,  &  it  is  to 
be  observed  our  Magazine  which  was  only  cover'd  with  Plank  &  Turff, 
so  far  from  being  Bomb  Prooff,  was  not  Proff  againest  a  Six  pound 

About  10  o'Clock  we  discovered  the  Enemy,  to  the  amo1  (as  we  after- 
wards learned)  of  Three  Thousand  Five  Plundered,  Filing  off  and 
Surrounding  us,  &  the  Marquiss  De  Montcalm  with  the  Regulars  on 
the  East  side  of  the  River,  ready  to  pass  over  to  make  a  General  As- 
sault, Colonel  Littlehales  on  whom  the  Command  devolved  then  called 
a  Council  of  War,  and  demanded  the  Opinion  of  the  Engeneers  as  to 
the  State  of  the  Garrison,  Which  they  declared  was  not  Tenable,  upon 
which  the  Chamade  was  Beat,  and  an  Officer  sent  over  with  a  Flag  of 

Jno  Barford,  Capt 
Gusts  Kempeni  elt,  Capt. 
William  Joyce,  Lieut 

J:  How 

James  McManus.  Lieut 
Day:  Haldane,  Lt  &  Adjut. 
Trevor  Newland,  Lieut 
Jno  Stewart:  Lieut 
Arch.  Hamilton,  Lt 
Wm  Cook,  Lieut 
Richard  Marshai.e,  Ensign 
Thomas  Grant,  Ensign  : 

1  All  of  these  officers  were  in  Pepperrell's  51st  regiment. 


Henry  Fox  to  Governor  Charles  Lawrence 


WHITEHALL   14th  Augst    1 756. 


I  have  received  your  Letter  of  the  28th  of  April,  and  the  King  having 
observed,  that  by  the  Departure  of  the  two  New  England  Battalions, 
upon  the  Term  of  their  Enlistment  being  expired,  and  by  the  Sickness 
among  the  Regulars,  there  might  not  be  a  sufficient  Force  for  the 
Security  of  your  Province  against  the  Enemy;  His  Majesty  has  given 
Directions,  that  a  Number  of  Men  should  be  forthwith  draughted 
from  the  several  Battalions  of  Foot  in  Ireland,  &  be  sent,  under  the 
Care  of  proper  Officers,  to  Nova  Scotia,  to  compleat  the  three  Regi- 
ments there  to  their  proper  Complement,  &  it  is  The  King's  Pleasure, 
that  you  should,  as  soon  as  possible,  augment  your  Garrisons  on  the 
Isthmus,  and  proceed  in  finishing  those  Works,  which  you  were  di- 
rected, so  long  ago  as  the  13th  of  Augst  last  year  to  make  at  Fort  Cum- 
berland, and  for  which  purpose,  the  Sum  of  £10,000.  was  entrusted  to 
you,  by  the  Order  of  the  Lords  Justices. 

You  do  not  seem  to  have  sufficiently  attended  hitherto,  to  the  keep- 
ing a  Strong  Garrison  upon  the  Isthmus  which  appears  to  The  King  to 
be  an  Object,  of  the  utmost  Importance,  &  superior,  at  this  time,  to 
any  other  within  your  Government,  even  to  that  of  Halifax  itself, 
which  is  not  in  equal  Want  of  a  numerous  Garrison  especially  whilst 
it  continues  to  be  so  well  guarded  by  the  Naval  Force  now  in  those 
Seas.  It  is  also  very  necessary  not  to  suffer  the  French  Inhabitants, 
(particularly  if  mixed  with  the  Indians,  and  commanded  by  French 
Officers)  to  remain  near  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  as  there  is  no  doubt  of  their 
surprizing  the  Forts  on  the  Isthmus,  in  Case  the  insufficient  Force  in 
those  Garrisons  should  give  them  the  least  Prospect  of  Success. 

But  it  is  hoped,  that  as  soon  as  the  Reinforcement  from  Ireland  shall 
arrive,  you  will  not  only  be  able  to  execute  the  Services  abovemen- 
tioned,  but  also  to  send  a  sufficient  Number  of  Troops  to  the  River  S1 
John's  for  the  Security  of  those  Parts. 

I  am  &c. 
H.  Fox. 



Loudoun  to  Cumberland 

Albany  20th  August  17",'). 

/.  I  shall  not  trouble  Your  Royal  Highness,  with  a  repetition  of 
any  thing  that  is  in  my  Letter  to  Mr.  Fox,  and  must  beg  your  Protec- 
tion, if  I  am  found  fault  with,  for  delaying  to  write  from  New  York; 
I  could  have  told  You  nothing  but  that  I  was  arriv'd;  and  here  my 
Letters  have  been  detained  from  day  to  day,  by  the  Quibbles  of  the 
Provincials:  for  without  them,  I  had  nothing  to  Stop  the  progress  ol 
the  Enemy,  if  they  had  invaded  Us,  which  they  certainly  would  have 
done;  and  now  that  I  have  settled  matters  with  them,  as  far  as  I  can, 
my  next  care  must  be,  to  prevent  their  throwing  themselves  away,  as 
the  Consequence  of  that  will  be,  letting  in  a  Torrent  I  am  in  no 
Condition  to  Stop;  If  I  can  manage  this  point  with  the  Provincials, 
and  be  able  to  stop  up  the  Entry  into  this  Country,  by  Wood-Creek 
and  South  Bay,  which,  by  any  Accounts  I  have  yet  got,  will  be  very 
difficult;  and  can  preserve  Oswego,  and  the  communication  with  it; 
and  get  our  Naval  Force  there,  on  a  more  respectable  Footing;  I  hope 
Your  Royal  Highness  will  not  think  We  have  been  Idle:  But  how  far 
we  shall  be  able  to  Effect  that  point,  I  dare  not  yet  promise;  for  we  are 
at  present  groping  very  much  in  the  dark.— no  Intelligence;  no  part  of 
the  Country  reconnoitred;  few  Men  to  Act;  with  no  one  thing  provided 
for  moving  them,  but  Provisions;  which  I  have  the  greatest  difficulties 
to  transport  to  the  Places  where  wanted.  The  real  State  of  the  Troops 
here,  in  Major  General  Abercromby's  and  Mr  Webbs  Regiments,  are  as 
returned,  but  in  want  of  maney  things,  and  must  soon  be  naked,  as 
you  will  see  by  the  returns  transmitted;  those  two  I  hope  soon  to  com- 
pleat:  Major  General  Abercromby's  from  the  Carolina  Companies, 
which  Mr  Dobbs,  in  a  Letter  I  have  just  received  from  him,  offers  in 
the  handsomest  manner  to  turn  over  to  Us;  and  Mr  Webb's  I  hope  to 
compleat  from  the  Provincial  Troops,  when  they  are  dismissed;  be- 
sides getting  a  good  many  of  them  for  the  Royal  Americans.  As  to  the 
50th  &  5/5'  Regiments,  I  shall  soon  be  able,  from  Mr  Webb's  return,  to 
give  you  an  Account  of  them:  but  by  all  the  Accounts  I  have  yet  got, 
I  shall  have  them  to  raise  and  discipline;  the  Independent  Companies 
just  as  bad;  So  that  Your  Royal  Highness  sees,  I  have  little  to  depend 
on  at  present,  but  Major  General  Abercromby  and  Mr  Webb's  Rcgi- 


ments,  with  the  Nine  hundred  Men  of  Lieu1  Gen1  Otway's,  and  the 
Highlanders;  and  you  see,  Sir,  how  I  am  forced  to  divide  them. 

2.  From  the  Indians,  you  see  we  have  no  support;  Some  Rangers 
I  shall  be  obliged  to  keep  all  the  Winter,  till  I  can  make  some  of  our 
own  people  fit  for  that  Service.  When  I  arrived,  I  found  there  was  a 
disposition  in  the  Soldiers,  to  go  out  with  Indians  and  Rangers,  and 
that  some  of  them  were  then  out;  I  shall  encourage  it  all  I  can,  and  if 
the  parties  that  are  now  out,  have  success  and  escape,  we  shall  soon 
get  a  knowledge  of  this  Country,  and  be  able  to  March  with  much  more 
safety  than  at  present;  for  I  am  convinced,  that  till  we  have  every  thing 
necessary,  for  carrying  on  the  War  here,  within  ourselves,  Independent 
of  Aid  from  this  Country,  we  shall  go  on  very  slowly. 

3.  We  are  employed  at  present,  in  finding  out  and  Collecting  the 
things  that  have  been  provided,  as  we  hear,  for  the  Army,  and  pre- 
paring every  thing  wanted;  which  in  reality  is  every  thing.  You  will 
see  the  Reports  we  have  of  the  Fortifications  at  Oswego,  Fort  William- 
Henry,  and  Edward,  much  to  be  done  at  each  of  them;  The  Fort  here 
ruinous;  the  Town  is  Palisaded  round,  these  all  Rotten;  Barracks,  Hos- 
pital, Store-Houses  still  to  be  built;  not  one  shilling  to  do  this  with, 
but  one  thousand  Pound  Currency,  rais'd  by  this  Province  for  Bar- 
racks; Not  a  bit  of  wood  for  all  these  Operations  to  be  had,  but  at 
double  price;  for  tho'  the  Country  is  all  Wood,  'tis  all  granted  away, 
and  so  become  private  property,  and  nothing  reserved  for  the  King; 
with  all  those  difficulties  we  are  struggling,  but  must  get  through 
before  winter,  and  shall  acquaint  you  from  time  to  time,  with  the 
manner  in  which  we  get  the  better  of  them. 

4.  The  next  difficulty  will  be,  settling  the  Money  matters  of  the 
Army,  which  is  I  doubt,  as  much  in  a  state  of  Confusion,  as  the  other 
Affairs;  and  if  I  can  make  the  necessary  provision,  and  set  things  on  a 
clear  footing,  before  next  Campaign,  I  shall  think  myself  very  happy: 
for  those  purposes,  I  imagine,  I  shall  remain  here,  most,  if  not  all  the 

5.  The  Case  of  the  Commissions  granted  by  Major  General  Shir- 
ley, I  have  mentioned  in  my  other  Letters;  I  hope  Your  Royal  Highness 
will  approve  of  my  general  resolution  on  that  Subject,  and  send  me 
your  Orders,  in  relation  to  the  Company  Sold. 

6.  As  to  the  3d  Article  in  my  Instructions,  I  understood,  that  Your 
Royal  Highness  had  agreed,  that  the  Non-Effective  fund,  should  stand 
here  on  the  same  footing,  as  it  does  in  Europe;  and  without  it  does,  it 
is  impossible  to  recruit  the  Regiments,  except  by  Warrants  from  me, 
which  I  never  can  pass,  whilst  that  Article  stands  in  my  Instructions; 


So  that  the  Recruiting  must  either  totals  Stop,  or  I  be  undone  in  car- 
rying it  on.  And  the  Royal  American  Regiment's  Affairs,  will  come  un- 
der the  same  misfortune,  both  as  to  the  Original  Accounts  charged  on 
it,  and  the  Expence  of  Transporting  the  Recruits  and  Officers  from 
Germany;  which  Accounts  I  never  can  pass,  as  long  as  this  Article  re- 
mains in  my  Instructions;  therefore,  I  most  humbly  beg  Your  Royal 
Highness's  Protection. 

7.  The  Expences  here,  are  immense;  the  Pikes  of  every  thing  in 
this  Country  are  dear,  by  the  managem1  of  our  Predecessors;  all  those 
Prices  to  the  Publick  are  exorbitant;  that  of  Indian  Affairs  in  par- 
ticular: for  last  year,  during  the  Struggle,  to  take  the  Managem1  of 
them  out  of  Sir  William  Johnson's  hands;  those  people  who  formerly, 
as  Sir  William  informs  me,  did  not  cost  above  Six  pence  a  day,  were 
paid  four,  Six,  Eight  and  ten  Shillings  a  day,  and  some  up  to  Nineteen 
Shillings;  those  People  are  naturally  Avaricious,  and  this  has  made 
them  insatiable. 

8.  There  has  an  unlucky  affair  happened,  in  relation  to  one 
Jerry,  which  I  have  not  mentioned  in  my  Publick  Letter,  but  reserved 
it  for  this  to  Your  Royal  Highness.  This  Jerry  was  one  of  the  Indians, 
who  attended  Major  General  Braddock  last  Year;  he  deserted  from 
them,  and  Scalpt  several  of  their  People;  he  was  afterwards  taken,  by 
the  few  Indians  who  remain'd  with  that  Army,  who  woidd  have  killed 
him,  as  I  am  informed,  but  that  Colonel  Dunbar  prevented  it,  for  fear 
of  Offending  the  Indians  in  their  Neighbourhood;  he  had  lately 
Join'd  himself  to  the  Tuscorora  Indians,  and  came  along  with  them 
and  some  Mohawks,  who  came  here  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  to 
make  me  a  visit,  this  Man  has  since  been  Murdered,  and  his  Head 
found  next  morning  on  a  Post,  at  the  Head  of  the  44th  Regiment,  at 
Schenectady.  The  enclosed  Copies  of  Letters,  will  shew  you  my  opin- 
ion of  this  Affair,  and  the  Steps  I  have  taken  upon  it.  The  first  Order 
I  writ,  I  kept  no  Copy  of;  but  I  hope  what  are  here  sent,  will  suffise 
to  shew,  that  I  have  so  far  done  my  duty  in  it. 

o.  Whilst  I  was  writing  this,  I  received  two  Letters  from  Major 
General  Shirley,  with  a  heap  of  Papers,  all  which  I  have  order'd  to 
be  Copy'd,  and  shall  send  them  to  the  Secretary  of  State;  if  Mr  Shirley 
had  not  been  ready  to  Sail,  I  should  have  kept  them  till  next  packet, 
and  have  explained  the  falsehood  contained  in  them,  at  large:  but  as 
time  will  not  allow  me  to  do  that  now,  and  he  may  gain  Credit  bv 
such  Assertions,  before  the  truth  is  known,  I  only  writ  Marginal  Notes 
on  them.  I  think  the  Second  Letter,  when  Your  Royal  Highness  com- 
pares the  first  part  of  it  with  the  last,  and  many  particular  paragraphs, 


will  Justify  me,  when  I  say,  what  I  have  been  told  by  many  People 
since  I  Landed,  (which  I  intended  not  to  have  mentioned,  till  I  had 
vouchers  to  have  sent  along  with  them;)  that  he  has  been  the  first  con- 
triver and  fomenter  oi'  all  the  Opposition,  the  Neiu  England  Men 
make,  to  being  Join'd  to  the  Kings  Troops;  in  order  to  raise  a  party  for 
himself,  and  to  shew  the  King's  Ministers,  that  nobody  can  serve  the 
Crown  in  this  Country,  but  himself;  and  since  he  has  failed  in  part, 
of  keeping  up  the  difference  so  wide  as  he  hoped,  between  the  Kings 
regular  Troops,  and  those  raised  in  the  Provinces,  he  is  now  endeavour- 
ing to  raise  a  Flame,  all  over  the  Provinces;  and  in  order  to  make  me 
personally  ill  with  the  New  England  People,  which  he  shall  not  be 
able  to  do;  he  has  told  them,  that  I  used  the  harsh  words,  you  see  in 
the  Extract  of  his  Letter  to  Mr  Winslow:  As  I  knew  at  that  time,  that 
the  dispute  with  the  Provincials,  was  totaly  owing  to  him,  all  I  said 
on  the  Subject,  was,  that  I  was  sorry  to  find,  that  the  New  England 
Troops  had  declined  a  Junction  with  the  regular  Troops:  And  his 
answer  was,  that  they  were  Jealous  of  their  Rank;  but  that  when  they 
were  got  up  to  Tiendorogo,  and  found  things  difficult,  then  they 
would  agree  to  a  Junction.  I  said  no  more  of  the  Troops;  but  added, 
that  if  there  were  any  particular  persons,  who  had  either  contrived 
that  measure,  or  that  now  fomented  the  difference,  I  believed  they 
would  be  looked  on  at  home,  as  little  less  than  fomenters  of  Rebellion; 
which  struck  him  all  of  a  heap:  and  there  the  Conversation  ended. 

10.  I  have  said  above  the  New  England  Troops,  because  they  are 
the  only  People,  with  whom  there  is  any  dispute  about  a  Junction;  for, 
the  New  York  Troops,  have  orders  to  be  under  the  Commander  in 
Chief;  the  New  Jersey  Regiment  has  been  last  year,  and  are  now  this 
year,  at  Oswego,  and  are  entirely  under  my  Command;  as  are  the 
Companies  raised  by  North  Carolina. 

ii.  I  have  sent  a  Copy  of  the  Letter  he  writ  to  Sir  Charles  Hardy, 
to  shew  the  double  part  he  has  acted;  the  Provincials,  when  they  were 
with  me,  did  assure  me,  they  have  a  Letter  under  his  Hand,  assuring 
them  that  they  should  not  be  Join'd  with  the  regular  Troops,  but  that 
they  had  left  it  in  Camp;  if  there  is  such  a  Letter,  I  shall  one  day  get 
hold  of  it,  and  send  it. 

12.  I  ask  Pardon,  for  troubling  you  with  so  much  about  Mr  Shir- 
ley; but  it  is  pretty  strange,  that  he  says  he  has  provided  every  thing, 
for  we,  either  he  or  I,  must  be  most  infamous  tellers  of  untruth;  but 
when  I  can  collect  those  great  Provisions  made,  you  shall  have  a  return 
of  them.  I  hope  the  Treasury  will  not  be  in  a  hurry,  of  passing  his 
Accounts;  from  what  I  have  already  seen,  I  shall  have  something  to 


inform  them  of,  worth  their  knowing  before  they  pass:  I  have  in  my 
hands,  what  never  was  intended  for  me,  an  Account  with  five  ]><■>  Cent 
Commission;  and  I  am  informed,  that  Commission  raises  in  man) 
cases  to  ten  per  Cent,  and  in  some,  to  thirteen  per  Cent;  but  this  is 
pretty  well  guarded  against  discovery,  yet  I  think  I  shall  gett  at  it. 

75.  I  believe  I  shall  have  a  good  deal  to  say,  on  the  Article  of 
Arms,  but  I  am  not  ripe  on  that  Subject,  as  I  have  had  no  time  to 
attend  to  those  things  yet;  but  the  Winter  will  bring  many  things  to 

1  j.  As  there  will  be  another  Packet  to  Sail  soon,  I  will  trouble 
Your  Royal  Highness  no  farther  at  present. 

75.  Since  writing  the  above  part  of  my  Letter,  the  Intelligence 
of  the  loss  of  Oswego  has  arrived;  this  last  Account,  Your  Royal 
Highness  will  perceive,  comes  only  by  a  Man  who  has  made  his  Escape 
from  thence;  but  when  I  add  to  that,  the  Intelligence  of  an  Indian,  who 
came  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  the  day  before,  and  gave  an  Account  that 
he  saw  the  Enemy,  throwing  up  works  before  it,  and  from  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  badness  of  the  Garrison,  and  the  defenceless  Situation  of 
the  Fortifications,  which  the  Enemy  must  have  known,  from  the  great 
numbers  of  deserters  they  had  from  thence;  and  having  no  Express  this 
day,  to  contradict  that  of  yesterday;  and  knowing,  that  there  has  been 
but  one  Letter  from  thence,  since  Major  General  Abercromby  arrived, 
which  was  directed  to  Major  General  Shirley;  and  that  all  the  Mes- 
sengers we  have  sent,  have  been  prevented  from  getting  there  by  the 
Enemy:  We  have  concluded  it  to  be  true,  and  have  taken  our  measures 
accordingly;  the  general  purport  of  which,  Your  Royal  Highness  will 
see,  from  my  Letter  to  Mr  Webb,  and  the  Copies  of  my  Letters  to  the 
different  Governors,  and  to  Mr  Winsloic. 

16.  There  are  now  about  five  hundred  Recruits  raised  for  the 
Royal  American  Regiment,  and  I  have  given  Orders,  to  send  up  the 
Men  they  can  raise,  by  five  hundred  at  a  time,  in  order  to  croud  up 
men  here  as  fast  as  possible,  to  enable  us  to  Act,  in  whatever  shape  we 
may  be  able. 

77.  I  must  endeavour  to  remedy  that  total  want  of  Intelligence 
in  this  Country;  the  distances  are  so  great,  and  no  way  has  ever  been 
tried,  but  by  Indians,  who  are  in  no  Shape  to  be  relied  on,  that  we 
really  know  nothing  at  present:  And  I  am  at  a  loss  to  Judge  what  Step 
the  Enemy  will  take  on  this  Success;  I  think  they  will  not  Fortifv  Os- 
wego, as  they  have  a  better  Port  on  the  Lake,  and  should  rather  im- 
agine, they  will  erect  a  Fort  at  the  Falls,  twelve  Miles  on  this  side  of 
it,  in  order  to  Stop  our  getting  there  again:  but  the  Question  is,  if  they 


are  to  build  a  Fort,  whether  they  will  remain  to  do  that  now,  or  will 
push  on,  and  secure  as  many  of  the  Forts  on  the  way  thither,  as  they 
can;  as  they  are  plentifully  provided  in  Boats  to  Transport  them, 
there  is  another  Plan  they  may  have,  which  is  to  send  off  a  Detachment 
cross  the  Lake,  clown  the  River  S*  Laurence,  across  from  Le  Preau  fif- 
teen miles  good  Road  to  Lake  Champlain;  those  will  be  very  trouble- 
some there,  but  I  should  hope,  if  we  have  Success  with  the  Colonies, 
we  might  still  make  a  push  for  Osiuego,  if  they  leave  that  Post  weak. 

18.  Your  Royal  Highness  sees,  what  situation  we  found  things  in, 
at  our  outset;  and  all  I  can  promise,  is,  we  will  do  our  utmost  to  make 
them  better. 

19.  Arms  will  be  greatly  wanting,  for  I  expect  a  very  bad  account 
of  what  was  sent  here  before. 

20.  As  there  are  so  few  Officers  of  those  two  Regiments,  50.  & 
51st  remaining,  I  shall  not  take  any  Step  towards  Recruiting  of  them, 
till  I  receive  Orders  upon  it;  but  shall  compleat  the  other  Regiments 
out  of  the  Few  Men  left.  And  as  you  are  not  likely  to  get  back  the 
Officers,  as  the  French  give  up  no  Prisoners  in  this  Country,  Your  Royal 
Highness  will  be  so  good  as  to  consider,  in  what  manner  you  will  re- 
place the  loss  of  those  two  Regiments,  which  we  should  have  made 
two  thousand  Men  on  this  Establishment. 

21.  Your  Royal  Highness  sees  the  yet  uncertainty  of  our  Accounts 
of  this  Affair,  and  the  reasons  for  which  we  give  it  Credit,  and  the 
Measures  we  have  taken;  which  I  hope  will  meet  Your  Approbation 
whatever  is  the  case.  In  the  first  place  Sir  John  S*  Clair  is  afraid,  the 
Carrying  Place,  which  is  80:  Miles  on  this  side  of  Oswego,  is  to[o]  far 
advanced  for  us  to  support;  we  differ,  but  have  given  discretionary 
Orders  to  Mr  Webb;  and  in  them  you  see  our  Reasons,  the  Steps  taken 
with  the  Southern  Colonies,  to  make  them  secure  their  Frontiers,  and 
compleat  the  Royal  American  Regiment,  can  have  no  bad  Effect;  and 
the  engaging  for  the  Money,  is  what  we  must  have  paid  in  all  events, 
for  we  should  never  have  had  a  Shilling  from  them. 

22.  If  we  succeed  with  the  New  England  Colonies,  and  get  a  num- 
ber of  Men,  in  one  event,  we  may  be  enabled  to  make  a  push;  in  the 
other  to  prevent  any  great  Evil  happening. 

23.  This  Post  of  Albany  is  a  material  one;  here  are  our  Magazines, 
here  is  the  only  Communication  with  the  low  Countries;  here  Centers 
the  Communication  with  Crown  Point:  and  here  Centers  the  Com- 
munication with  Osiuego,  and  all  the  Country  above  this,  on  that 
Road;  from  whence  we  draw  a  great  part  of  our  Provisions;  and  from 
this,  the  People  advanced,  must  be  totaly  supplied. 


24.  It  is  defenceless  by  it's  situation,  and  at  present  has  only  a 
rotten  Stockade,  which  we  are  repairing,  for  at  present  we  are  not  able 
to  do  more;  it  is  liable  to  Attack,  not  only  by  the  way  of  Lake  George, 
where  we  have  a  Fort,  but  by  Wood-Creek  and  South-Bay;  from  whence 
they  can  come,  either  by  Fort  Edward  or  Saratoga. 

25.  Mr  Webb  is  sufficient  for  the  Command  on  that  side,  and  the 
Provincials  and  we  are  not  so  well  settled,  as  to  be  able  to  Join,  with- 
out creating  Confusion;  nor  are  they  strong  enough  to  Act;  here  is  the 
place  where  we  have  every  thing  to  collect,  and  indeed  almost  every 
thing  to  get;  the  People  of  the  Country  to  be  brought  to  be  Service- 
able, which  is  not  the  case  at  present;  and  every  thing  to  forward  from 
hence.  At  present  I  think  I  can  be  of  ten  times  the  use  I  could  be  in 
any  other  place;  and  therefore  propose  remaining  till  some  Incident 
sends  me  off  at  once  to  any  Quarter  where  I  may  be  wanted.— I  know 
the  Citty  will  think  this  wrong,  but  if  I  can  be  so  happy,  as  to  have  m\ 
Masters,  and  Your  Royal  Highness  Approbation,  the  other  will  give 
me  no  trouble. 

26.  I  have  sent  home,  an  Extract  of  Col°  Mercer's  Letters  of  last 
Winter,  shewing  the  Situation  of  that  Garrison;  the  Originals  of  which, 
shall  not  get  out  of  my  hands,  till  I  find  a  safe  opportunity  of  sending 
them  home;  I  am  told  there  are  many  more  of  the  same  sort,  which  I 
will  endeavour  to  come  at;  I  am  likewise  informed,  that  there  was  a 
Subsequent  Letter  procured  from  the  Colonel,  shewing  his  surprise 
such  a  Report  should  ever  have  been  raised;  that  Letter  I  will  en- 
deavour to  get,  if  Mr  Shirley  has  not  carry'd  it  home;  but  I  hope  it  will 
deceive  nobody,  as  I  dare  say  you  will  believe  me,  when  I  assure  you 
the  Originals  are  in  my  hands,  and  this  moment  another  Letter,  of 
which  I  have  sent  a  Copy. 

2-].x  I  shall  likewais  beg  leave  to  Say  that  I  hope  the  Dates  of 
letterfs],  Commissions.  &c  will  Desave  [deceive]  nobody,  for  I  shall  be 
able  to  show  very  soon  that  those  have  been  made  Free  with  on  all 
occasions  to  serve  Purposes.  Many  Instances  I  have  Seen,  but  I  have 
one  must  come  out  at  one  [once],  for  the  Officer  must  at  least  be  Brook 
if  this  does  not  appear  \\s  the  Pay  of  the  Regt  by  his  [i.e..  Shirley's] 
Secretary's  Memorandoms  the  Warrants  for  the  Pay  were  Regularly 
Granted,  tho  I  know-that  is  I  have  the  greatest  reason  to  believe— 
they  were  not  and  I  imagine  no  Man  in  his  Senses  will  give  his  Aid  to 
Prove  he  had  Eight  Months  Pay  in  his  Hands  of  the  Regt  without 
paying  them  espatialy  when  it  will  appear  he  had  an  opportunitv  of 
Transmitting  it  to  the  Regt. 

1  The  remainder  of  the  letter  is  in  Loudoun's  handwriting. 


28.  Since  I  writ  the  Above  there  are  four  Men  of  M  G  Shirlyes 
Regt  and  two  of  M  G  Pepperells  Regt  come  in  from  Oswago  they  had 
all  formerly  Desarted  from  the  French.  I  have  sent  there  Examination 
Inclosed  I  have  yet  no  furder  Information  of  this  Affair  or  of  the 
Motions  of  the  Enemy  so  that  all  I  can  do  at  Presant  is  to  Collect  and 
Prove  every  Necessary  thing  I  am  able,  to  be  in  readiness  to  give  the 
Propper  Aid  where  it  shall  be  wanted. 

29.  I  have  Just  receved  a  letter  from  Governor  Morris  with  an 
account  that  Fort  Granvil  has  been  taken  by  a  Body  of  French  and 
Indians  Commanded  by  a  French  Officer  and  that  the  Fort  at  Mc- 
Dowals  Mill  has  been  abandoned  by  the  Provincials.  Those  things  will 
I  am  afraid  stope  the  Recruting  and  oblige  me  to  leave  a  Battalion  in 
Pensilvania  where  I  hear  they  are  endeavoring  to  find  out  every  Evesion 
to  Disapoint  the  Recruting  Act  and  I  shall  only  ad  that  I  have  sent 
a  Message  to  Mr  Shirly  by  his  Secretary  that  if  he  does  not  go  home  I 
will  send  him  in  a  Shape  he  will  not  like.  He  does  me  infinit  Mischiff 
but  I  am  not  yet  Ripe  to  Send  all  the  Evidence  against  him. 

I  am  Sir  Your  Royal  Highness  Most  Duttefull  And  Obedient  Servant. 


[Endorsed]  Albany,  August  20th,   1756.  Lord  Loudoun  to  H:R:H:   inclosing 
17:  papers. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland 


Albany,  29th  August  1756. 

Enclosed  I  send  Your  Royal  Highness,  a  Copy  of  a  Letter  I  received 
from  Major  General  Webb,  with  my  Answer  to  it;  I  should  not  have 
done  this,  but  that  I  thought  it  necessary,  now  on  my  outset,  to  make 
Your  Royal  Highness  entirely  Acquainted,  with  not  only  the  things  I 
do,  but  the  manner  of  doing  them. 

The  delays  we  meet  with,  in  carrying  on  the  Service,  from  every 
parts  of  this  Country,  arc  immense;  they  have  assumed  to  themselves, 
what  they  call  Rights  and  Priviledges,  totaly  unknown  in  the  Mother 
Country,  and  are  made  use  of,  for  no  purpose,  but  to  screen  them, 
from  giving  any  Aid,  of  any  sort,  for  carrying  on,  the  Service,  and  re- 
fusing us  Quarters. 

By  the  Mismanagement  of  the  Commissary  of  the  Transports,  in 
Enlisting  part  of  the  Sailors  in  the  Transports,  and  not  employing 


them  afterwards,  and  allowing  the  others  to  run  away,  I  am  now 
beginning  to  receive  some  of  the  Recruits  lor  those  two  Regiments,  and 
cannot  for  my  heart,  get  up  either  Artillery  or  Ammunition,  or  hardly 
any  thing,  from  thence. 

As  to  Quarters,  this  is  the  only  Town  has  ever  given  any;  Sir  Charles 
Hardy,  got  them  to  Quarter  the  two  Regiments,  that  came  from 
Plymouth;  but  they  very  soon  repented  of  what  they  had  done,  and 
when  a  detachment  went  out,  would  give  no  Quarters  to  those  returned 
from  any  Command:  I  endeavoured  all  I  could,  by  gentle  means,  to 
get  the  better  of  this  obstinacy,  for  near  a  fortnight,  till  at  last,  the 
Mayor  sent  me  a  Message,  to  inform  me,  that  he  understood  the  Law; 
that  I  had  no  right  to  Quarters,  or  Store  Houses,  or  any  thing  else  from 
them,  and  that  he  would  give  me  none.  The  Mayor  is  a  Fool,  and  has 
made  a  great  fortune  by  Supplying  the  French  in  Canada,  which  is 
now  stopt  since  we  come  here,  which  provokes  him;  therefore  I  did 
not  stop  there,  but  sent  for  the  Recorder,  who  is  a  Man  of  more  sence, 
and  told  him  the  custom,  in  time  of  War,  in  all  Countries,  even  in 
England  itself,  and  the  necessity  there  was,  of  Troops  been  lodged, 
and  having  all  necessary  things  found  for  them  here,  in  a  Frontier 
Place;  that  I  would  in  every  thing,  take  the  Civil  Magistrate  along 
with  me,  if  they  would  Assist  me;  if  they  would  not,  I  must  follow  the 
Custom  of  Armies,  and  help  myself,  for  that  I  could  not  sit  still,  and 
see  the  Country  undone,  for  the  Obstinacy  of  a  few  Men:  the  Recorder 
did  all  he  could,  to  change  the  Mayors  Resolution,  but  to  no  Effect: 
So  I  have  since  that,  Quartered  the  Men,  by  my  own  Quarter-Masters, 
and  hitherto  have  billetted  none,  but  where  we  had  Billets  from  the 
Magistrates:  On  this  occasion  they  have  shut  out  several  Officers,  but 
have  always  made  it  up.  till  last  Night,  that  another  Cannadian 
Trader,  threw  an  Officer's  Baggage  into  the  Street,  and  Barricaded  the 
Door;  and  I  sent  a  file  of  Men,  and  got  the  officer  into  Possession:  my 
resolution  is,  if  I  find  any  more  of  this  work,  whenever  I  find  a  leading 
Man,  shut  out  one  of  the  People,  to  take  the  whole  House  for  an  Hos- 
pital, or  a  Store  House,  and  let  him  Shift  for  himself. 

There  are  two  Officers  here,  wore  out  and  incapable  for  the  Service, 
in  this  part  of  the  World,  whom  I  have  given  leave  to  go  home;  the 
one  is  Captain  Maloy;  of  Major  General  Abercromby's  Regiment, 
who  was  the  Serjeant  that  defended  Revon,  in  1745;  the  other,  is  Lieu- 
tenant Wender  of  Major  General  Shirleys,  who  is  likewise  very  Old, 
and  has  lost  a  great  part  of  his  Scull;  they  both  hope  to  be  put  into 
the  Invalides;  and  are  only  absent  with  leave,  which  I  should  not  have 
granted,  if  they  could  have  been  of  any  use  to  us  here;  So  Your  Royal 


Highness  will  determine  about  them,  as  you  shall  see  propper:  they 
have  both  been  very  Gallant  Men  in  their  time. 

Since  closing  my  Letter  to  Mr  Fox,  I  have  received  a  Letter  from 
Mr  Webb,  Acquainting  me,  that  his  Party,  sent  out  to  bring  Intelli- 
gence from  Oswego,  are  returned;  that  they  got  as  far  as  the  Onondaga 
Indians,  who  assured  them,  that  Oswego  was  burnt;  that  the  french 
were  gone  off;  that  they  had  cut  down  a  great  many  Trees  on  the  River, 
above  Oswego,  before  they  went;  that  the  ground  at  Oswego,  lay  cov- 
er'd  with  dead  bodies,  which  raised  such  a  Stench,  they  could  smell  it 
at  a  great  distance;  that  they  saved  very  few  but  Sailors,  and  a  few 
Officers;  that  they  said,  that  they  were  very  much  obliged  to  the  Eng- 
lish, for  furnishing  them  with  so  many  Cannon,  to  take  their  own 
Forts;  that  they  hoped  soon,  to  take  Fort  William  Henry,  and  to  be  at 
Albany  after  that:  but  as  those  Onondago  Indians,  would  not  allow 
them  to  go  on  further,  for  fear  as  they  said,  of  meeting  with  some  par- 
ties of  French  Indians,  who  may  be  left  behind;  I  by  no  means  like 
this  Intelligence. 

Sir  William  Johnson  Acquaints  me,  that  the  Party  he  has  sent  out, 
has  orders,  not  to  go  by  any  of  the  Indian  Castles;  I  shall  be  very  im- 
patient, till  they  return,  and  that  I  know  something  with  certainty, 
of  their  Motions:  Sir  William  Johnson  is  very  111,  of  a  Bloody  flux;  he 
will  be  a  great  loss  to  us,  if  we  lose  him. 

Affairs  here,  are  in  a  very  bad  situation;  Your  Royal  Highness 
knows  what  Troops  I  have;  the  New  England  Men,  by  all  Accounts, 
frighten'd  out  of  their  Senses,  at  the  name  of  a  French  Man,  for  those 
are  not  the  Men  they  use  to  send  out,  but  fellows  hired  by  other  Men 
who  should  have  gone  themselves;  and  the  Forts  much  worse  than  we 
imagined;  but  those  two  things  I  shall  be  able  to  Inform  you  of,  with 
Certainty,  when  Colonel  Burton  and  Mr  Montresor  return,  whom  I 
hourly  expect. 

The  Enemy  I  am  afraid,  are  much  stronger  than  You  think,  and  all 
Accounts  agree,  that  there  is  a  Battalion  of  the  Irish  Brigade  here; 
they  Scattered  Letters  all  round  Oswego,  this  last  Spring,  promising 
great  Rewards,  to  any  Soldiers  that  would  come  over  to  them;  which 
drew  great  numbers  of  the  Irish  Recruits,  from  the  two  Regiments 
there,  which  were  mostly  Roman  Catholicks;  And  I  will  be  far  from 
venturing  to  assure  You,  that  there  are  no  Roman  Catholicks  in  the 
other  Regiments,  tho'  all  possible  care  has  been  taken  to  prevent  it, 
by  Lieutenant  Colonels  Gage  &  Burton,  and  I  find,  most  of  the  deserters 
from  them,  are  Irish. 

I  have  yet  no  returns,  to  the  Circular  Letters  I  writ,  on  the  taking  of 


Oswego:  I  hope  they  will  fill  up  their  New  England  Men,  with  better 
than  they  were  first;  but  I  must  leave  the  Second  Battalion  of  the 
Royal  Americans,  at  least  for  some  time,  in  Pensilvania;  the  first  I 
think,  I  shall  compleat  immediately,  and  soon  get  here,  il  I  can  move 
any  thing  in  this  Country,  which  1  think,  it  1  had  a  little  more  leisure 
on  my  hands,  I  could  do. 

They  will  give  you,  not  one  Shilling,  to  tarry  on  the  War;  they  will 
give  you  no  one  thing,  but  for  double  the  Money  it  ought  to  cost;  that 
I  cannot  help  Just  now,  but  I  hope  a  time  will  come,  that  with  a  little 
Sweet  and  a  little  Sower,  they  may  be  brought  about. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  Royal  Highness  most  dutefull  and  obedient  Servant 

Albany,  August  30th,  175c).  I  have  just  now  received  an  Express  from 
Sir  William  Johnson  acquainting  me  that  an  old  Indian  is  just  arrived 
with  him  on  whose  Fidelity  he  can  depend:  who  says  the  French  are 
preparing  at  Oswego  to  attack  the  Great  Carrying  Place.  That  was 
what  I  suspected  they  would  do,  the  Moment  I  saw  the  Onondago  In- 
dians would  not  let  our  Party  proceed. 

I  have  given  Orders  to  send  Mr.  Webb  250  of  the  Highland  Regi- 
ment, with  Rogers  Company  of  Rangers  of  50.  I  send  Buchanan  of  the 
Train  with  12  of  the  Gunners  and  Orders  repeated  to  send  away  all 
the  useless  things  they  have  with  them,  such  as  Cannon  dismounted, 
Shot  for  Guns  at  Oswego,  and  all  the  Atterail  of  Stores  gone  there. 
This  is  all  the  Supply  I  am  able  to  give  them. 

I  beg  your  Royal  Highness  will  turn  in  your  Mind  what  is  to  be  done. 
I  imagine  it  must  end  in  an  Expedition  up  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 
Can  you  give  us  a  Fleet  to  Support  us?  I  will  let  you  know,  as  soon  as  I 
can  see  how  things  will  turn  out,  what  Prospect  of  Success  there 
may  be.1 

[Endorsed]  Albany,  August  29:  1756.  Lord  Loudoun  to  H:R:H:  inclosing  Two 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland  1 


Albany  Octr  2d  1756 

I  have  made  my  Secretary  coppy  most  of  the  Letters  I  have  the  Hon- 
our to  write  to  you  in  order  to  save  you  the  Trouble  of  reading  a  very 

1  The  postscript  is  in  Loudoun's  handwriting.  Sec  the  note  to  the  following  letter. 

1  Loudoun's  autograph  letters  present   a   problem  to  the  editor,  for  he  wrote  so 

execrable  a  hand  that  it  is  often  impossible  to  tell  how  he  spelled,  and  he  never 


bad  Hand,  but  what  follows  I  thought  your  Royal  Highness  would 
rather  choose  to  have  from  me  directly. 

/st  I  shall  begin  with  the  Deputy  Quarter  Master  General,  who  has 
lived  very  ill  with  both  my  Predicessors,  but  I  hope  that  is  all  over 
now,  for  so  far  as  I  can  judge  we  are  on  a  very  good  footing  and  I  have 
talked  to  him  on  all  sort[s]  of  Business  either  such  as  belonged  properly 
to  the  Bussiness  of  his  Department,  or  where  I  could  get  light  from  the 
Experience  he  has  had  in  the  Service.  Some  times  our  Oppinions  vary 
but  realy  very  seldom;  when  they  do,  I  take  my  own  Way  if  his  Argu- 
ments do  not  convince  me.  I  think  the  only  one  was  about  defending  the 
Great  Carrying  Place,  which  he  thought  at  too  great  a  Distance;  that 
you  see  Mr  Webb  settled  for  us  both  without  my  Knowledge  till  it  was 
done,  and  I  wish  it  had  been  still  to  do  for  the  appearance  it  had  among 
the  Indians. 

2dly  In  this  Country  the  Qr  Mr  General  has  a  great  deal  of  Bussi- 
ness, more  than  in  any  Service  I  ever  was  in,  which  arises  from  the 
Variety  of  Services  going  on  at  the  same  time  in  so  many  different 
Places;  the  Supplying  the  Garrisons  and  Troops  at  the  two  Forts,  sup- 
plying the  Parties  on  the  Mohawk  River  and  carrying  on  the  Works 
here,  of  Hospitals,  Store  Houses,  and  Barracks,  besides  the  stockading 
the  Town  and  making  some  little  Works,  which  is  all  it  can  admit  of, 
not  one  Carriage  provided,  nor  in  my  Power  hitherto  to  make  a  Con- 
tract to  carry  on  those  Services,  makes  an  infinite  deal  of  Work,  and  Sir 
John  is  not  at  all  well,  and  I  think  cannot  hold  it  a  great  while,  for  he 
has  still  great  Pain  from  his  Wound,  and  every  little  burdern  [Accident] 
lays  him  up,  and  if  he  were  gone,  from  any  thing  I  have  yet  seen  of 
the  People  here  I  do  not  know  where  to  find  one  to  put  in  his  Place. 
The  likliest  Man  I  see  is  Major  Robertson.2  He  had  one  Depute  when 
I  arrived  whom  he  did  not  choose  to  post[part  with],  Mr  Leslie,  but  as 
I  found  they  were  not  able  to  carry  on  the  Bussiness,  I  was  obliged  to 
give  him  Captain  Christie  as  an  Assistant. 

punctuated.  The  copies  of  the  Windsor  Castle  originals  which  were  made  by  the 
staff  under  Miss  Mackenzie's  direction  have  been  collated  with  the  copies  in  Lou- 
doun's Cumberland  letter  book  in  the  Huntington  Library,  which  were  made  at 
the  time  by  Loudoun's  secretary,  John  Appy.  In  many  cases  Appy  was  not  as  careful 
nor  as  accurate  as  the  staff  at  Windsor  Castle.  Moreover  Appy's  love  for  excessive 
punctuation,  which  can  be  seen  in  the  L.S.  Loudoun  to  Cumberland  letters  in  this 
volume,  often  completely  altered  the  meaning  which  his  chief  intended.  The  editor 
has  thought  the  wisest  solution  to  this  problem  to  present  a  mean  between  the 
modern  and  the  contemporary  copy,  giving  Loudoun  every  benefit  in  spelling  and 
holding  Appy  to  a  judicious  use  of  commas.  By  this  device  the  sense  is  better  pre- 
sented. The  words  in  brackets  are  Appy's  reading  in  cases  which  seemed  doubtful. 
This  plan  has  been  followed  for  all  of  Loudoun's  A. L.S.  letters  in  this  volume. 

-  James  Robertson  of  the  6oth  regiment,  later  deputy  cpiartermaster  general  and 
governor  of  New  York. 


?'  I  have  here  told  you  the  footing  I  imagine  I  stand  in  with  Sir 
John;  but  you  will  know  better  how  that  realy  is  from  his  own  Letters. 
_/u>  M.  G.  Abercromby  is  a  good  Oflicer,  and  a  very  good  Second 
Man  any  where,  whatever  he  is  employed  in. 

5th  Mr.  Webb,  by  being  detatched,  has  been  little  with  me,  and  I 
was  afraid  the  things  that  happened  on  that  Command  might  have 
soured  him;  but  now  that  he  is  returned  I  do  not  find  it  has.  I  proposed 
at  first  to  have  carry'd  him  up  with  me,  but[and]  that  he  should  have 
commanded  at  Saratoga,  for[but]  there  is  so  much  to  do  here  and  the 
People  of  the  Place  so  extreamly  unruly,  that  I  have  determined  to 
leave  him  here. 

6lh  As  to  the  Corps  Col.  Monro  does  what  he  can  to  keep  that 
Regiment  3  right,  but  they  must  have  many  Examples  made  before  it 
will  do.  None  of  them  have  ever  been  in  Service.  These  Men  are  large 
Bodied  but  the  most  unruly[urnuly]  I  ever  met,  and  I  think  by  next 
Campaign  I  shall  make  the  pressed  Men  better  than  the  old  ones;  and 
the  Officers  want  full  as  much  to  be  reclaimed  as  the  Men,  and  I  have 
not  hitherto  been  able  to  bring  them  to  act  like  other  Troops.  They 
have  overdrawn  their  Provisions;  they  have  lost  the  Live  Stock  I  de- 
livered to  them,  and  they  have  taken  others  in  their  Place;  all  which  I 
have  ordered  to  be  paid  to  the  last  Shilling,  which  I  hope  will  do  them 
good  as  it  will  amount  to  above  one  hundered  Pound. 
7th  Lt  Col  Gage  is  a  good  Officer  and  keeps  up  Discipline  Strictly; 
the  Regt  is  in  Rags  but  look  like  Soldiers. 

Slb  Lieut.  Col°  Burton  I  did  not  know  before,  but  he  is  a  diligent 
Sensible  Man,  and  I  think  will  be  of  great  use  here. 
9th  Both  those  Regiments  have  some  Men  in  them  that  with  all  the 
Severity  they  are  able  to  use,  they  are  not  able  to  lave  of  [cure  of]  Theft 
and  Drunkenness,  but  I  must  do  them  the  Justice  to  say,  they  have  no 
Bowels  on  them. 

10th  The  Highland  Regiment  will  be  a  good  one  next  Year,  but 
they  have  not  near  two  hunderd  Men  left  of  their  old  Ones. 
//th  Lieut.  Col0  Bouquet  is  a  diligent  Officer  and  seems  to  under- 
stand his  Bussiness,  and  if  we  can  keep  the  Men  now  we  have  got  them, 
will  make  a  good  Battalion  next  year,  but  I  doubt  we  shall  be  very 
much  disapointed  in  the  Engineers.  When  I  know  from  my  own 
Knowledge  I  shall  acquaint  your  Royal  Highness  just  as  it  appears 
to  me. 

/2.         I  have  in  my  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State  mentioned  my 
Opinion  of  the  Operations  for  next  Campaign;  that  Qucbeck  is  the 
3  The  35th  regiment. 


Point  we  should  push  for,  by  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  I  need  not  ex- 
plain to  you  the  Consequences  would  arise  from  our  Success  there.  But 
I  realy  see  no  other  Point  we  are  so  likely  to  succeed  in  as  in  that,  which 
is  the  main  Point;  for  where  ever  we  make  our  Point,  we  must  fight  the 
whole  Force  of  Canada  before  we  arive  at  it;  as  their  Power  over 
these[their]  People  can  bring  the  whole  to  what  ever  Place  they  are 
wanted.  There,  if  we  have  a  proper  Fleet,  and  that  comes  in  time,  we  can 
arrive  with  our  whole  Force  at  once;  if  we  can  land  and  establish  our 
selves,  we  have  nothing  then  but  the  Siege  to  make;  if  we  succeed  in 
that  I  imagine  the  Bussiness  is  done,  for  there  we  shall  I  do  suppose 
[meet]  all  there  Regular  Forces,  which  so  far  as  I  have  yet  learnt  is 
Six  Battalions  from  Europe,  besides  their  Marine  and  their  People  of 
the  Country,  with  their  Indians  which  are  very  numerous.  Their  Town 
is  mostly  built  of  Wood,  and  probably  must  be  burnt  about  their  Ears. 
73  th  The  Troops  we  have  for  the  Execution  of  this  Plan  your  Royal 
Highnes  knows,  and  what  they  are.  In  my  opinion  I  must  leave  at  least 
two  Battalions  here,  to  defend  the  Forts  and  prevent  their  coming  in 
whilst  we  are  going  round  to  attack  them,  otherwise  they  could  make  a 
very  distressfull  Attack  here  and  be  back  time  enough  to  meet  us  there. 
/^th  I  know  in  England  they  will  say  we  may  have  all  the  Men  in 
New  England  to  go  on  that  Expedition,  to  what  their  Hearts  are  set  on. 
/5th  But  then  Mr  Shirley  has  instilled  into  his  Party  whom  he  has 
bound  to  him  by  all  the  Ties  Knaves  can  be  tied  by,  that  is,  Promts 
Received,  a  Belief  of  Power  in  him  to  protect  them  and  continue 
Promts  to  them,  to  oppose  and  dissappoint  every  Scheme  that  can  be 
proposed  for  the  Publick  Service  except  Mr.  Shirley  is  to  execute  it. 
The  Crushing  of  him,  if  that  is  thought  proper,  will  end  them,  but 
from  his  staying  here  so  long,  that  must  probably  come  too  late  to  have 
its  Effects  this  Year. 

76th  There  is  another  Objection,  I  believe,  to  having  great  Aid 
from  them,  which  arises  from  this,  That  so  far  as  I  can  see,  all  the  Ex- 
peditions they  fit  out  have  their  first  Foundation  in  an  Intention  to 
enrich  particular  People,  then  a  Popular  Point  is  taken  up,  and  the 
People  Run  madly  into  it. 

77th  That  motive  now  ceases,  if  they  go  with  the  Regular  Troops, 
for  these  the  Kings  Ceneral  must  command,  and  these  Profits  cannot 
arise  unless  he  is  a  Knave  likewise. 

7<9th  These  Men  receive  a  Bounty  when  they  enlist,  but  no  Pay  till 
the  Campaign  is  over.  They  allow  of  no  Suttlers  or  Traders  of  any 
Sort,  but  the  Officers  supply  them  with  every  thing  they  want,  by  which 
Means  they  receive  most  of  their  Pay  when  they  come  back;  this  you 



see  does  not  promise  much  from  them  in  the  present  Situation,  and  yet 
as  Canada  has  been  so  much  Preached  up  to  them,  numbers  ol  these 
Enthusiastical  People  might  engage,  and  il  they  did,  they  will  Ijc  a 
very  great  Expence  to  transport  them  by  Sea,  and  furnish  them  with 
Provisions  considering  the  use  they  would  be  of,  which,  so  far  as  I  can 
see,  is,  when  first  brought  out,  will  undertake  any  rash  thing,  but  if 
they  do  not  get  forward  they  immediately  languish  to  go  home,  and 
when  ever  they  grow  Sick  their  Hearts  break  and  they  Die.  They  say 
their  time  is  come,  and  there  is  no  help  for  it,  and  from  that  Prim  iple 
never  struggle  to  live. 

19th  If  they  could  be  brought  to  cross  the  Country  in  small  Bodys, 
for  great  ones  can  not  be  maintained  that  way,  and  break  up  all  these 
Settlements,  they  would  strike  a  Terror  into  the  Enemy,  and  in  case  we 
miscarried,  would  storme  [show]  them  next  Year,  if  the  Fleet  will  pre- 
vent their  having  Supplies  from  Europe,  and  the  People  here  can  be 
brought  not  to  supply  them,  which  will  be  difficult,  as  the  Councils 
can  take  off  the  Embargo  and  are  the  People  that  supply  them,  as  hap- 
pen'd  in  Philadelphia  this  year  before  Mr  Denny  arrived. 
20th  I  have  throw'n  out  those  things  for  your  Royal  Highness's 
Consideration,  and  would  beg  leave  further  to  add,  that  if  you  should 
approve  of  going  to  Quebeck,  I  should  hope  it  would  not  be  talked  of, 
but  when  ever  you  are  to  send,  it  should  be  said  it  goes  to  New  York, 
and  that  you  will  consider  what  Troops  are  necessary  for  it.  And  altho 
I  can  have  24  lb  Cannon  from  the  Colonys  here,  they  are  all  Iron  and 
so  heavy  that  without  Horses,  which  I  suppose  we  shall  not  get  there, 
or  the  Enemy  will  drive  them  off,  so  I  should  hope  you  would  send 
what  you  think  necessary  of  Brass.  Ball  for  24  lb  are  much  wanted  in 
this  Country. 

21.  In  case  the  Project  is  approved  of,  I  believe  it  would  be  neces- 
sary to  acquaint  Mr.  Baker  the  Contractor,  that  he  may  provide  ac- 

22.  I  can  give  you  no  certain  Accounts  of  the  Road  to  Tienderoga, 
as  it  has  never  been  reconoitred  properly,  but  by  all  the  Accounts  I 
have  been  able  to  get,  it  is  not  to  be  done  with  Troops  whilst  the  En- 
emy are  so  supperior  in  Irregulars,  for  in  reality  we  have  none  but  our 
Rangers.  Before  winter  is  over,  if  they  do  not  drive  us  from  the  Forts, 
I  shall  be  able  to  give  you  an  Account  with  more  Certainty. 

23.  The  retaking  Oswego  by  land  labours  under  many  Difficultys. 
Tis  217  miles  from  hence,  and  as  the  Enemy  have  now  learn 'd  so  many 
Avenues  from  the  Indians  by  which  they  can  at  several  places  attack 
our  Convoys,  it  requires  an  Army  to  secure  the  Communication  for 


carrying  up  our  Cannon  and  Provisions.  And  when  there,  as  they  are 
Masters  of  the  whole  Vessells,  and  such  a  Number  of  Boats  on  the  Lake 
and  we  were  to  oppose  to  them,  if  they  chose  it  they  can  before  we  are 
cover 'd  land  what  Forces  they  please,  within  what  Distance  of  the  Place 
they  please,  and  give  us  Battle,  tho  I  think  they  would  rather  choose 
to  starve  us,  as  we  could  not  leave  People  enough  to  keep  up  the  Com- 
munication at  every  Place  where  they  could  attack  us. 
2jth  Things  appearing  to  me  in  this  Light  is  the  Reason  I  have 
proposed  going  to  Quebeck,  and  I  have  been  the  more  particular  in 
them,  that  your  Royal  Highness  might  be  the  better  able  to  judge 
whether  they  have  not  weighed  more  with  me  than  they  ought,  and 
that  the  King's  Service  might  not  suffer  from  my  misjudging. 
25th  I  ought  to  have  mentioned  above  that  if  a  Siege  is  to  be  under- 
taken Powder  will  be  wanting,  for  the  Provincial  Troops  make  an  in- 
tolerable Consumption  of  it. 

26th  I  hope  your  Royal  Highness  will  pardon  the  Incoherence  of 
this  Letter,  as  I  really  believe  tis  the  fortieth  time  I  have  been  inter- 
rupted in  the  Writing  of  it,  and  as  I  am  just  setting  out  for  Fort  Ed- 
ward I  cannot  write  it  over  again. 

27th  I  must  acquaint  your  Royal  Highness  that  I  have  hitherto  had 
no  formal  Council  of  War  but  have  on  all  Occasions  consulted  with 
the  General  Officers,  the  Qr  i\lr  General,  and  such  of  the  Field  Officers 
as  I  could  get  any  Benefit  from  talking  to.  But  I  found  when  I  had 
several  of  the  Field  Officers  together  and  came  to  talk  to  them  of  what 
was  fit  to  do  in  one  Case,  and  what  in  another,  but  I  got  no  Aid,  so  I 
have  gone  on  in  the  Method  I  have  told  your  Royal  Highness. 
28th  I  have  this  Moment  a  Warrant  of  Mr  Shirley's  put  into  my 
Hands,  drawn  on  the  Paymaster  for  an  Account  of  building  Barracks 
on  Schenectady  last  Year.  The  Warrant  is  dated  June  20th  1756.  Mr. 
Webb  arrived  here  June  7,  and  in  three  Days  after,  Mr.  Shirley  received 
his  Letters  acquainting  him  he  was  superseded  in  the  Command,  and 
the  Man  who  got  this  Warrant  left  me  at  Albany  to  go  to  New  York  to 
settle  this  Account  for  which  the  Warrant  is  granted.  Mr.  Shirley  will 
find  himself  mistaken  if  he  expects  to  draw  any  Money  out  of  the 
Deputy-Paymaster's  Hands  till  the  King  gives  him  a  new  Commission 
to  Command.  I  am,  Sir,  Your  Royal  Highness's  Most  Dutyfull  And 
Obedient  Servant 


[Endorsed]  Albany,  October  the  2d  1756  Lord  Loudoun  to  H:R:H:  private. 
Rd  Nov  2il  V:i5:8. 


Loudoun  to  Cumberland 

Albany  3d  October  1756 

The  Situation  of  things  here  at  present,  is  bad;  the  Provincials  ex- 
tremely disheartened,  Sickly  and  deserting;  which  last  some  of  their 
Officers  are  in  Confinement  for;  no  less  than  forty  went  off  at  once; 
most  of  those  we  retook;  but  the  numbers  that  go  off  in  one's  and 
two's,  are  very  great:  Your  Royal  Highness  will  see,  I  have  reinforced 
Fort  William  Henry,  with  all  the  Provincials,  except  the  New  York 
Regiment,  and  the  New  Hampshire  Men;  if  I  find  I  can  spare  the  last, 
f  will  send  them  up  likewise. 

I  have  now  at  Fort  Edward,  Majr  Gen1  Abercrombie's  with  the  j2d, 
J4th,  &  48th  Regiments;  and  500:  of  the  Royal  Americans,  under  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Bouquet,  at  Saratoga;  the  other  500:  of  them,  March  to 
October  ist;  I  had  it  not  in  my  Power,  to  get  Waggons  for  their  Tents 
till  then. 

Your  Royal  Highness  will  be  surprised,  I  have  chose  to  take  the 
Royal  Americans,  rather  than  Lieutenant  General  Otways;  this  last  are 
entirely  Raw  Officers  and  Soldiers,  and  every  thing  new  to  them;  the 
prest  Men,  I  dare  not  yet  trust  so  near  the  Enemy;  I  had  Six  of  them 
deserted  together,  to  go  to  the  French;  two  of  them,  after  losing  them- 
selves in  the  Woods,  and  being  Starving  with  Hunger,  Surrendered  to 
some  of  the  Parties  above;  those  I  tried  and  hanged  directly;  the  other 
four,  were  taken  at  Wood-Creek,  by  our  Ranging  Companies;  they  are 
not  yet  come  my  length. 

As  to  the  Americans,  I  have  without  distinction,  of  what  Battalion 
Officers  belong  to,  put  into  this,  all  the  good  Battalion  Officers  for  the 
present,  that  were  within  my  reach,  and  have  left  out  the  Engineers 
and  Artillery  Officers,  who  Lieutenant  Colonel  Bouquet,  on  trial,  as- 
sures me  do  not  answer  in  the  Battalion;  f  have  done  this,  without  any 
affront  to  them,  for  I  shall  employ  them  otherwise,  where  they  will  be 
of  use:  In  this  Situation  I  expect  more  Service  from  them,  than  I  could 
have  had  from  the  other;  and  they  do  bring  them  on  surprisingly. 

Our  Situation  at  Fort  William  Heniy,  is,  the  Provincials  in  an  In- 
trenched Camp,  under  the  works  of  the  Forts,  which  are  by  this  time 
finished,  and  the  Barracks  and  Store  Houses  near  complcated.  they 
have  of  Artillery,    two   32:   pounders,   Eight    18:   Pounders,   two   12: 


Pounders,  Four  6:  Pounders,  four  4:  Pounders,  Iron:  —Brass,  Four  6: 
Pounders,  two  8:  Inch  Mortars,  fourteen  Swivels,  One  iy.  Inch  Mortar, 
two  10:  Inch  Mortars,  two  8:  Inch  Hautsbitzers,  and  one  7.  Inch  Hauts- 
bitzer,  three  7.  Inch  Mortars,  with  a  great  Quantity  of  Ammunition. 
This  is  what  they  had  amassed,  for  the  Attack  they  proposed  on 
Tienderoge,  a  great  part  of  which  I  proposed  to  have  brought  back, 
but  could  not  get  Horses  to  Transport  it,  and  if  I  had  them  now,  the 
Provincials  would  desert  if  I  took  it. 

At  Fort  Edward,  there  are  two  18:  Pounders,  four  9:  Pounders,  five  6: 
Pounders,  One  4:  Pounder;  and  Six  field  Pieces  with  the  Regiments, 
6:  Pounders  each;  in  an  Intrenched  Camp  under  the  Forts.  With  the 
Americans,  there  are  two  Six  pounders,  and  a  y  Pounder  field  Piece; 
as  I  have  divided  them  into  two  Battalions,  Colonel  Bouquet  and 
Major  Young  with  the  one,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Haldiman  and  Major 
Robertson  with  the  other;  I  expect  Col:  Haldiman  every  hour,  the 
other  three  are  here. 

The  Camp  at  Fort  Edward,  is  under  the  Cannon  of  the  Fort;  the 
Cannon  Mounted,  but  the  Fort  far  from  being  compleated. 

At  Saratoga  they  are  intrenched,  with  a  small  Stockaded  Fort  within 
it;  this  is  to  prevent  the  Enemy  cutting  in,  behind  us,  and  are  within 
reach  of  Joining  us  in  few  hours,  if  wanted  at  Fort  Edioard. 

It  looks  odd  on  the  Map,  to  see  the  Provincials  advanced  before  the 
Troops;  but  I  look  on  Fort  Edward,  as  the  likeliest  Post  to  be  Attacked; 
and  if  that  is  taken,  Fort  William  Henry,  with  all  the  People  there, 
falls  of  Course;  therefore  1  have  chose  to  be  there  with  the  Troops. 

From  Fort  William  Henry,  I  am  just  informed,  the  Enemy  seems 
to  be  pressing  up  upon  them,  and  they  have  seen  Boats,  two  and  three 
at  a  time,  Sckulking  along  the  Shore,  which  are  probably  Supplying 
them  with  Provisions;  I  have  given  them  all  the  directions  I  can,  and 
have  again  sent  up  Captain  Lor  in  g,1  to  Command  that  Fleet  they  have 
built,  but  make  no  use  of. 

This  is  our  Situation,  and  I  would  gladly  hope,  when  they  see  our 
Posts  in  this  Condition,  they  will  not  Attack  them;  but  if  they  should 
advance  the  Six  Battalions  of  Regulars  they  have  at  Tienderoge,  to 
keep  us  in  Auwe,  and  take  the  Measure  of  sending  their  Indians  and 
Canadians,  down  the  other  Side  the  River,  they  may  destroy  the  whole 
back  Settlements,  and  God  knows  where  they  may  Stop;  And  it  is  not 
in  my  Power  to  prevent  it. 

Your  Royal  Highness  sees,  the  Aid  Mr  Shirley  has  been  pleased  to 

1  Joshua  Loring,  a  native  of  Boston,  whom  the  Admiralty  had  named  in  March 
as  Master  and  Commander  of  the  hrigantine  Loudoun  on  Lake  Ontario. 


Contribute;  the  Massachusetts  Men,  I  cannot  have  at  Fort  William 
Henry,  in  less  than  a  Month;  the  Connecticuts,  will  be  between  a  fort- 
night and  three  weeks;  however,  in  case  of  their  taking  this  Measure, 
I  shall  write  for  them,  that  they  may  be  in  some  sort  of  readiness  to 
Act:  If  this  should  happen,  nothing  further  appears  to  me,  to  be  in  my 
Power  to  do  at  present;  when  any  thing  does  occurr,  I  will  do  it. 

Desertion  and  drunkenness,  are  the  diseases  of  this  Country;  1  will 
stop  at  nothing  to  cure  them  both,  if  I  should  Stave  every  drop  of 
Liquor  in  it:  I  have  lost  above  thirty  of  the  Americans  since  they  came 

The  backwardness  of  the  People  in  this  Country,  to  give  any  Assist- 
ance to  the  Service,  is  incredible;  And  if  you  cannot  destroy,  that  In- 
fluence Mr  Shirley  has  in  it  at  present,  no  Servant  the  King  can  send, 
can  be  of  half  the  use  he  otherwise  would  be;  I  hope  you  will  do  this 
effectually  when  he  arrives,  in  the  meantime,  my  best  endeavors  shall 
not  be  wanting  here;  and  when  time  permits,  You  shall  have  all  the 
Information  I  can  give  You. 

On  the  Mohawk  river,  I  have  left  some  small  Posts;  and  am  Fortify- 
ing Herkermefs  House,  in  place  of  building  a  Fort;  You  have  Major 
Eyre's  Sketch  of  it  enclosed. 

As  to  Engineers,  I  doubt  I  shall  suffer  greatly,  by  the  loss  of  M* 
Mackeller;  for,  I  do  not  find,  the  Foreigners  will  turn  out  to  be  the 
People  in  that  branch  we  expected;  I  send  you  enclosed,  the  List  Colo- 
nel Bouquet  gave  me,  of  himself,  without  my  asking  for  it,  on  suspect- 
ing that  to  be  the  case;  this  he  did,  when  he  came  to  apply,  to  have 
other  Officers  Appointed  for  the  present,  to  the  Battalion  going  on 

I  am  afraid,  from  Lieutenant  Colonel  Bouquet's  report,  Colonel 
Prevost  has  not  kept  up  to  his  bargain,  in  recruiting,  from  the  hun- 
dred and  Seventy  arrived;  I  have  not  had  time  to  look  fully  into  it,  but 
shall  as  soon  as  he  arrives,  and  Acquaint  Your  Royal  Highness  with 
it:  I  shall  go  very  gently  with  it,  but  I  must  not  let  him  go  too  far. 

Mr  Shirley  has  taken  on  himself,  to  Stop  the  Man  of  War  with  my 
Letters  to  the  Government  of  the  29th  August;  the  Captains  receipt  to 
me  for  them,  is  enclosed  to  Mr  Fox;  he  has  sent  many  Letters,  whilst  at 
this  distance,  I  have  no  opportunity  of  knowing,  of  the  Ships  going: 
If  it  is  no  Crime  stopping  the  Publick  Letters,  I  shall  say  his  time  was 
very  111  employed  here,  as  it  was  only  in  raising  parties,  and  stopping 
all  Aid  to  the  Service;  and  by  the  Councils  Letter  to  me.  which  is 
every  word  dictated  by  him,  you  will  see.  he  is  still  endeavoring  to  keep 
up  the  difference,  between  the  regular  and  Provincial  Troops. 


Your  Royal  Highness  will  see  in  my  Publick  Letter,  the  Plan  I  throw 
out  for  Consideration,  of  attacking  Quebec;  I  have  in  that,  mentioned 
neither  the  number  of  Ships  nor  Men,  necessary  for  that,  as  I  know 
Your  Royal  Highness  to  be,  a  much  better  Judge  of  it  than  I  am,  and 
shall  be  ready,  to  execute  whatever  orders  I  receive  from  You:  I  must 
only  beg,  that  if  you  go  into  it,  there  be  a  good  Man  at  the  head  of  the 
Fleet,  that  will  not  create  Confusion;  and  that  the  Fleet  come  very 
much  earlier  than  any  have  done  of  late,  for  the  French  have  always 
been  here  before  us. 

Lieutenant  Kennedy  s  two  Prisoners,  are  arrived,  whilst  I  am  writ- 
ing, and  I  have  enclosed  their  declaration  to  the  Secretary  of  State; 
It  was  a  hardi  thing  taking  them;  they  had  a  French  Camp  within  a 
mile  of  them;  the  Waggons  continually  passing  the  door;  and  they  took 
them  in  open  day:  Mor  Levy  was  not  gone  from  the  House,  an  hour 
before,  the  Indians  killed  a  Servant  that  made  resistance,  and  had  Seized 
the  Landlady  of  the  House,  in  order  to  Scalp  her,  when  Lieutenant 
Kennedy  came  in  and  saved  her,  and  an  Old  Swiss,  whom  they  brought 
along  with  them;  and  after  a  March,  thro  the  deserts,  arrived  here  in 
28:days.  They  say,  the  Lady  was  handsome  when  she  set  out,  but  she  is 
much  altered,  thro'  Hunger,  Wett  and  all  sorts  of  Weather,  added  to 
Fear,  which  was  not  without  good  Grounds;  for  as  they  had  been  pur- 
sued for  five  days,  by  about  three  hundred  Indians,  as  they  imagine, 
they  had  been  obliged  to  throw  away  all  their  Provisions,  and  were 
reduced  to  such  Streights,  from  hunger,  that  they  several  times  pro- 
posed to  eat  the  Lady;  but  Lieut1  Kennedy  got  her  Saved. 

She  computes  the  French  at  Tienderoge,  to  be  about  Six  thousand 
five  hundred,  but  the  Canadians  are  very  Sickly,  and  great  numbers  of 
them  die;  the  Troops  tollerably  healthy:  she  is  the  first  that  has  men- 
tioned their  being  scarce  of  Provisions.  I  never  saw  People  so  thor- 
oughly wore  out,  as  those  People  are;  the  Indians  are  but  just  alive; 
Lieutenant  Kennedy  is  better  than  they  are,  but  extremely  weak;  the 
Woman  has  stood  it  the  best,  but  they  had  a  long  March  before  they 
met  her;  they  reckon,  the  way  they  came,  that  She  walkt  about  Six 
hundred  Miles. 

Your  Royal  Highness  will  see,  that  the  distress  at  Oswego  last  Year, 
was  wholy  owing,  to  Mr  Shirley's  going  on  a  Trading  Voyage,  in  place 
of  a  Military  Expedition;  and  that  you  will  see  from  Colonel  Mercer's 
Letters,  most  of  them  sent  down  open,  to  endeavor  to  get  any  Supplies, 
from  the  People  on  the  different  Posts,  before  the  Letters  could  arrive 
at  the  Persons  they  were  directed  to.  You  will  see,  that  the  distress,  the 
desertion,  diseases  and  deaths  of  the  Garrison,  was  on  the  one  hand, 


owing  to  their  want  of  Provisions;  and  on  the  other  hand,  from  their 
want  of  Barracks  and  Bedding,  most  of  them  having  lain  in  bark 
Hutts,  without  the  Garrison,  all  Winter;  all  which  will  appear  plainly, 
from  the  Scraps  of  Information  I  have  got,  in  following  other  business, 
there  was  a  third  cause,  which  I  have  not  yet  fully  got  into,  which  was 
their  want  of  Pay  from  the  24th  October;  in  these,  I  doubt  there  arc- 
more  People  concerned  than  him,  which  hitherto  has  prevented  my 
seeing  into  it;  there  must  have  been  a  great  neglect  in  not  sending 
Money  to  Oswego,  in  the  beginning  of  Winter,  but  this  goes  further, 
for  they  had  opportunities  of  sending  it  long  before  it  went;  first, 
Colonel  Schuyler  went  up  with  250:  Men,  then  Captain  Bradstreet 
went  up  with  a  great  number  of  Bat  terms  and  Batteau  Men,  and  the 
Recruits;  and  it  was  his  Second  Journey,  before  Mr  Shirley's  Regiment's 
Money  went;  and  that  for  Sir  William  Pepperel's  Regiment,  waited 
'till  his  third  Journey:  I  do  not  see,  what  can  be  said  to  Justify  this, 
and  still  less  what  I  am  told,  that  their  Recruits,  who  were  many 
Months  at  Schenectady,  in  the  Spring,  had  no  Money;  but  were  Sup- 
plied with  Shirts  and  Shoes  &  ca,  'till  that  they  were  so  disgracefull,  that 
Colonel  Chapman  would  not  let  them  do  duty  in  the  Condition  they 
were,  and  the  Officers  borrowed  of  Captain  Kennedy,  of  the  -/-/"■  Regi- 
ment Twenty  five  Pounds. 

Those  things,  seem  to  me  Military  Crimes,  that  ought  to  be  en- 
quired into,  in  order  to  lay  before  His  Majesty,  and  as  soon  as  the 
Campaign  is  over,  I  propose  to  Appoint  a  General  Court  Martial,  to 
enquire  into  the  Causes  of  the  loss  of  Oswego,  the  result  of  which  I 
shall  transmit  home. 

Part  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mercer's  Original  Letters,  I  have  sent 
with  Mr  Pownall,  and  some  of  Mr  Lewis's  Accounts;  one  Packet  fell 
into  my  hands  by  the  directions  of  it,  the  other  found  in  Oswego,  by 
the  Men,  I  mention  to  have  brought  us  the  Account,  of  the  Situation 
the  Enemy  left  things  in,  and  is  the  Account  of  Mr  Shirley's  Son  in 
Law,  his  Secretary  Mr  Alexander,  and  Mr  Livingston,  whom  he  em- 
ploys on  all  occasions,  where  he  means  to  have  his  own  nearer  friends 
not  appear;  You  will  see  in  the  large  Packet,  the  Commissaiy  in  the 
King's  Pay,  as  appears  in  his  Wife's  Letters  to  him,  charging  five  per 
Cent  on  the  Publick  Money,  the  large  Articles  of  Commission,  I  have 
not  yet  had  time  to  follow  out,  as  they  arise  in  Virginia  and  New-York. 
I  am,  Sir,  Your  Royal  Highness's  Most  Dutifull  and  Obedent  Servant 


[Endorsed]  Albany,  October  3d   1736.  Lord   Loudoun   to  H:R:H:   inclosing 
18:  Papers. 


Memorial  of  William  Johnston 


and  Commander  in  Chief  of  all  His  Majesty's  Forces  in  North  America. 
&ca.  &ca.  &ca. 

The  Memorial  of  William  Johnston  Deputy  Pay 
Master  General  to  the  said  Forces. 


The  Lords  Commissioners  of  His  Majesty's  Treasury  by  a  Minute  of 
their  Board,  dated  the  12th  August  last  having  taken  into  Consideration 
General  Abercrombie's  Warrant  Authorizing  your  Memorialist  to 
Issue  the  dollar  at  4s8d  Sterling,  and  all  other  Coins  and  Species  of 
money  in  Proportion,  are  of  Opinion,  there  is  no  Reason  or  Founda- 
tion for  varying  from  their  Resolutions  of  the  19th  February  1755.  and 
of  the  11th  March  last  Ascertaining  the  Rates  at  which  the  Several 
Species  of  Gold  and  Silver  were  to  be  received  and  Issued  by  the  Dep- 
uty Pay  Masters  in  North  America,  and  have  therefore  given  directions, 
that  the  said  Deputy  Paymasters  do  follow  the  Rules,  as  to  the  Re- 
ceiving and  Issuing  the  Same,  in  the  manner  thereby  Prescribed;  And 
Mr.  Sawyer  by  Direction  of  Lord  Dupplin,  having  transmitted  a  Copy 
of  the  said  Treasury  Minute  to  your  Memorialist  and  Signified  to  him, 
that  it  is  the  Paymaster  Generals  Orders,  that  he  do  Act  agreeably 
therewith,  and  give  Copies  thereof  to  Your  Lordship,  and  General 
Abercrombie,  or  the  Commander  in  Chief  for  the  time  being:  In  obe- 
dience to  these  Orders;  I  beg  leave  to  lay  before  your  Lordship  a  Copy 
of  the  said  Treasury  Minute;  and  as  this  Regulation  will  differ  from 
that  made  in  Virtue  of  your  Lordships  Warrant,  I  humbly  Pray  your 
Lordship  will  be  Pleased  to  give  me  Directions  how  I  am  to  Conduct 
myself  in  receiving  and  Issuing  the  Several  Species  of  Gold  and  Silver 
for  the  Future.  All  which  is  humbly  submitted  to  your  Lordship 

WM  Johnston 
Albany  25th  October  1756. 

Copy  of  a  Minute  annexed. 


The  Lords  Commissioners  of  His  Majesty's  Treasury  having  taken 
into  Consideration  Your  Memorial  together  with  Major  General  Aber- 


crombie's  Warrant,  with  an  Account  of  the  different  Species  of  Money 
Remaining  in  the  hands  of  your  Deputy  Paymasters  in  America;  on 
the  19th  June  last,  arc  Pleased  to  order  me  to  Signify  to  your  Lordships, 
that  they  see  no  Reason  for  varying  from  their  Resolutions  of  the  19th 
February  1755.  and  of  the  1  1"'  Match  last,  and  do  therefore  desire  you 
would  take  care  that  your  Deputy  Paymasters  in  North  America  do 
follow  the  Rules,  as  to  the  receiving  and  Issuing,  the  Several  Coins  of 
Gold  and  Silver  at  the  Rates,  and  in  the  manner  thereby  Prescribed. 
I  am,  My  Lords,  Your  Lordships  Most  Faithfull  Hum.  Servant. 

J:  West 
Treasury  Chambers,  12th  August  1756. 
[To  the]  Pay  Master  Forces. 

[Enclosure  No.  4  in  Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Nov.  22-Dec.  26,  1756.] 

Observations  on  the  Value  and  Rates  of  the  Gold 

and  Silver  to  Be  Provided  for  the  Use  of 

His  Majesty's  Forces  Serving  in  North 

America,  under  the  Command  of  the 

Right  Honble  the  Earl  of  Loudoun 


The  Lords  Commissioners  of  His  Majesty's  Treasury,  by  their  several 
resolutions  of  the  19th  February  1755  and  the  11th  March  1756.  directs 
the  Gold  and  Silver  to  be  issued  to  the  Troops  in  North  America  in 
the  Following  manner,  Viz1. 

In  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  they  are  to  receive  the  Gold  at  the 
Rate  of  £4.-7%  per  Ounce,  and  Silver  at  the  rate  of  5B4%  per  Ounce, 
mill'd  dollars  at  5s4i/o  per  Ounce  is  very  near  equal  in  proportion  to 
4S8(!  pr  dollar,  For  example.  1 1 5 1  Mill'd  dollars  will  weigh  upon  an 
Average  1000  Ounces,  which  at  5s4i/9  per  Ounce  will  amount  to  the 

sum 268.15. 

The  same  Number  of  dollars  at  4s8(i  each  will  amount  to 268. 1 1 .4 

The  difference  is  only 3.8. 

The  disproportion  between  Spanish  Gold  at  £4---714  per  Ounce,  and 
Spanish  Dollars  at  5*4%  per  Ounce  or  4s8d  each  is  very  considerable 
for  instance— A.  has  a  demand  on  the  Deputy  Paymaster  for  £100 
Sterling,  which  he  receives  in  Spanish  Dollars,  either  by  weight  at 
59414d  per  Ounce  or  by  Sale  at  4s8d  each,  if  by  Sale  he  receives  428 
Dollars  and  4/7  of  a  Dollar  for  his  £100  Sterling.  As  the  Dollar  is  Cur- 


rent  at  7E6d  each  in  Pensilvania,  these  Dollars  will  Amount  in  that 

Currency  to  the  sum  of 160.14.3%. 

B.  has  a  Demand  for  the  Like  sum  in  Sterling,  and  re- 
ceives it  from  the  Deputy  Paymaster  in  Spanish  Gold 
by  weight.  24ozs  i6dts  6srs  at  £4.-7%  per  Ounce  is  equal 
to  £100.  This  will  Produce  116  Pistoles  and  :i%t  parts 
of  a  Pistole  of  4dts  6srs  each  which  is  the  Standard 
weight,  but  they  often  weigh  more,  and  as  it's  value  is 

27s  Currency,  the  amount  of  the  whole  will  be  only 157.1 1.— 3%i 

In  this  case  A.  having  received  his  £100  in  silver, 

and  B.  the  like  sum  in  Gold,  the  latter  looses  I         3 .  .3.  .3 

the  difference  of  Value  being I 

If  the  Pistoles  are  4dts  8grs  they  pass  for  no  more  than  27s,  and  if  we 
take  them  at  a  Medium  at  4dts  7srs  each,  the  difference  or  dispropor- 
tion in  Value  between  them  and  Spanish  Dollars  is  still  more  for  ex- 
ample 428  dollars  $c  4/7  parts  of  a  Dollar  at  4s8d  each,  is  equal  to  £100 
Sterling.  This  converted  into  Curry  at  7s6d  per  Dollar  will  produce 
£160.14.3%  as  above  2402  i6dts  6srs  of  Gold  £4.-7%  per  Ounce  will 
amount  to  £100;  this  reduced  in  to  Pistoles  of  4dts7e"  each  wni  produce 
115  Pistoles  and  B%03  Parts  of  a  Pistole  which  at  27s  each  amount  to 
only  £i56.-.56%03.  Consequently  the  person  who  receives  £100  Ster- 
ling in  Gold  at  the  Rate  of  £4.-7 %  p1  Ounce  will  loose  or  receive  less 
by  £4.13.10  than  another  who  might  happen  to  be  paid  the  like  sum 
Sterling  in  silver. 

The  disproportion  of  Value  between  Gold  and  Silver  if  received 
by  weight  in  the  Province  of  New  York  is  still  more  unequal  than  in 
Pensilvania;  but  as  it  is  now  fix'd  to  be  received  and  Issued  by  Sale, 
we  will  confine  our  Observations  to  the  last  Regulation  made  by  the 
Lords  Commissioners  of  His  Majesty's  Treasury,  ascertaining  the  rates 
at  which  the  several  Coins  of  Gold  and  Silver  are  to  be  received  and 
Issued  by  the  Deputy  Paymaster  in  North  America  Viz1  the  half  Johan- 
nis  of  £1.16.—  to  be  received  &  paid  at  £1.17.4,  the  Moydore  of  £1.7.—  at 
£1.8—  The  Pistole  of  i6s6d  at  lj'iy/  and  the  Spanish  Dollar  at  4s8d. 

Agreeable  to  this  Regulation  we  will  suppose  that  A.  demands  of 
the  Deputy  Paymaster  £1.17.4  Sterling  for  which  he  receives  an  half 
Johannis  B.  has  the  Like  Demand  and  receives  it  in  Spanish  Dollars; 
Eight  Dollars  at  4s8d  each  is  £1.17.4,  consequently  B  receives  Eight 
Dollars.  A  is  under  a  Necessity  to  Change  his  Gold  into  small  Silver 
or  Dollars  before  he  can  make  a  distribution  of  it  to  the  Troops,  and 
as  an  half  Johannis  in  this  Province  is  Valued  and  pass'd  at  £3.3.— 
and  a  Dollar  at  8s,  A  receives  for  his  half  Johannis  so  Changed  one 


Shilling  Currency  or  ys  Part  of  a  Dollar  less  then  B.  received  for  the 
same  sum  in  Sterling,  the  Value  of  the  half  Johannis  being  so  much 
less  in  proportion  then  that  of  the  Dollar. 

In  like  manner  let  it  be  suppos'd  that  A.  demands  ol  the  Deputy 
Paymaster  £1.8.— Sterling  for  which  he  receives  a  Moydore.  P>  having 
a  demand  for  the  same  sum  receives  it  in  Dollars;  Six  Dollars  at  4"8d 
will  produce  £1.8.—  A.  being  oblig'd  to  Exchange  his  Moydore  into 
Small  Silver  or  Dollars  for  conveniency  of  payment,  receives  for  His 
Moydore  so  Exchang'd  only  £2.6.— Currency  which  is  Equal  to  Five 
Dollars  and  three  Quarters  consequently  he  looses  or  receives  less  then 
B.  two  shillings  Currency  or  one  fourth  part  of  a  Dollar;  the  Difference 
of  Value  between  Moydores  at  £1.8.—  and  Dollars  at  488d  each  being  so 
much  in  Proportion,  in  the  Province  of  New  York. 

If  Spanish  Gold  or  pistoles  are  to  be  issued  at  i78i%d  Sterling  each 
the  disproportion  of  Value  between  that  and  Dollars,  is  more  Con- 
siderable then  the  Portugal  Gold,  for  Example. 

The  Deputy  Paymaster  pays  A  a  Spanish  Pistole,  of  4dts  6grs  and 
Charges  him  i7si}od  sterling  for  which  he  can  purchase  only  £1.8.— 
Currency  B.  receives  three  Dollars  and  half  and  is  Charg'd  only  i6"4d 
Sterling  with  which  he  can  Purchase  as  much  as  A.  Three  Dollars  and 
half  being  equal  to  £i-8.—  Currency.  Consequently  A  will  loose  9% 
Sterling  upon  every  Spanish  Pistole  he  receives:  Vide  a  Table  or  State 
of  the  monies  annexd. 

The  Deputy  Paymaster  has  now  in  his  Charge  £16,000  Sterling  in 
Spanish  Dollars  for  which  he  has  Pass'd  his  receipt  to  Mr.  Mortier  at 
the  Rate  of  4s8d  Sterling  each:  By  changing  these  Dollars  into  Spanish 
Pistoles,  and  issuing  them  to  the  Troops  at  the  rate  of  17s  1%  Sterling 
each,  he  has  an  Opportunity  to  defraud  the  Troops  of  q1/^  Sterling 
upon  every  Spanish  Pistole  so  Changed,  which  in  the  above  sum  will 
amount  to  £775.10.—  Sterling.  This  is  a  Latitude,  from  which  the 
Deputy  Paymaster  and  the  Contractors  Agents  ought  to  be  restrain'd, 
and  shews  the  Absolute  necessity  of  having  all  kinds  of  Specie,  whether 
Gold  or  Silver,  received  or  Issued  to  the  Troops  in  an  exact  and  equal 
proportion  of  Value,  one  with  another. 

If  the  Regiments  in  great  Britain  were  paid  at  the  rate  of  £1.2.9  f°r 
an  English  Guinea  and  all  other  Gold  Coins  in  Proportion,  and  the 
value  of  the  Silver  Coins  to  remain,  as  it  now  stand;  the  Regiment  that 
received  their  Subsistance  in  Gold,  would  receive  less  by  is9d  in  each 
Guinea  than  another  Regiment  that  happend  to  be  paid  in  silver. 
The  same  Argument  will  hold  good  in  America,  if  the  Troops  are  to 
be  paid  in  the  manner  prescribed,  from  this  state  of  the  Case,  it  is 



obvious  that  a  new  regulation  for  receiving  and  issuing  the  Gold  and 
Silver  to  the  Troops,  became  necessary,  either  by  raising  the  Value  of 
the  Dollar  or  lowering  that  of  the  Gold,  in  order  to  make  it  bear  an 
exact  and  equal  Proportion  in  Value;  and  as  the  Dollar  was  fix'd  and 
ascertain'd  to  be  received  and  issued  at  4s8d  sterling,  and  the  least 
liable  to  vary  in  it's  value,  It  was  propos'd  to  be  made  the  Standard  by 
which  all  other  Coins  or  Species  of  Gold  &  silver  were  to  be  issued  and 
paid,  provided  the  said  Dollar  was  not  Clipped  or  otherwise  dimin- 
ished in  the  Value  it  now  bears. 

In  the  Province  of  New  Y'ork  the  par  of  Excha  upon  Dollars  at  4s8d 
each  is  171%,  and  the  Current  price  of  Exchange  being  185,  the 
profit  arising  by  the  Contract  is  £14.%  upon  every  £100  Sterling  but 
whether  the  Exchange  be  higher  or  lower  the  Profit  or  advantage  in 
providing  Dollars  at  4s8d  or  any  other  monies  in  that  Proportion,  can 
be  ascertain'd  with  great  Exactness;  in  Pensilvania  the  Par  of  Ex- 
change upon  Dollars  at  4s8d  is  160%  and  the  Current  rate  of  Exchange 
at  present  is  175,  so  that  the  Profit  arising  by  the  Contract  in  this 
Province  is  £14%  upon  £100  Sterling. 

If  the  Gold  and  silver  to  be  provided  for  the  use  of  His  Majestys 
Forces  in  Virtue  of  the  Contract  are  to  be  Issued  in  different  Propor- 
tions of  Value,  in  all  Probability  great  inconveniences  may  arise,  and 
it  will  be  impossible  to  ascertain,  with  any  Tolerable  degree  of  Exact- 
ness, the  profit  arising  by  the  Contract  that  now  Subsists. 

A  Table  shewing  the  difference  of  Value  in  Sterling  between  Spanish  & 
Portugal  coind  Gold  &  Spanish  Mill'd  Dollars 


Value  in 
New  York 




of  value  in 

Half  Johannes   

£•    s.    d 

3-     3- 
3-     3- 
2.     6. 
2.     6. 
1.     9. 
1.     9. 
1.     8. 
1.     8. 

£•     s-     d 

1.   17.     4 
1.   16.     9 

£•    s.  d 

•     •    7 

1.     8. 
1.     6.   10 

5  Dollars  &  % - 

8sis  .  . 

6srs    . . 

Spanish  Pistole  of  4dts 
3  Dollars  &  % 

17-     *% 
16.    11 

.     .    2V2 

Spanish  Pistole  of  4dts 

•  7-     Oh 

16.    4 

■     ■    9% 

Albany  25th  October  1756. 

[Enclosure  No.  5  in  Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Nov.  22-Dec.  26,  1756.] 


Observations  from  Quebec  down  St   Lawrence's   River 

October   1756,  by  James  Pitcher1 


On  Sunday  the  3d  of  October  left  Quebec  with  the  Wind  at  South 
west,  but  soon  chang'd  to  the  north  west,  We  at  firsl  steer'd  over  for 
the  Northern  Shore  to  an  inlet  or  Bay,  seemingly  so  to  be  from  the 
Harbour  but  found  it  to  be  a  Beautifull  Kail  of  Water,  which  had  by 
time  wore  the  soil  away,  When  we  had  sail'd  to  bring  this  quite  open, 
steer'd  away  between  the  Island  of  Orleans,  and  the  Southern  Main, 
keeping  near  midway  between,  but  rather  nearest  to  the  Island,  at  the 
East  end  of  which,  (being  Seven  or  Eight  Leagues  long)  We  came  to 
an  Anchor  in  about  Seven  fathom  water,  the  Island  is  covered  with 
Wood,  but  seemingly  a  poor  barren  soil,  like  the  rest  of  the  Country. 

In  the  morning  of  the  4th  about  nine  aClock  when  the  Ebb  had 
almost  done,  we  made  sail,  and  about  noon  came  to  what  is  call'd  the 
Traverse;  Our  first  Course  steer'd  was  about  East,  till  we  brought  the 
highest  hill  in  the  Country  to  the  Westward,  in  one  with  the  Wester- 
most  Point  of  Madame  Island,  which  is  the  nearest  to  the  Island  of 

Then  we  keep'd  away  more  Southerly  for  the  highest  of  a  parcel 
of  Rocks,  which  appears  a  little  above  Water,  and  lies  much  about 
the  middle  of  the  River,  till  we  came  about  the  middle  of  the  second 
Island,  when  we  had  the  low  end  of  the  highest  Land  to  the  Westward 
of  the  Humocks,  and  the  west  End  of  Madame  Island  in  one,  Then 
steer'd  away  for  a  barren  hill  on  the  North  Shore,  about  NE,  till  we 
brought  the  North  east  end  of  Orleans,  8:  the  Main  high  land  in  One, 
then  steerd  down  the  North  Shore,  keeping  about  one  Mile  distance 
till  about  four  aClock  in  the  afternoon,  when  we  came  to  an  Anchor 
in  about  twelve  fathom  Water,  about  10  Leagues  from  Orleans. 

On  Tuesday  the  5th,  being  the  third  day  about  seven  in  the  morn- 
ing, when  it  was  near  low  Water,  we  made  Sail  and  steer'd  about  E  B  S, 
till  we  came  near  the  Island  of  Aucudia,  then  steer'd  in  for  the  highest 
hill  on  the  North  Shore,  and  stood  in  so  close  that  when  we  steer'd 
away  for  the  NE  Point  of  the  Island,  it  brought  Us  midway  between 

1  James  Pitcher,  muster  master  general,  had  heen  in  charge  of  the  musters  on  the 
Cartagena  expedition  of  1710.  He  was  taken  prisoner  at  Oswego,  exchanged,  and 
returned  to  North  America  for  the  duration  of  the  war.  His  comments  describe 
the  usual  channel  followed  in  navigating  the  St.  Lawrence,  south  of  the  Isle 
d'Orleans,  through  the  Traverse,  north  of  Isle  aux  Coudres,  south  of  Isle  du  Bic. 
The  map  of  the  river  in  Thomas  Manic.  History  of  the  Late  War  in  North  America 
(1772),  shows  the  course. 


the  Westermost  point  of  the  Island,  and  the  Eastermost  point  that 
Forms  the  Bay;  which  is  the  Channel  through  a  very  rapid  Whirlpool, 
but  no  danger,  if  the  proper  cautions  are  taken;  after  we  were  through 
came  to  an  Anchor  near  midway  between  the  Island  and  the  main, 
the  West  end  of  the  Island  bearing  SW  B  S  and  off  of  which  is  Rockey 
and  foul  Ground  here  we  discharg'd  the  Kings  Pilot. 

"To  Pass  this  Whirlpool,  remember  to  take  the  midway  and  the 
"advantage  of  a  Fresh  Breeze  of  Wind,  and  near  high  Water,  but 
"never  to  attempt  it  either  going  up,  or  coming  down,  on  the 

"The  Cap1  of  the  Ship  inform'd  Us  that  three  Years  ago  the 
"French  lost  at  this  place  Four  men  of  War,  having  little  wind  at- 
tempted to  pass;  but  the  Eddy  over  powering  the  Command  the 
"wind  had  of  the  Sails,  lost  their  Steerage  and  drove  them  on  the 
"North  Shore,  but  this  I  could  not  give  Credit  to,  as  they  must 
"pass,  one  after  another,  when  the  first  was  foil'd,  I  should  im- 
"agine  the  rest  would  have  desisted  till  another  oppertunity. 
Our  Course  from  here  was  East  about  seven  Leagues,  when  we  came 
to  Several  Islands  lying  near  the  South  Shore,  against  which  on  the 
main  are  several  houses  &  a  Church,  We  had  another  long  Island  on 
Our  left  distance  from  the  others  about  three  leagues,  at  the  East  end 
of  which,  in  the  Evening  We  came  to  an  Anchor  in  about  six  fathom 
Water.  Clay  Ground  this  Island  is  high,— In  the  morning  of  the  6th 
we  made  Sail  and  steer'd  NE  &  NE  B  E,  to  several  small  Rockey  Islands, 
from  where  Ave  weigh'd  Anchor,  abl  6  Leagues,  from  thence  E  N  E  & 
E  B  N,  keep5  pretty  near  the  Sth  Shore  about  Eight  Leagues,  when  we 
came  to  a  Point,  on  which  are  some  lofty  Barren,  Rockey  Hills,  &  Off 
of  this  Point  are  two  Islands,  the  nearest  about  1%  League  from  the 
Shore  and  is  called  Beak  Island,  from  the  East  end  of  which  is  a  ledge 
of  Rocks,  and  some  of  them  above  high  water  for  near  two  Miles,  we 
sail'd  between  this  Island  and  the  Main  having  deep  water,  and  Con- 
tinued our  Course  about  ENE  Thirty  Leagues,  here  the  River  is  about 
Seven  Leagues  over,  and  high  Land  on  the  Southern  Shore,  Continued 
the  same  Course,  and  the  River  extending  itself  wider  that  in  sail- 
ing about  Thirty  five  leagues  we  lost  sight  of  the  Northern  Shore,  and 
came  to  the  point  that  Forms  the  Entrance  of  Sl  Laurence's  River,  and 
of  Gaspia,  this  Point  is  low  but  high  Land  back  in  the  Country,  from 
this  Point  we  steer'd  S  E  &  SE  B  S  about  Forty  five  Leagues,  when  We 
saw  the  Magdeline  Islands  bearing  from  Us  West,  distance  about  Four 
Leagues,  these  Islands  the  French  reckon  Fourty  two  Leagues  from  the 


Point  of  Gaspia,— The  11th  of  October  being  the  ninth  day  since  We 
left  Quebec,  We  continued  Our  Course  S  El,  about  Fifteen  Leagues, 
when  We  saw  the  Island  of  Sl  Paul,  bearing  from  Us  about  S  S  W  dis- 
tance about  Four  Leagues;  This  Island  is  smal  and  lies  in  Lattitude 
47°04',  and  is  reckoned  by  the  French  Eighteen  Leagues  from  the 
Magdelines,  from  this  Island  we  took  Our  Departure  and  steer'd  away 
SEBE1,  which  carried  Us  out  of  the  Gulf, 

The  Tides  flow  at 
Quebec  about  16  feet. 

[Endorsed]  J.  Pitcher  October  1756.  Some  Observations  made  on  Sailing  down 
the  River  Sl  Laurence  from  quebec.  R  Dec.  2  2'J- 

Cumberland  to  Loudoun 


Kensington,  October  22d  1756 
My  Lord  Loudoun,  Great  as  our  Impatience  has  been  to  hear  of 
your  safe  Arrival  in  North  America,  your  Excuse  for  not  writing  'till 
you  had  began  to  inform  yourself,  partly,  of  the  Situation  of  Affairs, 
imbroiled  &  concealed,  by  the  ill  Conduct  &  bad  Behaviour  of  your 
Predecessors,  is  so  reasonable;  and  the  Difficulties  of  Information  are 
so  great,  that,  I  am  rather  surprised  at  the  Quantity  of  your  Informa- 
tions. I  long  feared  that  our  Affairs  in  that  Part  of  the  World,  were  bad 
in  themselves,  &  worse  by  the  Management  of  them.  But,  I  little  im- 
agined that  Ignorance,  Avarice,  &  Confusion  were  so  prevalent  as  your 
Letters,  not  only  mention,  but  prove  them  to  be.  I  can  not  enough 
commend  your  Coolness  of  Temper  &  Moderation,  in  what  you  have 
already  had  to  do  with  the  Provincials.  For,  execrable  Troops  as  they 
are,  I  fear,  our  present  Distresses,  will  make  them,  for  some  time  at 
least,  necessary  to  you. 

By  all  I  can  judge  at  this  Distance,  you  seem  to  have  taken  the  only 
Steps  left  you  to  take,  to  prevent  the  utter  Devastation  of  the  King's 
Provinces  in  North  America.  But,  I  can  not  help  flatering  myself,  that, 
when  once  you  have  recruited  your  regular  Force  in  that  Part  of  the 
world,  you  will  be  an  over-match  for  our  Enemys. 

I  am  sorry  to  observe  the  little  assistance  you  are  like  to  have  from 
the  Indians.  But,  if  you  encourage  the  Inclination  you  have  found  in 
the  Soldiers  to  go  out  with  them  &  the  Rangers,  you  will  soon  be  able 
to  do  without  Indians;  &  will  have  Reports  &  Informations  that  you 
can  depend  upon,  &  by  which  you  may  regulate  your  Measures. 


By  all  your  Reports  of  the  State  of  Fortifications  in  that  Part  of  the 
world,  I  easily  conceive  how  much  is  necessary  to  be  done.  I  shall  apply 
to  the  proper  Offices  to  see  what  can  be  done  with  regard  to  the  wood 
which  is  all  granted  away,  &  which  they  sell  you  at  double  Price. 

In  the  Case  of  Commissions,  granted  by  Major  Gen1  Shirley,  I  en- 
tirely approve  of  your  Resolution.  But,  I  think  it  is  hard  that  the 
Officer  who  bought  the  Company,  should  not  have  his  Comission 
confirmed,  tho'  it  is  certainly  not  a  valid  one.  I  shall  also  apply,  that 
the  third  article  of  your  Instructions,  may  enable  you  to  put  the  non- 
effective Funds  of  the  Regiments  upon  the  same  Footing  as  they  stand 
at  home. 

I  highly  approve  of  your  Conduct,  with  regard  to  that  Jerry,  the 
Indian,  who  was  murdered  by  some  of  the  44:  Regiment;  tho'  I  can 
not  say  that  the  Answers  from  the  com'anding  officers  were,  either  as 
decent,  or  as  proper,  as  they  ought  to  have  been. 

The  Account  you  give  of  the  growing  Expences  of  the  Indians,  is 
but  a  trifling  Part  of  Mr  Shirley's  bad  Conduct.  The  whole  account  you 
have  sent  upon  his  head,  makes  a  just  Impression  here;  &  I  can  assure 
you  that  he  will  meet  with  a  very  different  Reception  in  England,  from 
what  he  expects. 

I  am  extremely  concerned  at  the  latter  part  of  your  Letter,  which 
mentions  the  Intelligence  of  the  Loss  of  Oswego,  which  I  fear  is  too 
true,  from  the  distressed  Condition  Mr  Shirley  had  left  it  in.  I  must 
entirely  submit  my  Judgement  with  regard  to  what  the  Enemy  may 
do,  in  case  they  have  taken  Oswego,  to  yours,  which  is  better  informed; 
&  I  am  glad  that  you  still  hope,  that  if  you  meet  with  Success  this  year, 
with  the  nczv  England  Colonies,  to  make  a  Push  for  the  retaking  of 

What  Arms  can  be  sent  you,  shall,  as  soon  as  we  can  spare  them:  but, 
Arms  grow  scarce,  even  here. 

If  the  News  are  confirmed  relating  to  the  taking  of  Oswego,  I  shall 
humbly  propose  to  His  Majesty  the  Breaking  of  the  50:  &  5/:  Regi- 
ments, &  incorporating  the  officers  into  the  other  Corps,  at  present  in 
North-America.  In  the  mean  while,  you  have  certainly  judged  it  right 
to  turn  over  the  Men  not  taken  Prisoners  with  those  Regiments,  into 
the  other  Corps. 

I  am  glad  to  see  that,  by  your  stile  of  writing  the  Royal  American 
Regiment  will  soon  be  complete:  and,  I  hope,  before  now,  OfjarreU's 
Regiment  complete  joo:  Rank  &  File;  with  1200:  Soldiers,  draughted 
from  Ireland,  will  be  Sailed  from  Cork,  for  the  Northermost  Ports  the 
Season  of  the  Year  will  allow  them  to  reach.  Their  original  Destination 

SIR   JOHN   ST.  CI  AIR  253 

was  for  Nova  Scotia,  lint,  your  Accounts  arriving  before  they  wen- 
sailed,  they  are  now  put  under  your  orders,  E01  you  to  employ  them, 
either  in  your  own  Defense;  or,  ii  you  can  spare  them,  to  send  them, 
early  in  the  Spring,  to  Nova  Scotia. 

Your  Intention  of  fixing  your  Residence  ai  Albany,  sec  ins  certainly 
right,  as  it  is  the  most  centrical  Part;  &  from  whence  you  can  be  more 
a  portie  to  send  Succours,  or  give  necessary  orders. 

Private.  Sl  James's,  December  i.''1  1756 

My  Lord  Loudoun,  I  Shall  be  Kinder  to  you  than  you  have  been 
to  me;  for,  I  shall  make  use  of  my  Secretary  to  save  you  the  I  rouble  o\ 

reading  my  bad  Hand.  But,  joke  apart.  I  think  you  very  much  in  i Ik 
right  to  have  trusted  no  one  with  what  is  in  this  Letter;  &  I  shall  an- 
swer it  as  the  Articles  in  it  stand. 

I  am  glad  that  Sir  John  S>  Clair  does  his  Duty  in  such  a  manner,  that 
you  approve  of  him  in  the  Capacity  in  which  he  acts,  8c  that  he  has  so 
seldom  disagreed  in  opinion  with  you.  It  is  ever)  Man's  Duty  that 
commands  in  Chief  to  ask  the  opinions  8c  advice  of  those  who  can  give 
him  new  Lights  from  their  Experience  &  Knowledge  of  the  Country 
and  Service.  But,  where  the[y]  difer,  &  do  not  convince,  the  Person 
commanding  ought  certainly  to  follow  his  own  opinion,  as  it  still  ap- 
pears to  him  the  best,  after  having  heared  other  opinions:  and  I  would 
as  little  be  talked  out  of  my  own  opinion,  as  I  would  be  deaf  to  Con- 
viction. So  that,  you  see  your  manner  of  acting  has  exactly  coincided 
with  what  I  think  a  Man  in  your  Situation  ought  to  do.  It  is  very 
plain  that  the  Duty  of  a  Quarter  Master  General  in  North  America  is 
rather  too  much  for  any  one  Man  to  execute:  And,  as  there  are  so 
many  diferent  Services,  I  am  rather  surprised  that  you  have  not  em- 
ployed such  Persons  as  you  find  most  proper  to  assist  him  in  the  difer- 
ent Branches  of  the  Service  you  are  engaged  in,  as  you  are  so  much 
divided,  8:  in  all  Probability  will  be  obliged  to  act  b)  (liferent  Corps, 
each  of  which  require  a  Man  to  do  that  Duty.  I  can  assure  you,  in 
return,  that  His  Letters  are  as  full  of  Satisfaction  &  Regard  to  you,  as 
I  could  wish:  and  tho'  he  has  mentioned  his  having  been  of  a  diferent 
opinion  with  you,  concerning  what  was  necessary  to  be  done  at  the 
Great  Carrying-Place;  yet,  he  mentioned  it  with  that  Deference  which 
an  Officer  owes  to  the  opinion  of  his  commanding  Officer.1 

The  Character  you  give  Abercrombie  is  that  which  I  always  had  of 
him.  Webb,  by  having  been  so  much  detached,  has  not,  yet,  had  time 

1  St.  Clair's  letters  are  not  among  the  Cumberland  Papers. 


to  be  known  to  you;  &,  had  you  known  him  as  well  as  I  do,  you  would 
not  have  feared  that  he  would  have  returned  soured  from  his  Com- 
mand. He  is  a  sensible  discreet  Man,  as  well  as  a  good  Officer;  &  I 
can  venture  to  assure  you,  you  will  find  him  as  usefull  a  Help  as  any 
I  could  have  sent  with  you. 

As  to  O (way's  Regiment,  I  am  not  surprised  at  the  scandalous  Ac- 
count you  give  me  of  them.  They  have  never  seen  any  manner  of 
Service;  &,  I  am  afraid,  your  Letter  convinces  me  of  what  I  feared  be- 
fore, that  it  was  composed  of  a  Set  of  ignorant,  undisciplined  Officers; 
&  'till  you  make  Examples  of  the  officers,  you  will  never  make  a  Regi- 
ment of  it. 

The  two  Lieu'  Colonels  you  mention  are,  I  believe  both  of  them 
good  Officers '-;  &  by  your  Care,  I  don't  doubt  but  those  two  Regiments 
will,  by  next  year,  be  as  good  as  any  in  the  King's  army. 

As  to  the  Highland  Regiment,  they  have  an  excellent  officer  at  their 
head:  and,  if  they  have  but  a  Couple  of  Hundred  of  old  Flanderkins  in 
the  Battalion,  I  shall  look  upon  it  as  a  pretty  good  one. 

Bouquet  had  a  very  good  Character  in  the  Service  out  of  which  he 
came.  I  am  glad  you  find  him  a  diligent  officer. 

1  am  sorry  you  seem  to  fear  your  being  disappointed  in  the  Swiss 
Engineers.  But,  consider  the  Ranks  they  come  into  our  Service  in,  and 
whether  a  Vauban,  or  a  Coehorne  would  have  come  a  Captain  or  a 
Subaltern  into  an  American  Service? 

Your  Opinion  for  the  Operations  of  the  next  Campaign,  which  you 
have  mentioned  in  your  Letters  of  this  Date,  have  very  much  coincided 
with  the  Opinion  on  this  side  of  the  water,  and  already,  for  some  time 
past,  a  Naval  Expedition  has  been  intended  for  Louisbourg.  The  Suc- 
cess of  that  Operation,  a  Plan  of  which  I  will  transmit  to  you  herewith, 
would  very  properly  lead  on  to  the  main  Point  of  the  River  Sl  Law- 
rence. I  am  sensible  by  the  Events  of  these  two  last  Summers,  that  your 
Observation  is  very  just;  that,  in  whatever  Part  we  attack  Canada,  the 
Constitution  of  their  Government  gives  them  the  Advantage,  that  they 
can  transport  thither,  not  only  their  whole  regular  Force,  but  all  their 
Provincials,  who  are,  God  knows,  many  Degrees  above  ours:  and,  their 
Force  is  certainly  what  you  reckon  it;  six  European  Battalions  that 
went  from  old  France,  at  about  560:  Strong;  out  of  which  Strength  they 
lost  what  Boscawen  took,  8c  what  fell  with  Dieskau  in  his  Expedition; 
some  marine  Companies,  the  Canadian  Militia,  &  some  Indians. 

The  crude  Thoughts  that  occur  to  me,  at  this  Distance,  on  consider- 
ing that  Plan,  must  be  very  imperfect.  But,  yet,  I  propose  the  sending 

2  Thomas  Gage  and  Ralph  Burton. 

PLANS  FOR   1757  255 

you  over  a  Plan  for  your  Opinion  thereupon;  which,  if  you  should 
approve  of,  you  will  immediately  prepare  matters  lor,  &  send  us  back 
your  aprobation,  that  we  may  go  on,  here,  without  losing  time. 

I  see  the  Necessity  of  leaving  a  Couple  of  Battalions  <>l  Regulars  to 
defend  the  Forts;  and,  if  a  Number  of  Provincials  were  joined  to  them, 
&  so  posted  as  not  to  fear  an  attack  where  they  arc  posted,  1  hey  must 
either  keep  a  great  Number  of  the  Enemy  at  Tienderoga,  who  would, 
else,  be  employed  in  the  Defense  of  Quebec;  or.  if  the  Enemy  should 
withdraw  their  whole  Force  from  that  Part,  that  Body  might  march  on 
&  take  Possession  of  Montreal,  a  Place  I  have  very  good  (.rounds  to 
believe  not  tenable  against  a  Six  Pounder.  It  also  appears  to  me  that 
some  Force  ought  to  be  left  for  the  Defense  of  Pensilvania  &  Virginia, 
as  Oswego  is  now  gone;  and  a  Battalion  is  as  little  as  you  can  leave  for 
that  Service.  We  begin,  here,  to  know  the  New-England  Men;  and  we 
have  had  so  many  Disappointments  from  them,  that  the  Ciy  here,  at 
least  among  knowing,  sensible  People,  is  no  longer  in  their  Favour: 
and  the  aelelitional  Disappointments  that  you  seem  to  fear,  from  the 
various  Lies  &  Stories  which  that  Fellow  Shirley  has  instill'd  into  the 
Minds  of  the  People  of  that  Country,  will  certainly  have  some  Effect, 
'till  it  be  known  amongst  you,  how  he  has  been  received,  R:  how  he 
will  be  treated  here.  But,  still,  if  a  Number  of  them  could  be  got  for 
the  Purpose  above-mentioned  at  the  Forts,  &  small  Bodies  of  them 
could  be  brought  to  cross  the  Country,  &  break  up,  as  much  as  they 
could,  the  then  unguarded  Settlements  of  the  French,  they  would  cer- 
tainly strike  an  additional  Terror,  &:  would,  as  you  observe,  starve  them 
the  next  year,  if  we  had  the  Misfortune  to  miscarry. 

You  are  extremely  in  the  right,  in  recomending  the  not  mentioning 
the  Design  to  be  upon  Quebec.  Much  Assistance  you  can  not  flater 
yourself  with  from  this  Country,  when  you  are  informed  that,  through 
the  lowest  Clamour,  it  is  become  adviseable  for  His  Majesty  to  send 
away  the  foreign  Troops  that  were  sent  for  over  last  Spring,  for  to 
assist  to  defend  the  Mother  Country.  Artillery  can  be  easily  convey'd 
to  you  on  board  the  Squadron  intended  for  that  Service;  &  therefore. 
you  undoubtedly  will  need  no  Artillery  with  you.  I  shall  certainly  re- 
member your  Hint,  concerning  the  24th  Ball.  If  it  is  necessary.  Mr 
Baker  the  Contractor  shall  be  accjuainted  with  the  Expedition.  But, 
as  yet,  I  see  no  Necessity  for  it. 

I  am  sorry  that  you  have  not  yet  been  able  to  find  any  certain  March 
to  Tienderoga.  But,  I  hope  that  you  will,  in  time,  teach  your  Troops 
to  go  out  upon  Scouting  Parties:  for,  'till  Regular  Officers  with  men 
that  they  can  trust,  learn  to  beat  the  woods,  &  to  act  as  Irregulars,  you 


never  will  gain  any  certain  Intelligence  of  the  Enemy,  as  I  fear,  by  this 
time  you  are  convinced  that  Indian  Intelligence  &  that  of  Rangers  is 
not  at  all  to  be  depended  upon.  The  many  Dificulties  of  the  re- 
occupying  Oswego  were  plain  enough  by  the  almost  Impossibility  we 
have  been  in  of  maintaining  of  it;  and  the  Lights  which  you  have  given 
me  in  this  your  Private  Letter  have  greatly  strengthened  my  Opinion 
that  Quebec  is  the  proper  Thing  to  undertake. 

You  are  much  the  best  Judge  of  when  it  is  proper  to  hold  Councils 
of  war,  or  not:  for,  I  have  seldom  seen  any  good  come  from  them:  and 
especialy,  as  you  have  consulted  those  whom  you  thought  best  able 
to  give  you  Lights,  it  has  been  the  less  necessary.  In  general  Councils  of 
war  have  not  been  held  for  to  annoy  the  Enemy,  but  to  excuse  the 
General,  when,  either  Misconduct  or  unavoidable  Misfortunes  have 
prevented  the  Execution  of  the  Service  that  has  been  expected  from 

The  late  Treasury  had  already  taken  Notice  of  Mr  Shirley's  having 
drawn  upon  the  Pay-Master,  after  his  Command  was  finished,  &  the 
new  Board  shall  not  fail  to  be  warned  upon  that  Subject. 

Sl  James's,  December  23d  1756. 

I  must  conclude  this  long  Letter,  with  acquainting  you  that  Mr 
Shirley  is,  either  already,  or  immediately  to  be  brought  before  His 
Majesty's  Council,  whose  Report  will  give  a  better  Guidance  for  what 
further  Prosecutions,  either  Civil  or  Military  he  may  be  liable  to.  I 
don't  doubt  Mr  Pitt  will  acquaint  you  by  this  opportunity,  of  the 
Sentiments  of  His  Majesty's  Servants,  relating  to  the  Reinforcements 
intended  to  be  sent  to  you.  I  shall  do  all  that  is  in  my  Power  to  press 
the  sending  them  out  early,  &  with  such  Artillery,  Amunition  &c,  as 
may  make  them  answer  the  Purposes  they  May  be  intended  for. 

I  must  not  omit  to  mention  that  your  sending  of  Mr  Pownal  here, 
has  been  of  great  Service,  &  will  be  more  so,  when  we  come  to  fix 
upon  a  Plan.  By  the  little  Conversation  I  have  as  yet  had  with  him,  he 
has  fully  answered  the  Expectations  I  had  of  him,  from  the  Character 
Lord  Halifax  gave  him.  I  hope  we  shall  soon  be  able  to  send  him  back 
to  you,  as  I  am  sensible  he  must  be  a  great  Loss  to  you  from  his 
Capacity  &  the  Knowledge  he  has  of  that  Country. 

I  can,  with  great  Satisfaction  assure  you  that  His  Majesty  in  particu- 
lar, as  well  as  every  well-informed  Person,  is  highly  Satisfied  with  your 
prudent  Conduct  during  this  dificult  Campaign:  and  you  do  me  the 
Justice  to  believe  that  I  sincerely  rejoyce  at  the  Aprobation  given  to 
One,  whose  Measures,  Temper  &  judgement  have  been  so  entirely 


agreeable  to  my  own  Sentiments.  You  shall  find  all  the  Readiness  pos- 
sible in  me,  to  support  &  assist  you  and  your  Cause  here  ai  home,  with 
all  the  Strength  &  Warmth  I  am  capable  of.  I  remain  your  affection- 

nate  Friend, 

[Endorsed]  Letter  from  H:R:H:  to  Ld  Loudoun:  October  22:  IJ56:  continued 
Dec  the  2d  and  concluded  December  the  2}'  1J56.  N:B:  1  lis  ( .<>|>\ 
was  intended  for  a  Duplicate;  but  was  not  sent  to  his  Lordship. 

John  Thomlinson  1  to  Granville  2 


My  Lord  (Granville) 

As  our  Foreign  Trade  is  certainly  the  Source  of  all  our  Wealth,  and 
consequently  our  Strength,  Then  our  American  Collonies  and  planta- 
tions, must  absolutely  be  of  the  utmost  concicpjence  to  the  defence, 
wellfare  R:  hapiness  of  These  Kindoms,  As  the  Trade  with  Those  col- 
lonies &  plantations  are  of  greater  advantage  to  us  than  all  other 
Foreign  Trades  we  are  in  possession  of,  as  this  very  Trade  brings  in  afar 
greater  Ballance  to  the  increace  of  our  National  Stock,  Than  all  our 
other  Foreign  Trades  put  together;  And  also  Employs  More  Shipping, 
breedes  &  Employs  more  Seamen,  More  Artificers  Manufacturers,  &c 
&c,  than  all  the  Rest;  and  with  this  particular  advantage,  That  how- 
ever our  Other  Foreign  Trades  may  be  obstructed,  this  Trade  must 
still  continue  soley  our  Own;  And  this  our  most  daingerous  Ri vails 
in  Trade,  and  most  implacable  Enemies  the  French,  well  know,  And 
are  makeing  every  effort  in  their  power  to  wrest  this  inestimable  Foun- 
tain of  wealth  &  strength  out  of  our  hands,  and  should  they  ever  suc- 
ceed, how  must  we  then  be  distress'd  to  keep  up  our  Fleets  &  Annys  in 
so  respetable  a  manner  as  we  have  hitherto  done;  and  on  the  other 
hand  thus  loseing  so  large  a  Fund  of  wealth  and  strength,  navigation  & 
Trade,  to  our  most  bitter  Enemies,  will  enable  them  to  increase  their 
Navigation  &  Trade,  in  proportion  to  our  loss,  and  thereby  be  enabled 
to  increase  their  naval  strength  to  such  a  degree,  as  to  ingross  and 
Commond  all  the  Foreign  Tade  in  the  World,  And  altho  The  King- 
doms &  States  in  Europe,  may  not  at  present  Attend  to  These  Am- 
bitious Schemes  of  France;  but  supinely  set  under  them,  or  unnaturally 

1  John  Thomlinson  of  East  Barnet,  merchant  of  London,  was  one  of  the  army 
monev  contractors  and  since  1734  colonial  ajjent  for  New   Hampshire. 

-  John  Carteret,  Earl  Granville,  was  the  proponent  <>i  .1  vigorous  continental  policy 
when  secretary  of  state,  1742-1711.  and  was  lord  president  <>l  the  Privy  Council  from 
1751  to  1765. 


enter  into  them  for  some  present  End,  yet  if  Their  good  friends  the 
French  shall  ever  Carry  their  point  so  far,  as  to  reduce  these  Kingdoms 
to  their  Wish,  Their  insatiable  Thirst  of  Universal  Empire  cannot 
End  here,  but  thus  haveing  gott  the  Means  into  Their  hands;  without 
the  spirit  of  prophetsie  I  think  I  may  venture  to  say,  Their  turn  will 
be  Next;  and  that  the  first  Victims,  may  probebly  be,  Spain,  Holland 
&  Germany,  however  your  Lordship  can  see  much  better  &  farther 
into  these  Matters  than  I  can. 

And  this  My  Lord  I  only  disign'd  as  An  introduction  to  what  I  set 
down  to  offer  to  your  Lordships  consideration,  at  this  most  Critical 
juncture,  which  is  a  method  or  plan,  which  if  carried  into  Execution 
with  resolution  Vigor  &  Despatch,  as  his  most  Gracious  Majesty  has 
recomended  From  the  Throne,  (from  my  knowledge  of  the  North 
America  Collonies  and  the  long  Experience  I  have  had  in  their  Af- 
fairs) will  in  my  Opinion  not  only  put  an  End  to  all  our  present  dain- 
gers,  and  Difficultys  There,  but  Entirely  prevent  the  like  ever  hap- 

The  News  papers  My  Lord,  Bruite  it  about  this  Kingdom,  and 
concquently  All  over  Europe,  so  that  it  is  in  the  mouth  of  Every  man 
you  meet,  That  we  are  about  to  send  to  North  America,  a  great  num- 
ber of  Land  Forces,  and  a  strong  squadron  of  ships,  and  it  is  likewise 
said  &  believed,  the  French  are  doeing  the  same,  however,  if  They  are 
not,  they  undoubtedly  will;  upon  finding  what  we  are  doing  send  a 
greater  Number  of  Land  Forces,  and  ships  of  War,  out  of  Brest,  or  some 
other  Ports,  and  if  possible  to  be  in  North  America  Before  us,  and 
may  slip  out,  without  our  Cruizeing  squadrons  seeing  them,  as  was 
the  Case  the  last  year  when  Their  ships  of  war  frequently  went  out, 
and  in,  Notwithstand  the  Vigelence  of  our  cruizeing  squadrons,  or  it 
may  be,  this  armement  may  be  Esscorted  to  sea  beyond  the  Cruize  of 
our  squadron;  by  a  Fleet  superior  to  any  we  may  then  have  off 
Their  Ports,  as  was  the  Case  before,  and  whither  or  no  it  may  proceed 
from  the  deffrence  of  our,  and  the  French  Constitutions  I  cannot  say, 
but  this  is  generaly  said  &  believed  that  all  their  Expeditions  and  un- 
dertakings, are  resolved  on,  and  all  the  necessary  preprepareations 
made,  and  carried  into  Execution  with  such  impenetrable  secrecy  as  not 
to  be  discover'd  untill  the  Blow  is  struck,— While  on  the  other  hand, 
every  resolution  of  this  sort  Taken  here,  of  sending  Land  Forces  or  Even 
single  ships  of  War,  upon  Any  Expedition,  or  Ocasion  whatever,  or 
whenever  Any  Fleets  of  merchant  ships,  or  single  Rich  ships  are  Ex- 
pected home,  or  goeing  Out,  imeadially  Every  news  gatherer,  every 
Busie  inquisitive  Fellow,  or  spye,  do's  know  the  WHAT,  the  HOW, 


the  WHEN,  and  the  WHERE,  and  then  In  the  Villanous  And  mes- 
chivous  News  papers,  every  thing  we  do,  or  design  to  do,  not  only 
our  Friends,  But  also  our  Enemies  all  over  the  World  knows  <>l  it,  and 
are  thus  advertized  and  caution'd  to  prepare  to  defeat  Ever)   thing 

we  undertake. 

But  My  Lord  besides  this  Fatal  Licenciousness,  (which  sunk  might 
be  cure'd)  there  is  another  Evel  which  generally  Attends  all  oui  Un 
dertakeings,  whether  it  proceeds  from  the  Forms  [?]  ol  Offices,  01  what 
I  cannot  say,  But  generally  all  our  Expeditions  are  so  Teadious  in  their 
preparations,  that  the  proper  season  for  putting  them  in  Exe<  ution  has 
offten  been  lost,  And  at  other  times  the  Enemic  thus  advertize  as  above, 
have  had  sumcent  time  and  oppertunity  to  make  such  preparations, 
as  to  defeat  all  our  pin  pose's.  And  in  this  now  particular  Case,  more 
than  in  most  other,  Time  and  season  must  be  Attended  to.  And  give 
me  leave  My  Lord  to  say,  that  Now,  TIME  is,  and  a  Most  Critical  k 
precious  Time  indeed,  For  if  now  that  Vigour  8c  dispatch  which  his 
Majesty  has  so  graciously  recommended,  is  made  Use  of,  so  that  a 
sumcent  number  of  Troops  may  be  Embarked,  togeather  with  a  strong 
squadron,  and  ready  to  put  to  sea  with  the  first  fair  wind  after  the 
first  of  February,  so  as  to  be  able  to  get  to  North  America  by  the  first 
of  April,  that  they  may  have  the  whole  summer  before  them,  and  which 
may  probably  be  before  the  French  Armament  may  arrive  there,  and 
I  will  hope  That  at  this  Crittical  time  when  so  much  is  depending,  a 
very  sumcent  Body  of  Troops,  as  well  as  ships  of  War.  will  be  sent,  and 
at  the  aforesaid  time,  and  Then  I  am  satisfied  in  my  own  mind,  that 
(under  the  Favour  of  Divine  providence)  they  will  soon  remove  the 
dainger  which  at  present  threaten  us,  and  prevent  the  like  ever  hap- 
ening,  and  it  has  ever  been  my  way  of  Thinking,  That  Missfortuncs 
and  ills,  are  Easier  and  better  prevented,  Than  Cure'd  when  sufferd  to 
come  upon  us;  And  Theffore  at  this  important  Cricis,  will  it  not  be 
more  prudent,  at  once  to  remove  the  daingers  and  difficulty's  we  now 
labour  under,  for  ever,  Tho  at  A  Milion  Expence,  than  let  this  most 
favourable  Opertunity  slip,  so  that  our  Enimies  may  get  such  footing 
in  our  Collonies,  as  may  in  time  cost  these  Kingdoms  Twenty  Milions, 
and  at  last  not  be  able  to  dispossess  them,  or  recover  our  loss. 

And  now  My  Lord,  Tho  I  have  mentiond  my  hope  that  a  sufficent 
Body  of  Troops,  and  a  strong  squadron  will  be  ready  to  sail  lor  North 
America,  by  the  first  of  February,  I  will  not  pretend  to  say  what  num- 
ber of  Troops,  or  ships  of  war,  But  only  submit  to  Vmn  Lordship  my 
private  opinion,  what  may  be  necessarv  to  be  clone,  in  the  fitting  out. 
&  Destination  of  this  very  important  Expedition,  and  the  reasons  for 


this  opinion  Your  Lordship  will  see,  arrives  from  some  things  I  have 
Mentiond  above. 

Then  in  the  first  place  my  Lord,  Tho  as  I  have  said  the  report  has 
already  been  spread  universally,  that  this  Expidition  is  for  North 
America,  Vet  might  it  not  be  proper  and  Necessary  at  this  time,  to  do 
what  has  been  done  in  other  Case's  of  far  less  concequence;  That  is, 
That  some  hints  may  be  Thrown  out;  that  this  first  Expedition,  is  not 
for  America  But  for  some  other  purpose;  supose,  for  the  retakeing 
Minorca,  or  the  takeing  the  Island  of  Corsica,  This  report  would  soon 
obtain,  and  be  spread  all  over  Europe,  and  might  it  not  have  the  good 
Effect  of  diverting  the  Attention  of  the  French  from  America,  in  a 
good  measure,  or  At  least  retarding  &  Delaying  their  Expedition 
Thether,  if  so,  we  gain  a  great  point,  and  it  will  be  very  Easie  to  put 
This  report  out  of  All  doubt,  with  the  News  Mongers,  spyes  &c,  By 
giveing  orders  to  the  Navy,  &  Ordnance  Boards,  to  take  up  &  hire 
The  Transports  for  carrieing  the  soldiers,  ar tilery  &:c  &c,  for  Minorca 
Corsica,  or  to  all  or  Any  Other  ports  or  place's,  where  they  shall  be 
orderd  by  the  Commander  in  Chief  for  the  time  being. 

And  My  Lord  The  Thus  Chartring  These  Transports  For  One 
Voyage,  And  after  they  are  gott  to  sea  ordering  them  to  proceed  upon 
Another,  Cannot  in  my  humble  opinion  be  of  the  least  hurt  or  dam- 
age, to  them,  as  the  very  same  Fitting  out,  as  to  stores  provision  Men 
&c,  must  be  nessasary  in  one  Voyage,  as  in  the  other,  And  so  will  be 
in  all  the  ships  of  war,  which  are  to  Accompany  them,  and  the  same 
orders  and  Instructions  will  very  properly  Operate,  untill  they  are  a 
proper  distance  at  sea,  where  it  may  be  thought  proper  to  direct  their 
Final  Orders  &  Instructions  to  be  opened;  And  which  in  my  humble 
opinion  may  be  when  the  Fleet  has  proceeded  as  near  as  they  could, 
upon  a  West  South  West  Course  one  hundred  Leagues  West  from  the 
Lands  End  of  England;  And  the  Final  orders  to  be  There  and  then 
opened  &:  in  my  opinion  should  Then  be,  That  they  all  proceed  a  direct 
Course  for  New  York,  untill  they  Attain  the  Meridian  of  Halifax  in 
Nova  Scotia,  where  in  all  probibility  they  will  be  out  of  the  way 
of  any  French  squadron,  Then  and  there,  it  may  be  proper  for  the 
Commander  to  put  the  Fleet  of  Transports  store  ships  Sec,  under  a 
proper  Convoy  to  see  them  safe  to  New  York,  And  then  to  proceed 
with  His  Squadron  directly  to  Louisbourg,  (takeing  care  to  avoid  the 
daingerous  Isle  of  Sables,  which  lyes  directly  in  his  way)  and  for  some 
time  to  Cruize  of  that  Harbour,  spreading  all  the  ships  under  his 
Command,  from  Louisbourg  aCross  the  straits  between  that  place  and 
Newfoundland,  and  so,  as  to  be  within  call;  and  thus  they  can  hardly 


miss  any  of  the  French  ships  of  war,  or  Transports,  if  we  have  the 
good  fortune  to  be  there  before  them,  lor  it  cannot  be  supposed  thai 
they  will  attempt  the  straits  of  Betile  [Belle  Isle],  before  the  summei 
is  piitty  well  advanced,  and  Therefore,  I  am  ol  opinion  1  he)  must 
come  this  way,  and  that  all  or  some  of  Them,  will  Certainly  Call  at 
Louisbourg,  for  information,  &:  other  purpose's,  8c  espicially  to  learn  ii 
the  Gulf  &  River  of  Sl  Laurence  is  so  free  from  Ice,  thai  the  navigation 
is  safe  for  such  large  ships,  and  here  our  Fleel  will  soon  meet  with  and 
take  some  of  The  French  ships,  or  Vessills,  whereby  they  will  gel  in- 
tilegence  if  the  French  Fleet  is  arrived,  and  where  they  arc.  or  if  not 
arrived  when  Expected,  and  take  their  measures  accordingly,  and  the) 
also  will  be  here  ready  as  the  season  advances,  to  proceed  up  the  river 
of  S1  Laurence,  or  where  Ever  it  may  be  found  necessary. 

And  now  My  Lord,  by  the  time  this  Fleet  shall  be  arrived  off  Louis- 
bourg,  and  thus  properly  station'd;  I  will  hope,  that  the  Fleet  of 
Transports  may  be  safe  at  New  York,  and  there  find  every  thing  pre- 
pared to  Carry  the  Troops  &C,  up  Hudsons  River  to  Albany,  or  where- 
ever  Lord  Louden  may  order  them  to  join  the  army,  and  which  I  hope 
They  will  meet  all  Assembled,  and  in  good  order,  and  spirits,  and  fit 
for  Action,  And  of  sufficient  Force  to  drive  the  French  before  them. 
And  Then,  after  we  shall  have  The  good  fortine  to  become  Masters 
of  the  Fortress  8c  Garison  of  Crown  Point,  I  think  our  Troops  will 
not  have  much  difficulty  in  getting  by  the  way  of  Lake  Champlain,  and 
otherways  to  the  Banks  of  the  River  S*  Laurence,  and  then,  by  the 
blessing  of  God,  Monreal  &  Quebeck  will  soon  be  in  our  hands,  and 
then  all  the  French  Forts  8;  settlements  in  those  parts  must  fall  of 
Course,  and  the  great  work  in  this  part  of  the  World  will  be  over. 

And  I  must  hope,  That  as  soon  as  our  Arms  are  blessed  with  suc- 
cess so  far  as  to  have  got  possession  of  Crown  Point,  And  Lord  Louden 
can  form  a  judgement,  at  what  time  his  army  may  arrive  before  Que- 
beck, and  that  if  he  shall  find  it  necessary,  he  will  send  directly  Ex- 
presse  from  Crown  point,  to  the  Commander  of  our  Fleet  off  Louis- 
bourg, acquainting  him  with  his  Lordships  Plan  of  Operation,  and 
the  time  it  may  be  necessary  for  the  Fleet  to  be  before  Quebeck;  and 
may  in  my  opinion  be  the  soonest  and  best  done,  by  sending  his 
despatches  to  Governor  Wentworth,  who  lives  at  Portsmouth  in  the 
province  of  Newhamshire,  8c  near  The  mouth  of  the  River  Piscataqua, 
and  where  there  are  constantly  ships  and  Vessills,  so  to  be  reach  to 
carry  these  dispatches  to  the  Fleet,  and  this  being  the  nearest  port  to 
Nova  Scotia. 

And  with  great  submition  to  your  Lordship,  may  it  not  he  necessar) 


to  do,  if  not  already  done,  and  that  is,  for  the  government  to  send 
away  a  nimble  ship,  and  also  duplicate  by  the  first  New  York  packet, 
or  otherwise,  Orders  to  all  the  Governors  in  North  America,  to  raise 
as  many  men  as  possible,  to  Join  Lord  Loudon  by  the  first  of  April, 
And  I  am  of  opinion  that  they  will  raise  a  great  number,  provided 
they  shall  at  the  same  time  be  promised,  to  be  reimbursed  the  Expence 
of  these  Extraordnary  Forces,  and  as  I  have  said  before,  That  let  it 
cost  what  it  may,  it  will  in  My  Opinion  be  far  better  to  finish  this 
most  intresting  Affair  in  One  Year,  Than  to  prolong  it  to  a  great 
length  of  Time,  And  a  Monstrous  Expence. 

My  Lord,  nothing  but  my  Zeal  for  my  King  and  Country,  and  def- 
fence  security  peace  and  happiness  of  his  Majestys  Domions,  and  of 
Every  individual  Therein,  could  have  induced  me  to  have  taken  this 
liberty,  of  troubleing  Your  Lordship,  with  so  long  &  incorect  a  Letter, 
and  on  such  a  subject,  as  I  could  not  let  any  body  see  or  make  a  fair 
Copy  of,  And  if  there  should  be  any  thing  in  it,  that  can  be  of  any 
service  to  the  publick,  Then  my  End  is  answer'd;  But  if  not,  I  am 
Well  satisfied  from  the  Experience  I  have  had  of  Your  Lordships  can- 
dor that  you  will  beleive  it  is  well  mean't,  &  Therefore  will  take  the 
Will  for  the  Deed.— I  am  with  the  greatest  deffrance  and  regard,  May 
it  please  Your  Lordship,  your  Lordships  Most  Obed1  humble  servant 

John  Thomlinson 
East  Barnet  the  13th  of  December  1756 

To  the  Right  Honourable  John  Earl  of  Granville  President  of  His 
Majestys  most  Honourable  Privy  Council. 

[Endorsed]  East-Barnet;  Decern1"  iy.  1756  Mr  Thomlinson,  to  Lord  Granville; 
with  considerats  upon  the  intended  Expedition  to  North  America. 

Cumberland  to  Loudoun 


most  private, 

Sl  James's  Dec1"  23d  1756. 

my  Lord  Loudoun,  I  write  this  private  Letter  to  you  to  assure  you  of 
the  thorough  Satisfaction  your  Conduct  has  give  me  &  will  not  fail 
to  Support  you  to  the  utmost  of  my  Power  through  the  many  dificul- 
ties  you  find  in  the  executing  of  your  orders  &  in  opposition  to  the 
public  Service. 

Nothing  can  be  worse  than  our  Situation  here  at  home,  without  any 
Plan,  or  even  a  Desire  to  have  one.  great  Numbers  talked  of  to  be 


Sent  you,  but  without  any  Consideration  of  how,  &  from  whence,  with- 
out considering  what  they  Shoud  carry  with  them.  But,  that  you  may 
know  what  can  be  done  for  you,  I  write  in  my  own  Hand,  trusting 
to  your  Honour  that  you  will  burn  this  as  Soon  as  read.1 

The  King  will  Spare  you  five  old  Battalions  from  Europe  &  two 
thousand  new  raised  High  I  a  riders,  which  will  make  6000:  men,  officers 
included:  8c  1  will  Send  a  proper  Train  of  Artillery  with  them.  Pre- 
pare your  own  Plan  for  one  army  up  the  .V  Lawrence  River,  &  for  the 
other  to  keep  the  Enemy  in  check,  from  where  your  army  now  is.  I 
will  Send  you  my  Thoughts  more  fully  with  a  Plan  of  mine  for  your 
operations,  which  you  Shall  be  left  at  Liberty,  either  to  adopt,  in  part, 
or  not  at  all,  as  you  Shall  find  it  proper,  from  your  better  Information. 
I  don't  doubt  a  moment  of  your  burning  this  Letter.  So  don't  answer 
it;  but  Send  your  Plan  &  Thoughts  without  taking  any  Notice  of  this 
most  private  Letter.  I  remain  very  Sincerely  your  most  affectionate 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland 


Albany  22d  November  1756. 
concluded  at  New  York;  26:  Decern1"   1756. 

I  have  in  my  Letter  to  Mr  Fox,  given  an  account  of  the  Quarters  I 
have  put  the  Troops  into;  but  it  is  necessary,  I  should  likewise  Ac- 
quaint Your  Royal  Highness  with  my  reasons,  for  making  that  distribu- 
tion of  them. 

In  order  to  save  Your  Royal  Highness  trouble,  in  looking  back  to 
my  Letter,  I  have  sent  you  a  return  of  the  Situation  of  the  Troops. 

I  determined  to  Garrison  Fort  William-Henry  and  Port  Edward, 
with  the  jjth  &  48th  Regiments,  because  I  found  those  two  Regiments, 
much  more  Soldiers,  than  any  Troops  I  had  to  place  there,  and  I 
thought  them  the  only  People,  on  whom  I  could  depend,  foi  making 
a  propper  defense,  in  case  of  an  Attack.  If  I  take  another  Rout.  I 
shall  relieve  them  in  the  Spring;  if  I  do  not,  they  are  ready  to  take 
the  Field:  If  I  had  taken  but  one  for  that  purpose,  it  would  have  pre- 
vented their  recruiting;  and  the  other  of  them,  had  not  so  many  men 
as  were  necessary  for  the  Garrisons. 

1  The  signed  letter  of  which  ilii>  is  the  autograph  draft  is  in  the  Loudoun  Papers 
in  the  Huntington  Library. 


The  remains  of  them  I  bring  to  Albany,  and  I  shall  keep  them  both 
there,  along  with  the  35**  Regiment,  who  I  likewise  keep  at  Albany, 
to  be  immediately  under  the  Eye  of  Major  General  Abercromby,  who 
will  look  very  well  to  them;  and  I  hope,  by  their  doing  duty  along 
with  the  officers  and  Men  of  the  44th  and  48th  Regiments,  we  may  by 
the  next  Campaign,  Improve  both  their  Officers  and  Men;  and  I  do 
assure  You,  there  has  been  no  pains  Spared:  They  are  a  fine  body  of 
Men,  and  will  be  a  good  Regiment;  and  in  order  to  forward  that,  I 
am  now  picking  out  some  good  Officers,  to  fill  up  the  Lieutenantcies 
that  are  left  vacant  in  it. 

There  was  a  great  push  made,  to  persuade  me  to  throw  in  the  42* 
Regiment  into  the  Forts,  but  as  they  have  very  few  of  the  Men  remain- 
ing, that  were  with  You  in  Flanders;  great  part  of  those  that  came 
from  Ireland,  new;  and  five  hundred  recruits  thrown  in  just  now;  I 
dared  not  trust  the  defense  of  those  places  to  them  this  Winter.  I  sent 
them  to  Schenectady,  where  they  will  have  most  of  their  Men  to- 
gether, having  only  two  hundred  and  Fifty  Men  detached,  where  they 
are  among  the  Indians,  and  are  likelyer  to  agree  with  them,  than  any 
other  of  the  Troops,  as  the  Indians  have  an  Opinion,  that  they  are  a 
kind  of  Indians. 

The  Royal  Americans,  I  have  been  obliged  to  turn  into  several 
Shapes:  I  have  now  divided  them  into  the  four  Battalions,  and  from 
the  duty  they  have  had  this  Summer,  those  we  had,  are  better  able  to 
assist  in  disciplining  the  Recruits,  than  they  would  otherwise  have 
been.  The  Quarters  1  have  chose  for  them,  are  in  the  Heart  of  our 
only  recruiting  Country,  and  are  the  most  convenient  for  taking  the 
Field  next  Campaign,  where-ever  it  is  to  be.  If  You  approve  of  the 
Plan,  of  going  up  the  River  Sf  Laurence;  I  can  at  once,  from  New-York 
and  the  Jerseys,  put  those  two  Battalions  in  Sloops,  and  carry  them 
Land  locked,  to  Bristol,  and  from  there,  March  them  Fifty  Miles  of 
good  road,  to  Boston;  the  other  two  Battalions  being  more  South,  I 
can  March  so,  as  to  take  up  the  Quarters  in  the  Jerseys,  the  day  the 
others  embark,  and  so  put  them  on  board  likewise.  I  have  mentioned 
landing  them  at  Bristol,  or  in  that  Bay,  for  I  should  not  chuse,  early 
in  the  Spring,  to  venture  to  turn  that  long  Point  of  Land,  to  carry 
them  round  to  Boston  in  Sloops;  for  should  they  meet  with  a  North 
West  wind,  they  must  stand  Streight  for  the  West  Indies. 

The  Objection  is  still  stronger,  to  putting  the  Troops  to  the  South- 
ward, at  once  into  Transports,  because  they  must  stand  without  all 
the  Nantucket  Shoals,  which  is  a  bad  Navigation;  and  without  a  Con- 
voy, would  run  the  risk  of  being  pickt  up  by  the  Enemy;  this  is  the 


Situation,  if  the  Campaign  is  to  be  on  thai  side:  II  it  is  to  be  pushed 
on  this  way,  the  convenience  of  Wain  Carriage,  answers  the  same 
from  New  York  and  the  Jerseys  here,  thai  whenever  the  Sloops  are  Col- 
lected, the  whole  or  any  pan  Sails  up  the  River  to  Albany. 

My  reasons  for  distributing  the  Independent  Companies,  are,  as 
they  arc  in  so  bad  a  Condition,  I  dare  not  trust  them  quite  to  them- 
selves, to  set  them  right;  therefore,  have  in  some  degree,  Join'd  cadi 
to  a  Battalion,  that  they  may  he  under  the  Eye  and  Inspection  ol  the 
Commanding  Officer  of  a  Battalion;  from  where  I  hope  to  have  them 
compleated  with  good  Men. 

As  the  Provinces  South  to  this,  where  the  Royal  Americans  and  three 
of  the  Independent  Companies  are  Quartered,  are  the  only  one's  from 
where  we  have  hitherto  got  Recruits,  I  was  under  a  necessity,  <>l  allow- 
ing the  35"'  jj">  &  ./«V"'  Regiments  to  Recruit  there  likewise,  or  I  could 
not  in  any  other  Shape  have  compleated  them;  which  I  am  in  hopes 
to  do,  altho'  the  Recruits  have  come  in  very  Slow  of  late. 

By  being  obliged  te)  have  so  many  Corps  recruiting  there,  the  whole 
Country  is  as  full  of  recruiting  Officers  as  it  can  hold;  which  [oined, 
with  what  I  understand,  was  one  of  the  motives  for  raising  Majors 
General  Shirley  and  Pepperell's  Regiments,  that  out  of  the  numbers 
of  Men  in  New  England  they  could  be  immediately  compleated,  tho' 
that  did  not  happen,  and  the  most  of  them  were  raised  in  the  South  : 
Yet  as  Mr  Pcppcrcll  is  on  the  Spot,  and  Mr  Shirley  has  still  a  party 
Subsisting,  both  which,  I  will  endeavor  to  pique  on  compleating  those 
two  Corps;  I  thought  it  right,  not  to  over  load  the  South  with  more 
recruiting  Officers,  at  least  till  I  had  got  sure  of  the  Corps  already  re- 
cruiting there,  compleated,  and  made  the  Experiment  in  New  Eng- 
land; besides,  till  another  Packet  arrives,  I  do  not  know  certainly, 
what  Orders  I  shall  receive  about  those  two  Battalions. 

Captain  Richmond's  Independent  Company,  I  am  assured  by  every 
body,  will  be  compleated  there:  and  for  that  reason  I  sene!  them  there. 

I  have  on  purpose  avoided,  sending  any  of  the  Independent  Com- 
panies to  New  York,  as  the  Governor  used  to  have  the  Command  of 
them;  and  from  many  Incidents,  I  see  is  still  very  unwilling  to  believe, 
he  has  it  not  yet. 

I  have  been  forced  to  keep  the  Troops  too  late  in  the'  field;  first, 
from  the  Enemy  keeping  so  long  in  a  body  in  our  Neighbourhood; 
then,  to  finish  the  Forts  so  far  as  to  make  them  defensible;  ami  thirdly 
here  for  want  of  barracks,  in  which  I  have  been  \e  i\  dl  served;  for  Mr 
Montrcsor,  whom  I  employed  as  being  Chief  Engineer,  has  shifted  so 
often  from  one  thing  to  another,  without   Acquainting  me.   tho"  on 


the  Spot,  and  making  Alterations,  &  carrying  on  works  without  Ac- 
quainting me,  which  has  thrown  the  Barracks  so  far  back,  that  I  am 
forced  to  put  the  Troops  into  Quarters,  which  are  not  able  well  to 
contain  them;  this  I  believe  he  will  not  try  again,  but  business  will  not 
go  on  under  his  direction;  it  is  all  very  well  when  he  is  with  you,  but 
as  his  Practise  has  plainly  been  all,  in  drawing  &  directing  in  his  room, 
it  neither  goes  on  nor  is  well  directed,  when  he  is  from  you. 

Your  Royal  Highness  will  see  in  my  Publick  Letter,  the  Situation 
of  the  Forts;  to  which  I  shall  add,  that  those  Wooden  Forts  are  so  far 
good,  that  they  consume  a  great  deal  of  Timber,  and  by  that,  clear 
round  themselves;  but  on  the  other  hand,  they  occasion  a  great  deal 
of  labour,  in  driving  home  those  logs,  squaring  them,  and  dovetail- 
ing them  together  at  all  the  Angles;  And  from  what  I  can  yet  Judge, 
will  not  last  long,  before  they  are  rotten  and  decayed:  my  opinion  is, 
not  above  five  or  Six  years,  and  I  see  none,  that  imagine  they  will  last 
above  Seven  Years. 

I  form  my  Judgement  in  this  case,  from  what  I  see;  first,  all  the  Tim- 
ber one  sees  lying  in  the  Woods,  with  which  they  are  quite  full,  is  all 
rotten;  even  that,  which  was  cut  in  Spring  1755,  to  make  the  Road, 
is  very  much  Spoilt;  but  there  they  are  very  much  Shaded,  and  under 
the  drop  of  other  Trees,  which  consumes  timber  very  fast:  But  I  see 
likewise,  at  Fort  William-Henry,  in  the  works  that  were  carried  on 
there  last  year,  that  the  timber  has  already  suffered;  and  in  the  Case- 
mattes  there,  where  the  Water  has  Soaked  through;  but  the  great  Logs, 
from  not  being  sufficiently  secured  with  Oakum,  are  very  much  Rot- 
ted; and  even  the  People  here,  agree  that  the  Timber  of  this  Country, 
rotts  much  sooner  than  the  Timber  in  Europe  does;  but  indeed  there 
is  no  Justice  done  to  it  here,  for  it  is  cut  when  wanted,  and  directly 
put  to  use,  whatever  the  Season  of  the  Year  is;  For  which  reason,  when- 
ever there  is  occasion  to  build  a  Fort,  that  probably  will  remain,  if 
there  is  Stone  k  Lime  near,  I  should  advise  it's  being  built  of  them. 
The  Alegation  that  I  have  heard,  that  Lime  does  not  bind  in  this 
Country,  I  do  not  find  holds  in  private  buildings,  tho*  I  am  afraid 
it  does  in  many  Publick,  both  with  us  and  the  French;  but  that  seems 
to  be  entirely  owing,  to  the  buildings  being  made  in  the  end  of  the 
Year,  after  the  Frosts  are  begun. 

When  I  mentioned  the  Garrisons,  I  neglected  to  inform  you,  that 
I  had  stowed  them  with  Eight  Months  Provisions;  the  Storm  prevent- 
ing the  Troops  at  Fort  Edward,  longer  from  Marching  than  intended, 
may  encroach  on  that,  but  I  have  Provisions  in  the  Magazines  on  the 
Road,  to  supply  that,  as  soon  as  Slaying  comes  to  be  good,  which  is 


the  Cheapest  way  of  doing  it;  and  if  the  Winter  proves  good  Eoi  sl.» \  . 
I  propose  keeping  those  Magazines  lull,  b)  Idling  up  as  they  consume 
them.  I  have  likewise  left  the  Pay  for  the  Garrisons  <>t  the  two  Forts, 
to  the  23d  of  February. 

As  to  other  particulars,  relating  to  tin  1  roops;  there  are  two.  that 
it  is  necessary  for  me  to  mention  to  You.  I  Acquainted  you  with  the 
manner,  in  which  I  proposed  to  recruit  and  Cloath  the  Men  oi  the 
44th  &  j8th  Regiments;  that  I  proposed  to  have  compleated  the  jo** 
&  jj4*  Regiments,  so  far  as  would,  in  a  great  measure,  have  answered 
the  filling  up  the  others,  and  to  have  Cloathed  them  before  I  drafted 
them.  I  had  great  hopes,  of  the  North  Carolina  Troops  submitting  to 
Mr  Dobson's  determination,  and  having  them  all  turned  over;  and  of 
recruits  from  the  New  York  and  Jersey  Regiments;  but  those  two  last 
keep  up  their  Regiments,  to  avoid  the  intollerable  expence  they  are 
at  in  Lexry  Money  every  year;  and  the  Carolina  Troops  would  not  Sub- 
mit to  be  turned  over,  without  force;  which  I  thought  better  avoided, 
as  I  shall  have  them  turned  over  as  soon  as  they  return,  by  their  own 
People;  and  since  they  were  ordered  home,  I  have  got  a  good  many  of 
them  enlisted  in  the  Americans.  And  as  to  my  Plan  of  drafting  the 
50"'  &  51st  Regiments,  to  compleat  the  ././"'  &  48**,  with  Cloathing,  it 
will  not  answer;  for  those  Regiments  really  want  more  (Moat lis  than 
Men;  Besides  which,  another  misfortune  attends  them,  that  very  few 
of  their  Coats  will  make  waistcoats;  they  are  so  thorough  worn,  that 
they  are  really  like  Cobwebs,  tho'  they  have  kept  them  as  decent  as 
they  can,  with  mending  them:  So  that  on  considering  those  things, 
and  both  the  badness  of  any  Stuff  can  be  bought  here,  to  cover  those 
Men,  and  the  excessive  price  it  Costs  in  this  Country,  it  seems  to  all 
of  us  here,  that  the  best  way  we  could  supply  that  Cloathing,  was,  b) 
taking  as  much  of  the  50**  &  ?ist  Regiments,  as  would  do  it:  that  who- 
ever was  to  Pay  that  Cloathing,  it  was  both  better  and  cheaper,  than 
what  could  be  got  here;  and  this  is  a  Climate,  where  Men  cannot  live 
in  Winter,  without  Cloaths. 

If  those  Regiments  are  to  be  recruited,  up  to  the  full  establishment, 
there  will  be  still  time  enough,  to  replace  that  Cloathing  from  Eng- 
land; if  vacancies  are  to  be  kept,  for  the  Men  that  are  Prisoners,  there 
will  be  more  than  enough  of  Spare  Cloathing. 

The  other,  is  the  Supernumeraries  of  the  Highlanders,  which  Your 
Royal  Highness  agreed  should  be  put  in  the  Royal  Americans,  and 
drafted  from  there,  to  compleat  the  42*  Regiment,  as  wanted:  As  the) 
have  all  along  looked  on  themselves,  as  belonging  to  the  Highland 
Regiment,  and  I  believe  the  American  Officers,  when  they  had  so  many 


Men  to  discipline,  not  chosing  to  be  troubled  with  teaching  them,  have 
all  beg'd  of  me,  to  Join  them  to  the  j2d  Regiment,  and  to  continue 
to  charge  their  Pay  to  the  Royal  Americans,  till  they  fall  into  the  j2d 
by  vacancies,  which  I  have  agreed  to;  and  they  are  now  with  the 
Highlanders.  I  should  likewise  have  told  Your  Royal  Highness,  that 
one  Ship,  with  Recruits  from  Germany,  must  either  be  taken,  but 
more  probably  lost;  for  she  came  out  with  the  Ships  that  arrived  a  con- 
siderable time  ago  from  Stade;  She  was  with  them  in  the  Orkneys, 
there  complained  her  Provisions  would  not  hold  out  the  Voyage,  and 
then  made  so  much  Water,  that  her  Pumps  were  constantly  going; 
Some  of  the  Officers,  Mr  McLane  I  think,  went  a  Shore,  and  bought 
some  Provisions  for  her,  but  She  would  not  stay  to  take  them  on  board, 
but  left  them  there,  and  went  to  Sea:  they  say  the  Captain  had  Letters 
of  Mark  on  board,  and  it  was  imagined,  he  chose  to  part  with  the 
other  Ships,  in  hopes  of  taking  a  Prize,  with  the  assistance  of  so  many 
Men  on  board.  If  there  is  no  account  of  her  come  to  London,  She  must 
be  lost. 

I  come  now  to  the  Prisoners  taken,  and  sent  home;  from  them,  I 
imagine  Your  Royal  Highness  may  have  all  the  Information  that  can 
be  had  of  that  Place;  Several  of  them  were  there,  when  Mr  Shirley 
was  there  last  year;  others  of  them,  have  been  there  all  Winter;  who 
can  give  full  information,  of  what  situation  things  were  in,  at  both 
those  periods;  for  which,  the  information  I  have  had,  of  which  I  trans- 
mitted Copies,  will  furnish  so  many  of  the  Queries:  Mr  McKellar  can 
give  you  information,  of  the  situation  of  the  Fortifications;  and  by  all 
I  hear,  Mr  Pitcher,  the  Commissary  of  Musters,  will  be  as  likely  a  Man 
to  tell  truth  as  any,  of  all  that  could  come  to  his  knowledge:  And  from 
Letters,  from  Mr  Lewis'  wife,  to  him,  I  imagine,  if  Mr  Alexander  does 
not  get  hold  of  him,  he  will  reveal  all  the  Clandestine  Trade;  as  her 
advice  is,  to  Join  with  the  People  that  are  come,  and  reveal  all;  for 
She  says,  She  does  not  see,  why  he  should  ruin  himself,  for  People  who 
have  used  him  so  111.  he  was  Commissary  of  the  Stores;  and  had  the 
disposal  of  the  Goods,  sent  up  by  Messrs  Alexander  Irwin  &ca,  and  can 
inform  what  Quantities  of  them  were  sent  up  in  the  Kings  Batteaus, 
and  at  his  Expence;  by  which,  the  Garrison  come  to  be  in  such  dis- 
tress last  Winter,  for  Provisions. 

It  is  plain,  those  two  Regiments  were  never  regularly  Paid;  I  have 
suspected  many  reasons,  but  I  am  not  yet  able,  to  find  out  the  true 
State  of  the  Case:  I  long  suspected,  that  as  Mr  Shirley  used  to  put 
many  of  his  Warrants  into  the  hands  of  his  People,  and  allow  them 
to  Negotiate  them,  with  the  Contractors  Agents  here,  that  they  had 


a  Share  in  the  chawing  lor  the  Money;  but  this.  Majoi  Craven  as- 
sures me  was  not  the  Case:  He  is  now  drawing  up  a  State  ol  thai  case, 
a  Copy  of  which  I  shall  enclose;  and  as  Captain  More,  ol  the  50th,  is 
sent  home,  it  may  be  got  out  ol  him;  foi  it  is  ver)  extraordinary,  thai 
That  Regiment,  that  never  was  compleat,  should  have  bul  so  small  a 
Sum  in  the  Pay  Masters  hands,  when  I  Landed. 

I  have  discharged  several  of  those  two  Regiments,  and  the  Independ- 
ent Companies,  which  will  not  appear  in  those  returns;  those  foi 
November  not  being  all  come  in  yet. 

I  am  still  afraid,  1  shall  have  a  good  deal  of  trouble  in  Settling  the 
Quarters;  but  as  this  year  will  be  the  Precedent  for  future  times,  I 
shall  spare  no  Pains  to  sett  it  right.  In  this  place,  the)  icaly  have 
hardly  any  more  beds,  than  they  lye  on  themselves;  I  am  forced  to 
give  the  Men  Palliasses;  and  tho'  they  have  a  better  Excuse  than  the 
other  Quarters,  from  the  number  of  Troops  here,  I  am  alt  aid  1  shall 
be  forced  to  do  it  every  where;  but  I  shall  take  care  to  keep  up  my 
Claim,  to  every  thing  included  in  the  Mutiny  Ail. 

I  am  afraid,  I  shall  be  blamed  for  the  Ranging  Companies;  but 
as  realy  in  Ellect  we  have  no  Indians,  it  is  impossible  for  an  Army  to 
Act  in  this  Country,  without  Rangers;  and  there  ought  to  be  a  con- 
siderable body  of  them,  and  the  breeding  them  up  to  that,  will  be  a 
great  advantage  to  the  Country,  for  they  will  be  able  to  deal  with  In- 
dians in  their  own  way;  and  from  all  I  can  see,  are  much  stronger 
and  hardier  fellows  than  the  Indians,  who  are  many  of  them  tall,  as 
most  of  the  People  here  are,  but  have  a  small  feeble  Arm,  and  are  a 
loose-made  indolent  sett  of  People;  and  hardly  any  of  them,  have  the 
least  degree  of  Faith  or  honesty;  and  I  doubt  a  good  deal  of  their  Coin- 
age: better  times,  may  shew  them  in  a  different  light. 

I  believe  in  a  former  Letter.  I  misinformed  Your  Royal  Highness, 
about  the  number  of  deserters,  from  the  jj'h  and  jS"'  Regiments,  and 
made  them  about  three  hundred  from  each;  I  have  since  perceived,  I 
had  Jumbled  that  wrong  in  my  own  head,  for  it  is  about  three  hundred 
from  the  two;  but  as  the  returns  come  along  with  that  Letter,  it  would 
shew  that  affair  as  it  is. 

In  the  return  from  Quebeck,  I  imagine  those  Prisoners  that  are  not 
accounted  for,  have  enlisted  with  the  Enemy. 

Enclosed,  I  send  Your  Royal  Highness  a  State  ol  the  Independent 
Companies;  I  think,  if  you  approve  of  it,  they  had  better  be  put  on 
the  same  footing  with  the  other  Troops,  as  to  their  manner  of  being 
Paid,  and  take  off  that  ten  per  Cent,  which  is  stopped,  l>\  1  educing 
the  Surgeons  and  Chaplain;  as  they  have  but  two  of  the  first,  lor  the 


four  Companies,  I  should  think,  they  had  better  have  a  Mate  to  each; 
And  as  for  the  Chaplain,  I  do  not  find  they  ever  saw  him:  If  you 
do  not  chuse  to  make  that  Establishment  any  more  expensive,  that 
may  be  kept  on  the  same  footing,  by  reducing  a  few  of  the  Men  of 
each  Company:  If  you  chuse  to  Regiment  them,  there  is  likewise  a 
Plan  sent  for  that. 

There  is  one  thing,  I  would  beg  leave  to  mention,  for  Your  Royal 
Highness  Consideration,  which  is,  whether  you  would  allow  the  Cap- 
tains of  those  Companies,  to  continue  to  draw  their  own  Money,  as 
they  have  always  done,  which  is  a  difference  to  them,  of  fourteen  or 
fifteen  per  Cent;  which  will  make  those  Companies  a  better  thing  to 
give  to  an  Old  Officer,  when  you  chuse  to  put  them  there.  I  shall  have 
great  difficulty,  to  make  any  thing  of  those  Companies,  there  are  so 
very  few  Officers  in  them,  who  know  any  thing  of  the  Trade;  but  that 
I  shall  endeavor  to  remedy,  as  fast  as  Vacancies  happen,  and  I  can  get 
People  to  supply  their  Places,  who  can  discipline  them:  Many  of  the 
Officers  have  been  Indian  Traders,  and  bought  of  the  Governor,  for 
the  convenience  of  carrying  on  their  Trade:  Among  those,  is  Lieu1 
Roseboom,  who  is  in  that  sort  of  Condition,  as  the  Surgeons  of  our 
own  Hospitals,  whom  I  have  sent  to  Visit  him,  assure  me,  I  cannot 
force  him  to  do  duty,  as  he  is,  what  they  call,  Hypocondriack,  but  in 
no  likelyhood  of  dying.  I  hope  Your  Royal  Highness  will  not  disap- 
prove, if  I  can  get  him  to  Sell  for  one  hundred  or  one  hundred  and  fifty 
Pounds,  to  some  of  the  Serjeant  Majors,  or  a  Voluntier,  that  has  the 
appearance  of  making  an  Officer;  that  I  may  have  some  tools  to  work 

This  brings  me  to  the  Payment  of  the  Troops,  which  was  very  well 
settled  before;  but  after  I  had  the  honor  to  be  Appointed  to  the  Com- 
mand here,  and  the  Royal  American  Regiment  was  to  be  raised,  a  new 
plan  was  set  on  foot,  for  Paying  the  Troops  in  Pensilvania,  in  Gold, 
by  weight;  whereas  the  former  method  was,  by  the  dollar,  at  four  Shill- 
ings and  Eight  pence;  against  which  there  has  been  no  complaint,  and 
there  is  a  Saving  to  the  Crown,  of  about  Eight  per  Cent,  at  the  Ex- 
pence  of  the  Troops  and  Contingencies.  Mr  Hanbury  was  sent  to  me, 
to  explain  this,  and  to  shew  me,  that  this  Alteration  was  meant  en- 
tirely for  the  benefit  of  the  Service,  and  the  Soldier  in  particular. 
This  was  a  Plan  of  Mr  Hunter,  in  J'irginia,  who  is  Mr  Han- 
bury's  Agent  in  this  Country;  Mr  Hanbury  did  not  understand 
it  himself,  so  failed  in  convincing  me;  and  I  objected  on  the 
general  Principal,  that  if  Soldiers  were  to  be  paid  on  one  side  the 
River,  in  one  Shape,  and  on  the  other,  in  another  manner,  it  would 


be  impossible  to  convince  them,  that  they  were  not  (heated;  bill  on 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle  &  Lord  Duplin's  insisting,  that  it  was  certainly 
a  right  thing,  I  agreed  to  try  it;  on  Condition  I  was  to  Change  it, 
whenever  I  found  it  liable  to  Inconvenience:  I  accordingly  did  try 
it.  It  will  be  objected,  that  Major  General  Abercromby,  did  before  my 
arrival  Change  it,  on  the  representations  made  to  him  before  my  ar- 
rival; but  as  soon  as  I  come,  I  supereeeded  that  Order:  As  1  had 
promised  to  try  it,  which  transaction  Major  General  Abercromby 
knew  nothing  of,  being  gone  before  it  was  Settled;  and  alter  the  trial, 
I  have  since  been  obliged  to  renew  Major  General  Abercromby's  Ol- 

Enclosed,  Your  Royal  Highness  has  the  State  of  the  Affair  at  large, 
annexed  to  the  Deputy  Paymasters  Memorial,  which  he  brought,  in 
consequence  of  his  Order  from  the  Office;  and  as  the  State  of  the  Af- 
fair is  long,  I  shall  beg  leave  to  mention  one  or  two  plain  Facts. 

I  shall  take  Pistoles  for  the  Example;  they  are  of  two  different 
weights;  All  those  that  do  not  weigh  fully  the  highest  weight,  when 
Paid  away,  are  only  markatable  at  the  lowest  value,  whatever  addi- 
tion of  Gold  they  have,  which  does  not  come  fully  up  to  the  heavy 
Pistole,  and  that  sometimes,  amounts  to  near  two  Grains,  all  which 
is  accounted  to  the  Pay  Master  when  he  receives  it  by  weight,  and 
for  which  he  receives  not  one  farthing  when  he  pays  them  again  in 
Tale:  this  Your  Royal  Highness  sees,  is  a  very  great  promt  to  the  Con- 
tractors, or  their  Agents,  which  never  can  appear,  or  be  brought  to 
Account,  to  the  Crown.  There  is  another  Fraud  attends  this  new 
Scheme,  which  is,  that  by  it  we  shall  never  receive  any  Silver,  as  after 
the  Contractors  Agents  have  collected  the  Money  in  Silver  for  their 
bills,  they  can  then  make  fourteen  pence  on  every  Twenty  eight  Shill- 
ings, by  changing  it  into  Gold;  there  have  been  several  Instances  of 
this,  but  I  shall  name  only  one,  which  I  have  no  other  Proof  of,  but 
Mr  Hunter's  Clerk  owning  it  himself,  to  several  People:  It  is  this,  he 
brought  Thirty  thousand  Pounds  in  Silver,  from  Virginia,  to  Pay  to 
the  Deputy  Pay  Master  at  New  York;  he,  at  Philadelphia,  changed  this 
Sum  into  Gold,  by  which,  either  he,  or  his  Master,  made  fourteen  Hun- 
dred Pounds  clear:  This  Your  Royal  Highness  will  see,  is  a  very  great 
Trade,  and  is  still  attended  with  several  further  Inconveniences;  such, 
as  when  we  are  in  Towns,  we  cannot  Change  any  Piece  of  Gold,  in 
order  to  Pay  the  Men,  without  Paying  the  Person  that  gives  Silver  for 
it;  and  when  we  are  up  in  the  Deserts,  there  is  no  Possibility  of  Chang- 
ing the  Gold,  to  pay  the  Men:  besides  this,  when  we  receive  the  Money 
in  different  Species  of  Gold,  there  is  no  possibility  of  Paying  the  Men 


equaly ;  for  tho'  they  all  come  to  us,  at  so  much  the  Ounce,  the  Species 
have  different  values,  in  the  different  Provinces.  This  Evil  is  likewise 
severely  felt,  in  all  sums  paid  out  of  the  Contingencies  of  the  Army; 
whereas,  those  that  receive  the  Gold,  know  the  loss,  and  Charge  in 
their  demands,  accordingly.  I  hope  for  Your  Royal  Highness  Protec- 
tion in  this  Point,  for  I  may  Negotiate  with  those  Boards,  but  I  can- 
not Change,  without  throwing  things  into  great  Confusion. 

I  have  in  my  Publick  Letter,  given  an  Account,  of  the  Quarters 
being  at  last  Settled  here;  to  Your  Royal  Highness,  I  will  say  more  of 
the  matter.  I  told  them  from  the  beginning,  that  if  they  did  not  give 
Quarters,  I  would  take  them;  I  chose  to  get  them,  to  settle  the  Prec- 
edent of  their  giving  them;  in  this  Situation,  they  beg'd  for  a  delay 
from  day  to  day,  to  bring  in  their  People;  at  last  they  came  with  their 
Answer,  and  I  sent  for  the  Mayor  into  my  room,  to  know  what  it  was 
to  be  when  I  met  the  Corporation;  and  he  told  me,  he  could  not  bring 
his  People  to  Consent:  I  told  him  since  that  was  the  case,  as  he  had 
several  of  the  Magistrates  with  him,  I  would  send  for  some  of  the 
Principal  Officers,  that  we  might  have  People  of  both  sides  present,  to 
hear  what  past;  in  the  mean  time,  till  those  People  came,  for  it  was 
before  Nine  in  the  Morning,  I  explained  to  the  Mayor,  in  strong 
terms,  how  their  Conduct  appeared  to  me;  and  afterwards  asked  him 
his  opinion,  that  as  the  Troops  in  Town,  were  not  much  above  three 
hundred,  whether  the  People  would  Submit  Peaceably  to  my  Quarter- 
ing them,  or  if  it  would  be  necessary  for  me,  to  March  in  more  Bat- 
talions for  that  purpose;  for  that  as  soon  as  I  had  received  their  answer, 
I  would  send  for  three,  four,  five  or  Six  Battalions,  if  necessary,  to  set- 
tle that  Point;  and  that  I  did  assure  him,  if  the  Order  for  the  March 
of  those  Troops  was  once  given,  nothing  they  could  do,  after  taking 
up  so  much  of  my  time,  should  Stop  them  from  coming  here,  and  be- 
ing Quartered  in  the  Town;  and  that  I  would  likewise  take  Quarters 
for  myself,  and  every  Officer,  when  business  obliged  him  to  be  here, 
till  the  Motions  of  the  Enemy,  or  the  Season  of  the  Year,  obliged  me 
to  move  them  out:  On  this,  he  beg'd  a  delay  till  next  morning,  and 
that  afternoon,  he,  with  the  Recorder  and  Lieutenant  Governor,  came 
to  me,  and  agreed  to  give  what  Quarters  I  demanded.  Their  Plan  for 
Quartering  the  Officers,  was  to  Pay  their  Lodgings  out  of  a  Fund  to  be 
raised;  I  told  them,  it  was  no  difference  to  me,  whether  they  made 
the  Quartering,  a  burthen  on  the  particular  Houses  where  the  Officers 
lodged,  or  from  a  general  Fund,  but  that  which  ever  it  was,  I  must 
have  a  Billet  on  the  House. 

Here,  this  opposition  seems  not  to  come  from  the  lower  People,  but 


from  the  leading  People,  who  raise  the  dispute,  in  ordei  to  have  a 
merit  with  the  others,  by  defending  their  Liberties,  as  they  (all  them. 

At  Philadelphia,  things  are  very  bad;  1  shall  not  pretend,  (ill  I  am 
better  informed,  to  say  who  occasions  it,  but  the  Point  being  settled 
here,  I  hope  will  enable  Mr  Webb,  to  set  it  right  there. 

But  the  truth  is,  Governors  here  are  Cyphers;  t lie  i  1  Predecessors  sold 
the  whole  of  the  Kings  Prerogative,  to  get  their  Sallaries;  and  till  you 
find  a  Fund,  independent  of  the  Province,  to  l'a\  tin-  Governors,  and 
new  model  the  Government,  you  can  do  nothing  with  the  Provinces. 
I  know  it  has  been  said  in  London,  this  is  not  the  time;  if  You  ck  la\  it 
till  a  Peace,  You  will  not  have  a  force  to  Exert  any  Brittish  Act,  ol 
Parliament  here,  for  tho'  they  will  not  venture  to  go  so  Ear  with  me, 
I  am  assured  by  the  Officers,  that  it  is  not  uncommon,  lor  the  People 
of  this  Country  to  say,  they  would  be  glad  to  see  any  Man,  thai  dare 
exert  a  Brittish  Aet  of  Parliament  here. 

Whilst  I  am  writing,  Letters  are  come  in  from  Colonel  Bouquet,  at 
Philadelphia,  who  Acquaints  us,  that  the  Magistrates  have  refused 
Quarters;  that  Mr  Denny  has  Issued  a  Warrant  lor  them,  and  sent  it 
to  the  Sheriff,  who  has  refused  to  execute  it,  on  which  1  have  sent  an 
Express  to  the  Governor,  to  thank  him  lor  the  assistance  he  has  given 
us,  and  to  beg  him,  to  inform  the  People,  that  I  send  directly  Major 
General  Webb  to  Command  there,  and  with  orders  to  take  Quarters, 
in  the  same  manner  as  they  were  taken  in  Brit  tain,  in  the  Years  /j./s." 
&  ij.f6;  which  the  Governor  Knows,  as  he  served  those  Campains; 
that  if  the  Battalion  now  there,  is  not  Sufficient,  I  have  ordered  Mr 
Webb,  to  March  in  as  many  more  as  are  necessary,  and  Quarter  the 
whole  on  them. 

The  method  f  have  followed  in  Quartering,  is  this;  at  Albany,  where 
I  am  obliged  to  Quarter  more  Troops  than  the  People  can  support, 
or  reasonably  ought,  I  have  taken  nothing  from  the  Inhabitants  but 
House  room;  and  as  they  realy  have  not  Beds,  I  have  given  the  Men 
Paillasse's  to  lye  on,  and  furnish  them  firing  from  the  Magazine,  at  the 
rate  of  one  fire  to  Twenty  Men,  as  they  have  in  the  Barracks:  the 
Officers,  I  have  given  Money  for  their  firing,  and  I  find  it  Cheaper 
than  giving  them  Wood,  the  Accounts  of  which  shall  be  sent,  but  I 
am  afraid,  it  will  not  be  ready  till  next  Packet. 

Here,  as  they  have  resisted  me,  and  are  better  able;  I  make  them 
furnish  me  Beds  and  Firing:  As  to  the  small  beer.  I  have  established 
my  right  to  it.  but  said,  I  should  not  insist  much  on  it  at  present. 

At  Philadelphia,  I  propose,  as  they  have  all  along  been  so  trouble- 
some, and  are  now  so  obstinate,  to  take  the  whole  I  have  a  right  to; 


Imagining,  that  making  a  difference  between  those  that  comply  will- 
ingly, in  carrying  on  the  Service,  and  those  that  are  refractory,  will 
have  a  good  Effect;  and  I  would  gladly  hope,  that  after  this  dispute  at 
Philadelphia  is  Settled,  1  shall  have  no  dispute  about  Quarters;  except 
it  be  at  Boston,  where  I  have  reason  to  apprehend,  they  are  not  dis- 
posed to  give  them. 

I  have  enclosed  a  List  of  the  Commissions  I  have  given,  with  an  ac- 
count after  each  of  them,  in  my  own  hand,  of  the  reasons  and  recom- 
mendations. I  have  in  this  Provided  every  English  Voluntier  here,  but 
I  have  still  with  me,  some  from  Ireland,  some  from  this  Country,  and 
a  good  many  from  Scotland. 

I  imagine,  I  have  left  four  Lieutenantcies  in  the  Royal  Americans 
vacant,  as  I  do  not  know  with  any  certainty,  how  that  affair  stands, 
as  I  have  no  accounts,  of  what  has  been  done  since  I  left  London,  but 
one  of  Lord  Barringlon,  of  two  Lieutenants  that  did  not  accept,  and 
whose  Places  were  Supplied  by  the  King;  and  a  List  of  foreign  Officers, 
from  Colonel  Prevost,  in  which  he  does  not  inform  me,  in  whose  stead 
they  come,  or  if  they  are  added;  but  I  imagine,  with  the  two  I  have 
added  here,  their  number  is  compleat  of  foreigners:  As  soon  as  I  am 
informed,  which  1  hope  will  be  by  the  next  Packet,  whatever  Vacan- 
cies there  are,  shall  be  filled  up.  Captain  Stamvix,  Son  to  the  Colonel, 
is  dead;  as  soon  as  I  can  with  decency,  I  shall  fill  it  up. 

I  have  had  an  infinite  deal  of  trouble,  with  the  Accounts  of  the  50th 
Regiment;  it  took  it's  rise  in  this  Shape.  In  August,  Captain  Jocelyn 
applied  to  me,  for  Subsistence  of  the  detachment  of  the  50th  Regiment, 
under  his  Command  at  Herkermers. 

Your  Royal  Highness  will  see,  by  my  Letters  to  Major  General 
Webb,  of  August  20th  &  September  16th,  that  I,  on  finding  that  the 
Pay  of  Major  General  Pepperels  Regiment,  had  not  got  up  to  Oswego, 
gave  an  Order  to  have  it  returned  to  the  deputy  Pay  Master;  but 
Major  Craven  Acquainted  him,  he  had  little  more  Money  than  was 
necessary  for  the  detachment  there;  which  surprised  me  a  good  deal,  as 
both  those  Regiments  had  been  paid  up,  by  warrants  from  Major  Gen- 
eral Shirley,  to  the  2jth  of  August  1J56:  On  which,  till  this  detachment 
should  Join  me,  I  ordered  Major  Craven,  Pay  Master  of  the  5/"'  Regi- 
ment, to  supply  the  50th  till  further  Orders:  When  I  come  here,  I 
found  Captain  Jocelyn  had  drawn  from  Major  Craven  £1218.15.11; 
and  gives  me  in  a  demand  of  Pay,  for  the  whole  detachment,  from  the 
25th  of  October  1755,  to  the  2jih  of  December  7756;  Except  the  Sum 
of  £142.2.4.,  for  which  he  gives  Credit,  as  the  only  Money  received  from 
the  Pay  Master  during  that  time;   but   on   examining  into  this  last 


Sum,  it  appears  that  the  Pay  Master,  realy  left  with  the  detachment, 
near  £400;  but  that  the  different  Officers,  sa)  they,  Settled  their  Ac- 
counts with  him,  and  that  the  other  pan  o\  the  Money,  was  thc-ii  own 
Pay:  And  it  appear'd  that,  when  I  had  granted  the  Warrants  Eor  the 
two  Musters,  from  August  25"1  to  December  24th  /;=,'>,  foi  then  Ef- 
fectives, there  would  be  wanting,  to  cleai  oil  Major  Craven,  the  Sum 
of  £921.8.4— As  I  find  Captain  More,  the  Pay  Master,  was  appointed 
by  the  Captains  of  the  Regiment,  1  have  ordered  them  to  Pa)  Major 
Craven,  the  Money  advanced  to  them  on  m\  order,  as  the)  are  now 
Paid,  the  whole  of  their  Pay  to  the  2./"'  of  August,  by  Warrants  from 
Mr  Shirley,  and  to  the  2j"'  of  December,  l>\  me;  and  I  see  no  oilier 
Course  I  could  take,  as  the  Captains  having  appointed  the  Paymaster, 
are  answerable  for  him;  and  as  he  is  out  ol  my  Power,  being  a 
Prisoner  and  gone  to  England;  and  as  it  does  not  appear  to  me  clearly, 
what  Money  the  Paymaster,  did  realy  advance  to  that  detachment. 

There  are  other  difficulties  still;  Mr  Shirley,  before  he  went  away, 
lodged  Money  in  Mr  Apthorp's  hands,  who  writ  to  a  Banker  in  New 
York,  to  Acquaint  him  Mr  Shirley  had  done  so;  and  desired  him,  to 
Negociate  the  Bills  Captain  Jocelyn  might  draw  on  him,  for  the  Sub- 
sistence of  the  5c/7'  Regiment,  on  a  Letter  of  Credit  he  enclosed,  to  be 
forwarded  to  the  Captain.  This  Mr  Bayard  Acquainted  me  of,  when  I 
was  at  Fort  Edxcard;  I  immediately  writ  to  him.  that  the  Subsistence 
of  that  Regiment,  must  be  drawn  by  Warrant  from  me,  on  the  deputy 
Pay  Master,  as  I  was  directed  by  my  Instructions:  And  since  I  come 
down,  I  find  that  Credit  amounts  to  Three  thousand  One  hundred 
and  Fifty  Pounds,  which  Sum  it  seems,  Mr  Shirley  did  propose  to 
have  paid,  into  the  hands  of  Mr  Mortier,  the  deputy  Pay  Master,  and 
to  have  withdrawn  Warrants  of  his,  to  that  amount;  which  Mr  Mor- 
tier accmainted  him  he  could  not  give  up,  as  part  of  them  were  gone 
home,  and  the  Pay  Office  had  notice  from  him,  of  his  having  Paid  all 
the  others.  I  see,  they  hope  to  get  MT  Apthorp,  at  Boston,  to  advance 
this  Money  to  them,  from  that  fund;  but  I  shall  give  no  order  upon 
it,  till  I  am  better  informed  about  it. 

I  send  Your  Royal  Highness,  enclosed,  a  very  extraordinary  Ac- 
count, with  as  extraordinary  a  docket;  the  Original  of  which,  is  now 
in  the  Pay  Office  in  London,  sent  over  annexed  to  a  Warrant  of  his. 

This  seems  to  me,  to  be  intended,  to  cover  the  disposal  of  the  Levy- 
Money  of  the  Regiment;  as  it  appears  by  the  Article  of  Twenty  thous- 
and dollars,  paid  to  Lieutenant  Bartman,  who  declares,  that  neither 
he,  nor  any  of  the  Officers,  were  sent  out  a  recruiting  that  War.  but 
Lieutenant  Irwin,  who  did  not  get  a  Man:  And  further,  that  he  re- 

276  RAISING  OF  THE  50TH 

ceived  that  Money  on  the  Warrant,  and  instantly  paid  it  over  to 
Mr  Shirley,  and  shew'd  me  Mr  Shirley's  receipt  for  it,  in  his  own  hand 
writing,  of  which  you  have  a  Copy  enclosed;  those  Sundries,  for  the 
Niagara  Expedition,  and  the  others,  I  suppose  are  of  the  same  nature; 
And  I  imagine,  Your  Royal  Highness  will  think  the  Articles  charged 
to  the  Regiment,  are  as  odd,  for  Barracks,  Bedding,  Barrack  Utensils, 
Ground  to  encamp  on,  Provisions,  &:ce,  which  I  think  do  not  come 
out  of  the  Regiments  Subsistence. 

I  cannot,  with  absolute  certainty,  tell  Your  Royal  Highness  the 
method,  in  which  this  Regiment  was  raised;  but  so  far  as  I  can  collect 
from  the  Officers,  it  was  raised  in  this  manner:  Mr  Shirley  had  blank 
Commissions  sent  him,  which  he  gave  to  People  of  this  Country,  on 
Condition  of  raising  so  many  Men  each;  but  the  main  of  them  were 
got  by  Letters,  writ  to  all  the  Colonels  of  the  Militia,  to  Enlist  out  of 
their  Regiments,  as  many  Men  as  they  could,  the  Allowance  for  which, 
was,  for  a  Man  for  two  Years,  One  Pound;  for  a  Man  that  Enlisted  for 
three  years,  Thirty  Shillings;  for  a  Man  that  enlisted  for  five  years,  or 
for  Life,  Five  Pounds;  And  the  whole  of  the  managing  this,  and  of 
making  up  of  the  Accounts,  was  committed  to  the  Generals  son  Cap- 
tain Shirley,  and  his  Son  in  Law,  Mr  Hutchinson,  the  Judge;  And  I  see 
no  reason  to  believe,  that  any  Officer  of  the  Regiment,  ever  saw  the 
recruiting  Account,  or  in  what  manner  the  Levy  Money,  or  non 
Effective  Money,  were  disposed  of;  And  the  Pay  Masters  here,  have 
never  given  any  Officer  of  either  of  those  Regiments,  an  Abstract  of 
their  Companies,  they  having  always  paid  them  to  Account. 

So  far  as  I  can  see,  the  non  Effective  Fund  of  the  50th  Regiment,  to 
Christmas,  is  £1878.4.6;  And  the  51st  Regiment,  at  the  24th  of  August 
last,  had  £7978.3.  As  I  have  had  no  demand  from  them  for  Pay,  Major 
Craven  having  still  sufficient  for  that  purpose,  I  have  not  calculated 
their's  any  further  than  August. 

But  when  those  Articles  are  taken  from  the  Account  of  the  Sub- 
sistence of  the  50th  Regiment,  which  have  no  connection  Avith  it,  the 
non  effective  fund  will  be  greatly  encreased. 

And  that,  when  the  fictitious  Articles  are  taken  from  the  Account  of 
raising  the  Regiment,  and  the  real  Articles  charged  in  their  Place, 
Mr  Shirley  will  have  much  less  Money  in  his  Pocket. 

There  is  one  word  in  the  Docket,  which  I  must  explain  to  Your 
Royal  Highness,  which  is  where  he  mentions  four  pence  half  penny 
a  Mess;  here  it  does  not  mean  five  or  Six  Men,  but  to  each  Man,  four 
pence  half  penny  for  his  breakfast;  as  much  for  his  dinner,  and  as 
much   for  his  Supper;   making   thirteen    pence   half   penny,    for   the 


Maintenance  of  each  Man  per  day:  And  I  am  led  to  understand  it  thus, 
from  an  Act  of  the  Boston  Assembly  this  Year,  In  which  they  Order 

their  Troops  to  be  maintained  at  the  I  louses,  as  they  return  home, 
at  this  rate;  And  in  their  Account  they  have  given  us,  of  their  Ex- 
pences  for  this  Campaign,  they  charge  one  shilling  8c  Six  pence,  their 
Currency,  a  day,  for  the  Maintenance  of  each  Man,  on  theii  March, 
till  they  arrive  at  Albany,  where  they  had  Provisions;  which  is  just 
thirteen  pence  half  penny  Sterling;  And  their  Men  will  eat  three  good 
Meals  a  day. 

I  shall  inform  myself,  at  Boston,  of  what  barrack  bedding  and  Uten- 
cils  were  provided,  as  none  have  been  delivered  to  me;  And  I  am  told, 
that  there  were  few  Provided,  and  those  at  the  Expence  of  the  Pro\  ince: 
The  reason  of  few  being  wanted,  was,  that  all  the  Men  they  dared 
trust,  had  furloughs  to  go  into  the  Country,  till  they  were  to  March 
to  Oswego,  except  a  few,  they  were  afraid  would  desert.  You  will  be 
surprised  when  I  tell  You,  that  neither  of  those  Regiments  ever  had  a 
field  day,  till  Mr  Webb  Joined  the  detachment  on  the  Mohawk  river; 
I  own  I  am  impatient  till  I  know  your  resolution  about  them. 

Since  I  writ  my  Publick  Letter,  I  have  accounts,  that  we  begin 
to  get  some  Men  in  New  England;  by  the  last  Accounts  we  had  got 
Seventeen;  and  now  that  their  Troops  are  come  home,  I  hope  we 
shall  go  on. 

I  must  beg  leave  to  Acquaint  Your  Royal  Highness,  that  Officers, 
that  are  worn  out  in  any  degree,  are  totaly  incapable  of  Service  in 
this  Country,  where  the  Operations  are  in  Places,  where  they  cannot 
have  any  relief,  and  where  the  Climats  wear  that  sort  of  People  out 
immediately:  And  where  they  arc  in  high  ranks,  they  are  a  Clog  in 
carrying  on  the  Service  in  Winter,  and  are  totaly  incapable  of  the 
Service  in  Summer:  Some  of  the  Foreign  Officers  do  not  improve  the 
Corps,  and  from  what  I  hear,  I  shall  find  more  of  that  sort  among 
them,  when  we  meet  next  Campaign. 

But  the  Point  I  am  weakest  in,  is  Engineers;  Mr  Montresor,  I  dart- 
not  trust  a  Siege  to;  Major  Eyres  is  a  very  good  Man,  but  will  not  do 
for  a  first;  Among  the  Foreigners,  there  are  many  nominal  ones,  bul 
know  no  more  than  what  they  have  learnt  in  a  drawing  School;  the 
only  one  they  look  on  as  an  Engineer,  is  Lieutenant  Meyer;  they  say 
he  is  fit  for  great  designs,  meaning,  making  a  Plan  for  such,  for  he  has 
never  served  any  where.  I  have  at  last  got  hold  of  him,  and  from  all  I 
can  see,  he  is  Slow.  I  desired  a  return  of  what  Artillery  he  thought 
would  be  necessary  to  carry  to  the  Field,  Supposing  we  should  Attack 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  and  should  be  able  from  there,  to 


push  down  into  Canada,  either  to  Montreal  or  Quebeck;  but  he  could 
not  do  it,  without  he  knew  what  the  Fortifications  of  the  Place  were, 
and  what  number  of  Cannon  were  in  it. 

I  then  put  the  Question,  what  Artillery  was  necessary  to  carry  to  the 
Field,  with  an  Army  of  ten  thousand  Men,  who  might  have  occasion 
to  make  a  Siege,  and  had  the  enclosed  return:  I  likewise  send  Sir  John 
Sl  Clair's  return,  on  this  Subject:  I  imagine  Your  Royal  Highness  will 
think  the  one  too  high,  and  the  other  too  low. 

But  I  hope  Your  Royal  Highness  will  be  of  Opinion,  that  some  brass 
24:  Pounders  are  necessary;  And  that  in  this  Country,  where  there  are 
so  many  Wooden  Houses,  and  that  the  name  of  a  bomb  frightens  every 
body,  that  some  brass  Mortars,  for  thirteen  Inch  Shells,  will  be  abso- 
lutely necessary;  with  more  Powder  and  Ball,  which  the  People  of  this 
Country,  make  a  most  intollerable  and  inconceivable  Consumption  of. 

The  Artillery  that  comes,  must  have  all  their  Attirail  with  them; 
And  Sir  John  Sl  Clair  insists,  that  the  Mortars  in  the  Bombketches, 
should  have  land  Carriages  with  them,  in  case  they  should  be  more 
usefull  a  Shore  than  on  board;  And  we  are  extremely  at  a  loss  for 
Gunners  and  Bombardiers,  and  a  Man  at  the  Head  of  the  Artillery; 
Captain  Broom,  at  Halifax,  I  am  informed  is  worn  out;  Captain 
Ord,  the  Commanding  Officer  with  me,  is  very  Industrious,  but  has  no 
execution;  I  have  kept  Lieu1  Buchanan,  because  he  and  McLeod,  are 
all  I  have  to  trust  to:  there  are  several  Younger  one's  that  will  do  in 
time,  and  there  is  one  McCullogh,  who  was  a  good  Man,  but  ever  since 
he  was  Wounded  at  the  Monongahela,  has  been  at  times  disordered  in 
his  Judgment;  I  am  to  allow  him  to  go  home,  for  the  recovery  of  his 
health.  I  imagine  I  have  some  good  Gunners  among  the  Foreign  Of- 
ficers, and  I  am  training  as  many  Men  in  the  Battalion  as  I  can. 

If  it  were  possible,  to  get  Mr  McKellar  Exchanged,  I  imagine  he  is 
better  than  any  of  them;  and  his  having  been  through  all  those  Places, 
would  be  a  great  advantage  to  the  Service. 

As  Our  Recruits  come  in  very  Slow  now,  I  cannot  Answer  for  com- 
pleating  the  Troops  here,  tho'  I  would  still  gladly  hope  to  do  it;  I 
may  meet  with  blame,  for  not  giving  more  Levy  Money,  but  I  do  not 
find,  that  those  that  are  enclined  to  List,  part  with  us  on  that  Ac- 
count, which  is  the  reason  I  do  not  augment  it,  as  I  would  not  raise  the 
Price  of  Recruits,  that  must  be  wanted  hereafter;  whenever  it  ap- 
pears necessary,  I  will  Augment  it  directly,  and  in  the  Americans  we 
are  very  able  to  do  it. 

But  this  scarcity  of  Men,  with  the  want  of  the  50th  &  5/^  Regiments, 
with  the  prospect,  of  a  great  many  of  the  recruits  we  get,  coming  late, 

PLAN  FOR   1757  279 

obliges  me  to  suggest  to  Your  Royal  Highness,  thai  il  an\  Battalions 
can  be  spared,  they  will  be  very  necessary,  to  ascertain  You  Success 

here;  And  if  that  is  done,  I  should  hope  youi  K,(il1  wul k  '"  North 
America  is  over;  not  only  with  the  French,  but  with  the  Indians  like- 

As  I  do  not  imagine,  You  will  draw  any  Forces  from  Nova  Scotia, 
whilst  the  French  are  strong  at  Cape  Bretton,  and  constant  supplies 
going  there  from  Europe;  and  the  Plan  remains,  of  driving  the-  In- 
dians &  French  Neutrals  from  .S7  Johns;  I  should  hope  you  would  Par« 
don  me,  if  I  should  throw  out,  that  four  Battalions  would  be  necessary, 
as  they  would  be  only  two  more,  than  were  destined  for  this  Service; 
for  I  do  not  reckon  either  the  50th  or  5/',  any  part  of  our  Strength  for 
this  Year.  In  the  50th  we  have  but  Six  Officers,  and  part  of  them  not 
able  to  serve. 

Next,  I  must  beg  leave  to  mention,  that  if  the  Fleet  is  not  sufficient, 
or  comes  too  late,  both  which  things  will  happen,  except  Your  Royal 
Highness  interposes,  the  whole  Plan  will  be  in  danger  of  miscarry- 
ing; besides  this  Country  being  ravaged  whilst  we  are  gone. 

My  Plan  for  the  Provincial  Troops,  is  not  to  lake  many  of  them, 
and  if  I  can  manage  that  Point,  so  as  to  have  all  those  from  New  Eng- 
land as  Rangers,  and  to  send  them  into  the  Enemy's  Country,  by  Num- 
ber j,  where  I  will  erect  a  Magazine  for  them,  and  send  them  into  the 
Enemy's  Country,  by  Otter  Creek,  and  the  lower  end  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  to  make  all  the  disturbance  in  their  Power;  and  if  they  can 
break  up  the  Settlements  on  this  side  the  River,  and  drive  in  the  In- 
habitants, they  will  distress  them  greatly  in  their  Provisions;  when 
we  arrive  before  Quebeck,  we  can  Transport  them  over,  and  when 
their  business  is  done  on  this  side,  turn  them  loose  on  the  other;  by 
which  means,  no  Enemy  can  move  towards  us;  but  we  must  have  early 
notice  of  it,  and  be  able  to  harrass  them  on  their  March. 

The  number  I  propose  to  ask  from  the  four  New  England  Govern- 
ments, is  four  thousand,  all  Rangers,  without  any  of  their  Generals; 
but  I  would  compound  for  two  thousand,  if  it  would  not  prevent  my 
having  difficulties  here,  and  in  the  Jerseys,  to  get  Men  to  defend  the 
Forts  whilst  we  are  gone;  but  this  will  be  a  difficult  point  to  carry,  for 
from  all  I  have  yet  seen,  most  of  the  Expeditions  they  have  engaged 
in,  has  been  principal}',  on  Account  of  the  Generals  who  were  to  Com- 
mand them:  how  I  shall  be  able  to  manage  this,  with  Mr  Shirleys  partv 
to  oppose  me,  you  shall  know  from  Boston. 

You  see  that,  from  what  I  have  said  of  my  Plan,  I  take  it  for  granted. 
at  a  Peace,  you  will  give  up  the  river  S'  Laurence,  if  we  arc  so  happy, 


as  to  be  able  to  take  it;  but  if  you  should  not,  you  can  have  very  little 
dependence  on  the  present  Inhabitants. 

The  Men  from  this  Province,  and  the  Jerseys,  I  propose  to  employ 
on  this  side,  by  the  Forts,  to  keep  the  Garrisons  at  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point  in  Awe,  and  prevent  the  Enemy  from  drawing  any  force 
from  them. 

I  have  not  yet  fixed  in  my  own  mind,  what  Troops  I  will  leave  in 
the  Forts;  whether  Battalions  or  Companies  from  these  go  with  Us; 
that  I  shall  determine,  when  I  see  how  the  Regiments  turn  out. 

Whilst  I  am  on  the  Subject  of  Forts,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that 
there  should  be  a  large  scope  of  Ground  reserved  to  the  King,  round 
every  Fort  he  has,  to  supply  timber  for  repairing  them,  and  Wood  for 
firing;  at  present,  he  has  not  one  bit  of  ground  any  where,  for  they 
pretend  even  at  Forts  Edward  and  William  Henry,  that  the  Ground  is 
Patterned;  but  I  believe  the  Claimants  have  no  manner  of  right:  When 
any  Act  of  Parliament  is  passed,  in  relation  to  this  Country,  I  hope 
this  will  be  remembered. 

I  have  hitherto,  forgot  to  Acquaint  Your  Royal  Highness,  that  the 
Small  Pox  is  Spread  over,  I  think,  the  whole  of  this  Country,  except 
New  England,  from  where  I  have  not  heard  of  it  yet:  It  is  at  Albany, 
It  is  here,  and  it  is  at  Philadelphia,  and  among  the  Six  Nations;  they 
got  it  from  the  French,  at  Niagara;  and  the  French  in  Canada,  had  it 
all  last  Year;  when  it  first  broke  out,  it  made  a  very  great  Alarm  in  the 
Country,  but  now  that  is  over,  except  among  the  New  England  Men. 
Some  of  the  Troops  have  had  it,  but  as  the  kind  is  good,  we  have  lost 
very  few;  I  am  preparing,  to  Innoculate  such  as  have  not  had  it,  &  are 
willing  to  undergo  the  Opperation;  in  order  to  prevent  their  falling 
down  during  the  Campaign. 

I  am,  Sir,  Your  Royal  Highness  most  Duttifull  and  most  Obedeent 
New  York  26th  December. 


[Endorsed]  Letter  begun  at  Albany,  N:A:  November  22:  concluded  at  New- 
York  December  26:  1756.  Lord  Loudoun  to  H:R:H:  inclosing  22: 



List  of  Commissions  Given  by  His  Excellency  the 

Earl  of  Loudoun,  in  the  Following 

Regiments  Viz"  ' 


Officers  Names 

Dates  of   theii   Com- 


John  Cockburn 

55th  Regiment. 

lifi"'  Novem* 

was  gd  Elesi  Ensign  in 
the  11"1  Regl  a  very 
good  OffieT  Putt  in  to 
Improve  the  Regt  fitt 
for  an  Adjutant 

Matthew  Fleeming 27th  ditto \n   Oilier   formerl)    in 

the  Service  Strongly 

fames  Sinclair    28**  ditto Had      a      Commission 

given  him  hear  h\  Sir 
John  St  Clares  Rec- 
omendation  and  altho 
he  sett  out  from  Bi  iton 
as  Soon  as  he  reccved 
the  account  of  it  found 
on  his  Arival  that  Sir 
John  had  growen  Im- 
patient and  got  him 
Supperseeded  Since 
Provided  for  and  now 
Promotted  is  very  Dil- 


James  Field    29th  ditto  Recomended      by      Mr 

.Thomas  Cumberford    ..    15th  December 


Charles  Port  is    1st  ditto 

Eldest     Ensign     form- 
erly    a    Quartermaster 
of  Dragoons 
Quartermaster    to    the 

42^  Regiment 

Lieut  fames  Campbell    14th  Dccctnr  1756      Eldest   Ensigne  in   the 


Ensign  James  Mackintosh    15th  ditto  Volunteer  in  the  Regt 

very  uesfull  in  Recrut- 
ing  last  Spring 

1  Neither  the  1757  or  the  1 75S  edition  of  the  printed  Army  Lists  incorporate 
Loudoun's  promotions.  The  1 759  list  for  the  first  time  brings  the  regimental  fists  ol 
officers  serving  in  North  America  up  to  date.  John  Cockhurn.  for  instance,  the  first 
name  below,  continues  to  be  ranked  as  the  eldest  ensign  in  the  44th  regiment  until 
the  1759  list,  when  he  is  gazetted  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  55th  regiment  as  of  November 
26,  17^6.  But  the  1759  list  records  names  as  of  December.  1758,  with  a  few  exceptions 
running  into  the  early  months  of  1759,  so  thai  ii  is  useless  as  an  authoritative  record 
of  prior  promotions.  The  notes  are  in  Loudoun's  handwriting. 





Officers  Names 

Primrose   Kennedy 

Dates  of  their   Com- 

44  th  Regiment 
25111  Octobr 



-Andrew  Watson   26th  November 

45th  Regiment. 
James  Ormsby     30th  Novemr  17 

John  Mckane 2<i    December. 

Son  to  the  Elest  Capt 
over  whom  Major  Eyre 
was  Prommotted  he 
was  bread  to  the  Sea 
and  now  has  the  care 
of  the  Vessals  on  lake 

nephew  to  Major  Gen: 
Abercromby  Removed 
on  his  Desier  from  the 
62<i  Regt 

Removed  from  the 
47th  to  the  45th  Regt 
His  Commission  from 
Mr  Shirly  in  the  47th 
is  Dated  June  24th 
after  he  was  Supper- 
seeded  on  the  Spot 
Formerly  in  the  Horse 
brought  over  and  Rec- 
omended  by  Mr  Webb 


Milborne  West 

47th  Regiment 
28th  Novemr 



Garnett  Ewer 5  th  December 

48th  Regiment. 
John  Crofton   241''  October  r 

Charles  Davers   26th  ditto 


John  Hedges   29 

th  November 

Caryed  Amies  with 
M  G  Braddock  and 
wonded  on  the  Monen- 
galea  had  a  Commis- 
sion from  Mr  Shirly 
after  he  was  on  the 
Spot  Supperseeded 

which  I  could  not  al- 
low but  have  Provided 
for  him  now 
Recomended    by   Ld 
Geo:  Sackvile 

Removed  from  the  62<J 
in  which  Regt  he  was 
Proveded  on  the  Rec- 
omendation      of      Mr 
Webb  to  whoes  care  he 
is  Committed 
Recomended   by   the 
Duke  of  Grafton 
Recomended   by   the 
Duke  of  Marlborough 





Officers  Names 

John  Ogilvic 

Dales  of  their   Com- 

f>2(i  Regiment, 

ist  Septembei  17-.1i 

Lieutenant         Brcreton  Poynton 30th  ditto 

Lieutenants  * 

James  Allen   Is*  Decern'  1756 

Thomas  Barnslcy    2<i    ditto. 

[George]  Mackintosh    ...     3d    ditto. 

Thomas  Campbell }th  ditto 

Ralph  Phillips    r,th  ditto. 

Samuel  Mackay    6th  ditto. 

Francis  Mackav    7th  ditto. 

George  Archbold    8th  ditto. 

James  Monro 9th  ditto. 

William  Ridge    10th  ditto. 

William  Hay    nth  ditto. 

Alexander  Shaw    12th  ditto. 

Thomas  Meredith 13th  ditto. 

[John]  Parker 16th  ditto. 

[Henry]  Babcock 17th  Dcccmbr  17;  a  \<in  Small  I  i\ 

ing    he. 11    is   one   ol    I  he 

musionarya  to  the  In 
ili-. ins  Prea<  hea  to  them 
in  there  owen  I  an 
guegh  mid  vei  j  uesfull 
among  the  Mowhaka 
Recomended  by  Sii 
Willi. mi  [ohnson 
This  Ensigne  and  the 
thirteen  thai  follow 
were  the  Eldest  in  the 
Regt  there  are  no  En- 
signes  in  this  Servcc 
above  a  Month  older 
than  them  tho  there 
Commissions  are  Dated 
in  June  as  they  are  all 
granted  by  Mi  Shirl) 
who  did  not  Recevc  the 
Power  of  giving  Com- 
missions till  the  end  of 
Nov  in  which  case  I 
thought  it  would  have 
been  hard  to  have 
brought  Strangers  over 
them  by  which  the  Ser- 
vie  would  not  have 
been  benifitted 

Those  above  this  have 
all  Served  but  the  El- 
dest who  was  a  Cornet 

A  Capt  in  the  New  Jer- 
sey Regt  and  now  com- 
mands them  was  in  the 
Kings  Servie  and  with 
Admiral  Boscawcn  in 
the  Fast  Indies 
Major  to  the  Road  Is- 
land Regt  uesfull  to 
me  in  breaking  the 
Consent  of  the  General 
and  Field  offcen  in 
the  Provenccals  when 
they  would  not  Sub- 
mitt  to  be  under  my 





Officers  Names 


Dates  of  their  Com- 

62<i  Regiment 
18th  ditto. 


'Alexander  Stephens 

27  th  Novem* 

Thomas  Vinter  3d    December 

Archibald  Blane   4^  ditto. 

Donald  Campbell  6th  ditto. 

William  Ramsay 7th  ditto. 

John  Wilson    8tu  ditto 

a  German  has  been  em- 
ployed in  the  Proven- 
ceal  Troops  and  among 
the  Indeans  with  Sir 
William  Johnson  who 
I  think  will  be  uesfull 
to  me  on  many  occa- 

Vollunteer  with  Gen- 
eral Bradock  wounded 
on  the  Monongahela 
Mr  Shirly  gave  him  a 
Commission  in  Nova 
Scotia  to  be  Ensigne 
when  the  Company 
was  Sold  in  England 
and  after  attending 
his  Duty  about  Six 
Monthes  the  Ensigne 
Mr  Pritchard  arived 
with  the  Kings  Com- 

Recomended  by  Sir 
Charles  Hardy 
A  Relation  of  Mine 
from  the  Shire  of  Air 
Recomended  by  great 
Numbers  of  People  in 
this  Provene  His  Fa- 
ther came  hear  and 
Made  a  Bargine  for 
Land  on  the  Fronteer 
with  the  Governor  Re- 
turned and  brought 
over  a  great  number  of 
People  to  Settle  them 
and  £4000  in  money 
the  Governor  brooke 
the  bargen  and  he 
and  those  People  were 
Ruined  - 

Vollunteer  from  the 
Shire  of  Air 
Son  of  the  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  St  Chrestophers 
his  Recomendation  to 
me  not  yet  arived  from 
England  but  as  he  has 
been  the  first  man  to 
Sett  an  Example  to  the 
men  in  Daily  Duty  I 
thought  him  a  Propper 
man  to  Prefer 

2  A  memorial  of  Campbell  on  this  subject  is  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  VII,  629-631 



Officers   Names  Dates  of  their  Com- 


G2'i  Regiraenl 
Alexander  Baillie 9 th  December  1756    Recomended  i«»  me  by 

Lad)    Man 

Simon  Fraser   io"'  ditto.  V  Relation  of  M  G  Ab 

ercromby      recomeded 

by    him 

Lauchlan  Forbes nth  ditto.  Recomended     in     it: 

(.:   Bland 

Thomas  I'inckney 12th  ditto.  son  to  the   rresorei  ol 

South  Carolena  Rec- 
omeded to  me  in  Lon- 
don in  the  People  ol 
thai  Province 

William  Broun  13th  ditto.  Mas  lived  several  years 

in   this   Counti \    Ret 
omended  l>\   si  1   Rich- 
ard Grosvener 

John  Mackie   14th  ditto  Nephew  to  Mr  Mackie 

and   Majoi    Voung 

Charles  Williamos    16th  ditto  Recomended     In      Mi 

Points    is    liom    S\  isci  - 

land  a  very  Pretty 
young  Man 

Alexander  Shaw    17"' ditto  Recomended     l>\      Ld 

Cathcart  and  Mi  Os- 

Henry  Stratford iSti'  ditto  Recomended    by    Sir 

Charles  Hood 

Isaac  Motte 19th  ditto  Of   this   Country   Rec- 

omended by  the  Mai 
quis  of  Winchester 
Thos  that  had  not 
Served  till  this  Cam- 
paen  Draw  for  there 

New   York  Independt  Company 
Commanded  by  Captain   Marshall. 

William- Gullen 85th  Novem*  1756      He  was  Sargenl  Major 

to  the  Royal  brought 
oyer  by  M  (.  Aber- 
cromby  anil  put  in 
hear  that  there  may  he- 
one  Oilier  in  the  Com- 
pany  that  can  Disiplin 
the  Men 

Depy  Commissary  of  Musters. 
John  Billings    10th  Sepiemr  1756 

He  had  a  Deputation 
and  Instructions  from 
Mr  Pritchard  Muster 
Master  on  Mr  Pritch- 
aids  1  evy  taken  in  Os- 
wago  I  ga\e  him  a 
Commission  on  the 
hake   of    that    Deputa- 




Officers  Names 

Dates  of  their  Com- 



Staff  Officers 

{Lieu1  Francis  Pringle  .  .  .    J 
Lieut  Donald  Campbell  .     Ii8th  August  1756 
Lieut  Joseph  Ray J 

f  Lieut  James  Dalyell "1 

■<  Ensign  James  Allen L8th  August  1756 

( Ensign  Thorns  Barnsley  .   J 

tion  to  Act  in  the 
Mean  time  Since  that 
I  have  a  letter  from 
Mr  Pritchard  desiring 
me  to  appoint  a  Dep- 
uty to  him  with  in- 

The  Commissions  to 
the  Lt  and  Ensignes  I 
have  begone  to  Date 
from  the  25*  of  Nov 
that  they  may  not  en- 
terfear  with  thos  given 
by  the  King 
The  Adjutants  and 
Quarter  Masters  I  have 
Dated  from  the  time  I 
appointed  them  to  Act 
in  Order  to  trie  if  they 
were  Propper  for  those 
Commissions  as  those 
are  Commissions  give 
no  Rank  so  will  not 
Enterfear  with  the 
Kings  Commessions 

Royal  Regiment  of  Artillery 

Lieut  John  Mean 1st  October  1756      Recomended    by    Capt 

Fireworker.  Ord 

[Enclosure  No.  5  in  Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Nov.  22-Dec.  26,  1756.] 

Information  of  Captain  John  Vicars  of  the  50™ 

Regiment  Commanded  by  Major  General 

William  Shirley  1 


Having  Obtain'd  a  Commission  in  the  50th  Regiment,  I  came  in  the 
Transports  that  were  sent  out  with  the  Troops,  on  Major  General 
Braddocks  Expedition,  and  went  with  them  to  Virginia,  and  from 
thence  went  round  to  Boston  where  I.  landed  April  7th  1755. 

When  I  arrived,  their  were  about  300  men  of  the  Regiment  in  Castle 
William,  who  I  imagine  were  men,  they  were  affraid  would  desert,  they 
were  in  Barracks  in  the  Fort, 

1  This  document  was  dictated  by  Vickers  to  Loudoun,  in  answer  to  the  latter 's 


some  time  after  my  arrival  we  Encamp'd  and  the  other  men  of  the 
Regiment  were  Call'd  in. 

When  we  march'd  from  thence  for  Oswego  we  were  about  800,  the 
Regiment  never  was  Compleat, 

I  know  nothing  of  the  Expence  oi  the  Recruits,  as  I  never  was  em- 
ployed in  Recruiting,  nor  ever  saw  any  Account  of  it,  Before  the  Regi- 
ment left  the  Island  where  they  were  Encamp'd,  Judge  Hutchenson 
Major  General  Shirleys  Son  in  Law,  came  to  Gamp  and  pay'd  of  what 
demands  the  men  had  to  a  Certain  day,  but  I  have  forgot  to  what  clay 
it  was,  from  that  day,  the  Officers  had  the  paying  of  the  men,  I  was  by 
when  the  Judge  payed  my  Company,  and  saw  him  paying  the  other 

In  the  End  of  July  or  begihing  of  August  1755,  I  commanded  the 
Escort  that  Major  General  Shirley  took  with  him  from  Albany  to  Os- 
wego where  I  remain'd  till  the  3d  of  July  1756. 

The  Escort  Consisted  of  80  men  of  the  50th  and  70  men  of  the  51st 
Captain  Delancey  Commanded  them 

I  know  nothing  of  the  Number  of  Battoes  that  were  up  with  us  but 
that  I  had  8  for  my  detachment, 

I  recolect  no  want  of  Provisions  on  the  march  up,  but  think  we  were 
short  in  provisions  the  Latter  end  of  the  time  Mr  Shirley  was  at  Oswego. 

I  know  nothing  of  what  Provisions  they  were  we  had  at  Oswego, 
whither  they  were  those  Provided  by  Major  General  Shirley,  or  those 
Provided  by  the  Province  of  New  York  for  the  Independent  Com- 

I  know  we  were  short  of  Provisions  soon  after  the  General  Left  Os- 
wego, and  had  the  poor  fellows  Lived  they  must  have  Eat  one  another 

That  General  Shirley  gave  furloughs  to  a  Great  many  men  before 
he  left  Oswego,  and  that  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mercer  was  forced  to  give 
a  great  many  afterwards  to  save  the  Provisions,  that  I  believe  their 
were  about  300  men  on  Furlough  from  the  two  Regiments 

I  was  a  Member  of  Several  Councils  of  War  in  which  we  met  to 
deliberate  whither  we  should  Abandon  the  Place  on  Account  of  the 
Want  of  Provisions,  in  one  of  Which  it  was  agreed  if  no  supply  ar- 
rived in  ten  clays  we  should  Abandon  the  Garrison,  and  retire  to  the 
German  Flatts,  but  in  Five  clays  after  there  arrived  Four  Battoes  with 

I  know  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mercer  writ  after  to  show  the  State  of 
the  Garrison  &  to  desire  to  have  Provisions  and  a  Reinforcement  of 
Men  as  he  Expected  to  be  Attack'd 

I  am  sure  Colonel  Mercer  never  writ  a  Letter  in  which  he  said  the 


Garrison  never  was  in  Want  of  Provisions,  for  he  was  too  honest  a 
Man  to  write  what  every  man  in  the  Garrison  could  Contradict 

When  General  Shirley  left  Oswego,  my  Company  Consisted  of  50 
men,  that  before  may  their  were  39  of  them  dead,  and  one  taken 
Prisoner,  I  think  each  of  the  8  Compys  at  Oswego  lost  above  30  men. 

I  am  of  Opinion  this  mortality  was  owing  to  bad  Barracks  and  want 
of  Beds,  which  threw  the  men  in  to  Scurveys,  and  the  Water  which 
gave  them  Fluxes 

There  were  no  Barracks  in  the  Fort  of  Oswego,  only  a  Guard  Room, 
and  one  Room  for  the  Commanding  Officer,  all  the  Garrison  Lay  with- 
out the  Forts,  where  there  were  two  Shingled  Houses  in  the  one  of 
which  Lieutenant  Colonel  Littlehales  lived,  in  the  other  Captain  More 
the  Paymaster  Lived  whilst  he  stayed,  when  he  went  away,  two  Lieu- 
tenants of  the  Ships  got  it,  there  was  a  Barrack  of  three  Rooms  in  which 
there  was  two  Tire  of  Bed  steeds  but  no  Beding,  as  the  Barrack  was 
made  of  Green  Boards,  they  all  Split,  and  the  Snow  drove  in  Con- 
stantly on  the  men,  the  rest  lived  in  Bark  Hutts,  and  Lay  on  the 
Ground  all  Winter,  The  two  Shingl'd  Houses  of  two  small  Rooms 
each  &  all  the  Hutts  belonged  to  the  Indean  Traders  and  Suttlers 

The  Recruits  that  came  up  this  Year  were  very  bad,  a  great  many 
of  them  spoke  French  and  were  the  people  that  Inveig'led  the  men  to 
desert,  one  dutch  man  in  the  Train  Carried  off  3  men. 

When  I  left  Oswego  the  Garrison  were  pretty  healthy  as  it  Consisted 
mostly  of  Recruits  Just  come  up,  the  men  that  Compos'd  the  Garrison 
in  the  Winter  being  mostly  dead. 

In  January  we  were  inform 'd  by  the  Indeans,  that  we  were  to  be 
Attack'd  the  Garrison  was  then  so  Weak,  that  the  strongest  Guard  we 
proposed  to  mount,  was  a  Subaltern  and  20  men,  but  we  were  Seldom 
able  to  mount  more  than  16  or  18  men,  and  half  of  those  were  forced 
to  have  Sticks  in  their  hands  to  support  them,  the  men  were  so  weak 
that  the  Senterys  often  fell  down  on  their  Posts,  and  Lay  there  till  the 
Relief  came  and  lifted  them  up— 

That  two  or  three  times  when  we  expected  to  be  Attack'd  in  the 
Night  the  Carpenters  mounted  Guard 

Before  the  Recruits  arrived  my  Compy  was  only  ten  men,  the  other 
Companys  were  Little  Stronger 

The  Lieutenant  Colonels  Company  was  with  Lieutenant  Bull  at  the 
great  carrying  place,  where  they  were  all  either  killd  or  taken,  when 
that  Fort  was  Burnt,  the  Granadiers  went  down  the  Country  with 
Major  General  Shirley  and  I  met  them  going  up  when  I  came  down 

The  Regiment  was  paid  at  Schenectada  in  their  way  up  in  the  end 


of  July  or  beginning  of  August  1755,  to  the  24th  of  October,  that  the 
Paymaster  Left  at  Oswego  some  money  in  the  hands  of  Lieutenant  Car- 
den— who  gave  some  money  to  Officers  that  Wanted  but  I  do  not  know 
to  what  Extent,  I  received  200  dollars  of  my  own  Personal  pay,  but 
none  for  the  men,  as  none  of  the  Regiment  were  payed  up  farther  then 
the  24tL  of  Oct*  1755,  till  Captain  Moore  the  Paymaster  arrived  at 
Oswego  Four  days  before  1  left  it,  when  I  received  Bills  from  him  for 
8  months  personal  pay  up  to  the  24th  of  August  1756.  But  there  was 
little  due  to  them  when  I  came  away,  as  we  had  Supplied  them  with 
Chocolate,  Tea,  Sugar,  Coffee,  shirts,  shoes,  and  Stockings,  we  carried 
up  of  those  some  things  to  supply  them  with,  but  the  main  of  them 
were  supplied  by  Mr  Alexander  the  Cencrals  Secretary,  who  carryed 
up  a  great  Quantity  of  Goods  from  Boston,  &  deliver'd  them  over  to 
each  Corps,  I  think  those  Goods  of  Mr  Alexanders,  went  up  with  the 

I  suppose  the  Paymaster  payed  him  for  them,  but  I  do  not  know 
the  price  as  I  never  Received  an  Abstract 

When  those  were  Expended,  we  bought  the  Goods  from  Mr  Lewis 
the  Commissary  for  ready  money,  who  I  heard  was  Mr  Alexanders 
Partner,  I  do  not  Recollect  the  prices,  but  I  know  we  bought  Breeches 
for  Fourteen  Shillings  Currency,  or  eight  shillings  &  two  pence  Sterling, 
we  took  so  much  Care  to  Supply  the  men,  that  Several  of  my  Comp> 
died  in  my  debt— 

The  Recruits  that  came  up  Grumbled  for  want  of  their  pay,  and  I 
have  been  told  that  Several  of  the  deserters  that  were  taken  at  their 
Tryal  plead  that  as  they  neither  Received  their  pay  nor  Sufficient  Pro- 
visions they  went  away  to  prevent  their  Starving 

Fort  Ontario  was  a  Good  place  against  Indeans,  the  Barracks  were 
better  than  those  at  Oswego,  by  which  Sir  Wm  Pepperrells  Regiment 
lost  fewer  men  than  the  50th  at  Oswego,  but  the  Barracks  were  Built  so 
near  the  Stockead's  they  could  make  no  defence,  behin'd  them,  there 
was  a  Stage  made  Round  near  the  tops  of  the  Stockad's  where  the  Can- 
non were  Placed,  as  I  was  in  a  Bad  State  of  health,  I  never  was  in  it 
after  the  Barracks  were  Finished. 

There  were  no  Works  in  Oswego  Toward  the  Attack  where  Cannon 
could  be  used  but  from  the  Old  Stone  Trading  House  where  they 
formerly  had  two  Cannon,  But  the  Firing  them  on  the  Rejoicing  days, 
shook  the  Wall  so  much  that  Several  Stones  fell  out  of  the  Wall  for 
which  they  were  oblig'd  to  remove  them 

The  Fort  call'd  new  Oswego  or  Fort  Rascal  never  was  finished  and 
there  were  no  Loop  holes  in  the  Stockad's  so  that  they  could  not  Fire 


out  of  the  Fort  but  by  opening  the  Gate  and  Firing  out  of  that 
There  was  a  kind  of  a  ditch  about  half  way  Round  it  which  was 
made  by  taking  out  some  Earth  to  fix  the  Stockad's. 

John  Vickers 

[Enclosure  No.  1  in  Loudoun  to  Cumberland,  Jan.  6,  1757. 

Loudoun  to  Cumberland 


New  York  5th  January  1757 

I  have  received  Mr  Fox's  Letter,  Acquainting  me,  with  Major  Gen- 
eral O'Farrell's  Regiment,  and  the  twenty-four  additional  Companies 
from  Ireland,  being  ordered  here.  I  shall  immediately  compleat  Major 
General  O'Farrells  Regiment,  out  of  the  additional  Companies. 

As  to  the  Troops  in  Nova  Scotia,  I  have  reason  to  believe;  by  their 
returns,  dated  October  ist,  they  wanted  to  the  Establishment,  four  hun- 
dred and  two,  which  according  to  Your  Royal  Highness  liberty  to  us 
in  Flanders,  is  in  reality,  no  more  than  tivo  hundred  Eighty  two.  from 
Col1  Monckton,  I  am  informed,  of  Sixty  Men  Joined  that  Regiment, 
and  forty  Recruits  on  their  March  to  it,  after  that  return  was  made  up: 
And  I  know  there  are  a  great  many  Recruits  gone  from  this  Country, 
to  the  other  two  Regiments,  but  have  received  no  returns  of  their 
Numbers;  tho'  I  think  they  must  be  fully  compleated. 

But  by  Enquiring  of  Captain  Cotterel,  who  is  here,  for  the  recovery 
of  his  Health,  having  lost  the  use  of  his  hands,  by  the  dry  belly-Ache, 
which  is  a  West.  India  Disease,  I  find  they  are  Subject  to  in  Nova  Sco- 
tia; he  acquaints  me,  that  when  the  Regiments  were  low  in  Num- 
bers, they  had  Enlisted  a  good  many  French,  that  were  Prisoners, 
about  two  himdred,  who  not  answering  as  Soldiers  with  us,  they  were 
determined  to  deliver  back  as  Prisoners;  on  which,  I  propose  to  re- 
serve three  hundred  Men  of  the  Additional  Companies,  for  those 
Nova  Scotia  Battalions,  and  to  send  them  there,  as  soon  as  the  Season 
will  permit;  and  in  the  mean  time  shall  put  them  in  Quarters,  the  most 
convenient  for  that  purpose.  As  to  the  remainder  of  the  Additional 
Companies,  I  have  not  quite  fixed  what  I  shall  do  with  them,  till  I  see 
them;  What  Serjeants,  Corporals,  Drums  and  Old  Men,  they  have,  I 
shall  put  into  the  Americans,  as  they  are  more  wanted  there,  than  in 
the  other  Corps:  As  to  the  new  raised  Men  in  those  Companies,  of 


which  I  suppose,  the  greatest  Number  must  consist;  I  at  first  proposed, 
out  of  them,  to  have  compleated,  the  ?5,h  the  ././"'  and  the  48th  Regi- 
ments, as  they  could  presently  have  disciplined  them,  and  as  it  would 
have  taken  their  recruiting  Officers,  out  of  the  way,  of  crowding  our 

Recruiting  Quarters. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  when  I  consider,  that  there  is  a  great  doubt, 
of  our  being  able  to  compleat  the  four  Battalions  of  the  Royal  Ameri- 
cans, in  time  for  the  Field;  and  the  little  time  there  will  be,  for  dis- 
ciplining the  Recruits  that  we  get,  just  before  we  take  the  Field;  and 
the  Inconvenience  of  having  Battalions  in  the  Field,  of  very  unecjual 
Numbers;  I  believe  I  shall  put  the  whole  of  them,  into  the  Royal  Ameri- 
cans: but  I  will  see  them,  before  I  determine  any  thing  certainly. 

There  is  another  reason,  that  I  believe  must  determine  me,  to  put 
them  into  the  Americans;  and  I  think  it  necessary  to  mention  it  to 
Your  Royal  Highness,  as  I  may  meet  with  blame  from  some  People,  if 
they  think  I  have  taken  from  Nova  Scotia  one  Man,  that  they  imagine 
might  have  been  there. 

I  know  nothing  of  the  Numbers,  Major  General  O'Farrells  Regi- 
ment, or  the  additional  Companies,  consist  of,  or  when  they  come  on 
this  Establishment,  but  from  the  words  of  Mr  Fox's  Letter,  of  October 
2J;  in  which  he  says,  speaking  of  those  Troops,  now  Embarked  at  Cork, 
I  presume  they  come  on  this  Establishment  in  September,  for  Ireland 
will  Pay  them  no  longer,  than  they  are  with  them. 

As  the  Regiments  in  Norm  Scotia,  have  not  yet  sent  me  an  Account 
of  their  non-effective  Fund,  I  do  not  know  what  that  is,  or  whether 
they  could  out  of  that,  Pay  the  Money  ordered  to  be  Paid  to  the  Regi- 
ments they  come  from;  but  Your  Royal  Highness  will  plainly  see,  by 
the  returns  of  the  Ist  of  October,  when  they  wanted  realy,  but  two  hun- 
dred Eighty  two  Men  on  the  Spot,  and  had  at  that  time  a  great  num- 
ber of  Recruits  in  this  Country,  so  that  whatever  Vacancies  they  may 
have,  by  Men  discharged  since,  they  have  not  Money  to  Pay  those 
Men,  from  any  time  in  September,  nor  can  the  ./-/th  nor  jSth  afford  it, 
out  of  their  non-effective  Funds;  And  the  Royal  Americans,  have 
Money  enough  for  the  purpose. 

Your  Royal  Highness  will  be  surprised,  to  find  no  returns  for  De- 
cember; the  reason  is,  we  are  so  dispersed,  (that  I  have  not  been  able 
to  collect  them,)  as  You  will  see,  from  the  Account  I  have  given  you 
of  their  Quarters.  There  is  no  returns  from  the  Royal  Americans;  this 
is  occasioned,  from  their  having  blundered  in  making  them,  so  that  I 
cannot  set  it  right,  till  I  have  their  Answers:  They  left  out  of  their 
returns,  the  Highlanders  that  we  Pay;  the  People  belonging  to  Colonel 



Prevost,  that  were  taken  in  their  Passage,  who  whilst  they  are  Prison- 
ers, I  imagine  must  remain  on  our  Returns;  And  they  have  even  left 
out,  some  of  the  Recruiting  Parties,  that  were  delivered  over  to  the 
different  Battalions,  when  they  were  divided:  but  as  near  as  I  can  in- 
form Your  Royal  Highness,  they  are  about  Eigliteen  hundred  Men,  at 
present,  without  including  the  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  Recruits, 
of  which  I  have  no  Account. 

January  6th.  Colonel  Rollo  arrived  in  one  of  the  Transports, 
which  Sailed  from  Cork  November  6th,  and  parted  from  the  Fleet  on 
the  i 8th,  in  a  Gale  of  Wind;  they  have  on  board,  One  hundred  and 
Seventy  Eight  Men,  composed,  of  one  Company  of  the  Regiment,  and 
part  of  the  Drafts;  by  him  I  understand,  Your  Royal  Highness  has 
eased  me  of  the  trouble,  of  disposing  of  the  Serjeants  and  Corporals 
of  the  Additional,  who  would  have  been  extremely  usefull  here,  if 
they  could  have  been  spared;  for  there  is  the  50th  and  57s1  Regiments, 
have  not  one  that  deserves  the  name;  and  I  can  say  very  little  more, 
for  the  four  Battalions  of  the  Royal  Americans;  for  very  few  of  the 
foreigners,  we  have  got  in  that  Station,  are  good  for  any  thing. 

By  the  Account  I  hear,  of  the  manner  of  Drafting  those  Men,  which 
was,  that  most  Regiments  threw  the  twelve  Companies  into  one  body, 
and  compleated  the  ten  Companies  out  of  that,  and  then  sent  us  what 
were  left;  I  do  not  doubt,  we  have  got  the  whole  Vices  of  the  Irish 
Army;  those  I  shall  endeavour  to  reform;  but  I  am  afraid,  we  have 
likewise  got  the  whole  Diseases.  I  shall  have  every  Man  examined, 
and  if  I  find,  there  are  any  considerable  number  unfitt  for  Service,  I 
hope  You  will  not  think  me  in  the  wrong,  if  I  return  them  to  their 
own  Corps,  as  Invalids  are  totaly  useless  here;  as  with  all  the  care  we 
can  take,  we  shall  find  Men  enough  in  the  Corps  here,  for  the  Garisons 
during  the  Campaign,  that  are  not  able,  to  undergo  the  fatigue  of  a 
Campaign  in  the  Field,  in  this  Country. 

I  am  likewise  informed,  that  there  was  a  very  great  Desertion,  dur- 
ing the  time  of  the  Muster,  the  day  they  embarked;  So  that  when  I 
have  compleated  Major  General  O'Farrells  Regiment,  and  set  aside 
three  hundred  Men,  for  the  Regiments  in  Nova  Scotia,  I  shall  have 
about  four  hundred  Men  remaining,  who  I  shall  put  in  the  Royal 

Colonel  Prevost ,  hath  the  returns  of  those  Companies,  who  is  not  yet 
arrived;  when  he  comes,  and  I  receive  my  Letters,  I  shall  send  Your 
Royal  Highness  a  return  of  them,  and  an  Account  of  what  they  are. 

I  shall  leave,  in  Writing,  my  Orders,  for  the  division  of  those  Com- 
panies, to  make  it  as  equal  as  I  can;  but  I  have  many  People,  I  can- 

WEBB  293 

not  depend  on  their  executing  in  a  fortnight,  what  another  Man  might 
do  in  two  Hours;  if  Mr  Webb  is  recovered,  it  will  be  well  done;  but  if 
he  is  not,  my  friend  Colonel  Dusseaux  will  Plague  their  hearts  out;  for 
he  does  so  much,  that  he  never  executes  any  thing:  the  Officers  of  his 
Battalion,  are  far  from  happy;  And  the  Adjutant,  who  came  from 
Colonel  Leighton's  Regiment,  one  Allen,  who  is  a  very  good  and  dili- 
gent one,  I  believe  will  throw  up  his  Adjutantcy;  for,  before  he  can 
execute,  one  half  of  one  Order,  he  has  another  Order,  and  so  on,  with 
infinite  abuse.  It  is  my  Duty,  to  let  Your  Royal  Highness  know  the 
truth  in  every  case,  but  I  do  beg,  you  will  not  mention  this  from 
me,  as  you  know,  where  it  would  hurl  me  greatly. 

I  mentioned  M'  Webb  being  111;  he  was  about  a  fortnight  ago,  at- 
tacked with  a  very  Slight  fit  of  the  Palsy,  which  did  not  last  a  Minute, 
and  to  another  Man,  would  have  been  of  very  little  Consequence;  but 
all  his  People  have  died  of  that  Disease,  and  he  is  still  low  and  down, 
and  I  cannot  get  his  Spirits  up;  I  am  very  much  afraid,  he  will  not 
soon  be  able  to  do  much  business;  if  that  is  the  case,  he  will  be  an 
infinite  loss  to  the  Service,  for  the  Country  is  so  immensely  wide,  we 
must  have  People  we  can  depend  on,  in  different  Places,  and  hands  I 
find  great  want  of;  And  yet  I  do  not  Ask  further  of  your  Royal  High- 
ness, than  to  shew  you  that  is  the  case,  and  that  I  am  still  of  the  same 
opinion,  that  any  Man  that  were  to  come,  that  did  not  do  us  good, 
would  do  us  a  great  deale  of  mischief. 

I  was  this  day  with  Sir  Charles  Hardy,  about  Cannori,  and  I  find 
they  have  no  24.  Pounders,  but  two  long  Iron  ones;  They  have  forty 
Six  32.  Pounders;  bad  long  Guns,  ill  fortified;  Of  18.  Pounders  they 
have  Sixteen;  but  not  a  Gun  in  this  Country,  has  a  Carriage  can  be 
trusted  to,  indeed  they  are  in  general,  totaly  Rotten;  nor  is  there  a  bit 
of  Wood  to  make  them  of,  but  what  is  Green.  There  is  very  few  Can- 
non Ball,  for  any  of  the  different  sorts;  they  make  ball  in  this  Country, 
but  what  has  hitherto  been  made,  is  not  good;  I  am  endeavouring  to 
get  some  made,  and  to  amend  that  fault. 

On  a  full  Enquiry,  I  find  almost  all  the  27  ">  in  this  Country,  are 
either  at  Newfoundland,  laying  without  Carriages  or  Men  to  fight 
them;  or  at  Annapolis  Royal,  where  I  suppose  they  are  not  much  bet- 
ter; or  at  Halifax:  there  I  dare  not  meddle  with  them,  but  the  truth 
is,  almost  the  whole  Iron  Guns  in  this  Country  arc  Honey  Combed 
and  rotten;  having  lain  in  the  Dirt  many  Years,  without  the  least  Care. 
As  this  is  the  Case,  I  shall  make  all  the  Preparation  in  mx  Power,  but 
do  most  humbly  beg.  Your  Royal  Highness  will  consider  our  Situa- 
tion; for  I  am  sure,  if  you  do  not  Protect  &  Support  us,  none  else  will; 


And  if  my  Plan  is  approved  of,  Cannon  will  be  absolutely  necessary. 

I  set  out  on  the  8th  for  Boston;  the  Moment  that  Meeting  is  over,  I 
shall  have  the  honor,  of  Acquainting  the  Kings  Ministers,  of  what  is 
Settled  at  it. 

I  have  Sent  the  Original  Papper  Signed  by  Capt  Vickars  to  your 
Royal  Highness  incase  there  should  be  occasion  to  Produce  it 

Since  writting  the  Above  I  have  Disembarked  the  men  who  came  in 
the  Transport  and  if  the  others  are  as  good  as  what  are  come  in  this 
they  will  do  very  well  so  I  hope  the  Information  does  not  hold 

Mr  Webb  has  begone  to  get  Spirits  again  and  I  now  think  we  Shall 
have  the  Use  of  him  again  I  have  the  Honour  to  be 

Sir  your  Royal  Highnesses  most  Dutifull  And  most  Obedeent 
humble  Servant 


[Endorsed]  New-York;  January  5/6  IJ5J-  Lord  Loudoun,  to  H:R:H:  inclos- 
ing 3.  Paper. 

Considerations  Offered  by  [?]  upon  a  Scheme  for 

Attacking  Louisbourg  &  Quebec.   1757  ' 


The  French,  being  already  possess'd  of  the  Lakes  &  Rivers  at  the 
Back  of  the  English  Settlements  from  Quebeck  to  the  Missisippi,  can 
easily  bring  their  whole  Force  to  act  either  offensively  or  defensively  at 
any  one  Point;  and  are  therefore  in  no  great  Danger  from  any  Attack 
from  the  British  Provinces,  which  cannot  be  executed  but  by  a  March 
by  Land  thro'  desert  Countries  &  dangerous  Passes:  And  if  here  &  there 
some  Water  Carriage  may  be  had,  that  is  so  difficult  and  dangerous 
that  the  English  Troops  may  be  easily  attacked  by  the  French  from 
the  numberless  Posts  they  are  already  possess'd  of. 

1  This  document  is  in  memorandum  form.  Since  it  presents  a  strong  argument  for 
Loudoun's  plan  of  attacking  Quebec  directly,  it  would  seem  to  have  emanated  from 
some  one  fully  as  close  to  Cumberland  as  to  Pitt,  perhaps  Fox  and  perhaps  Bedford. 
It  is  not  Pitt's  plan,  for  he  on  February  4  had  sent  positive  orders  to  Loudoun  to 
attack  Louisbourg  first,  and  then  Quebec,  and  had  yielded  only  after  a  cabinet  of 
March  13,  in  which  Cumberland  sat,  allowed  Loudoun  to  use  his  discretion  as  to 
which  of  the  two  places  should  be  attacked  (Minutes,  Mar.  13,  1757,  Chatham  Papers, 
Vol.  95). 


The  Military  Situation  of  France  in  Europe  is  such,  that,  if  the  Sea 
be  left  open  to  her,  she  may  fill  that  Country  with  regular  Troops,  and 
the  political  Constitution  of  her  Colonies  affords  them  a  Militia 
equally  good  for  offence  and  defence  &  greatly  Superior  to  that  of  the 
English,  the  different  Degree  of  Populousness  in  the  two  Countries 
considered.— from  these  two  Circumstances  there  is  the  utmost  Danger 
to  the  British  Colonies,  if  France  shoud  think  proper  to  undertake  the 
Risque  &  Expence  of  a  Conquest;  for  the  Risque  and  Expence  of  trans- 
porting Troops  &  Provisions  seem  to  be  at  present  the  only  Bar  to 
this  imminent  Peril. 

Should  France  Even  chuse  not  to  risque  any  farther  Expence,  she 
is  probably  in  the  present  Circumstances  stronger  than  the  English 
can  be  without  a  very  extraordinary  Exertion  of  their  Strength:  for 
Should  she  chuse  to  remain  upon  the  defensive  merely,  possess'd  of  the 
Posts  she  now  enjoys,  she  may  possibly  be  able  to  Suffer  the  English  to 
act  offensively  by  Land,  &  yet  maintain  her  Posts,  &  consequently  her 
Authority  with  the  Indians,  till  the  English  shoud  be  tired  with  the 
fruitless  Expence,  &  forced  by  a  Peace  to  Secure  her  in  the  Possession 
of  these  Encroachments. 


The  only  Method,  by  which  it  seems  possible  for  England  to  avoid 
so  fatal  an  Event,  seems  to  be  that  of  preventing  the  French  Colonies 
from  receiving  Supplies  of  Men,  Stores,  8c  Provisions  by  Sea,  which  are 
absolutely  necessary  for  supporting  &  maintaining  that  Body  of  Troops 
which  they  employ,  Canadian  or  European,  &  that  Number  of  Posts 
which  they  possess  in  America. 


The  doing  this  by  cruising  merely  has  already  been  tried  in  a  certain 
Degree  ineffectually,  S:  is  perhaps  to  an  absolute  Degree  in  the  Nature 
of  Things,  impossible;  for  so  numerous  are  her  Armies  in  Europe,  that 
she  may  afford  to  send  over  Troops  at  five  to  one  Risque  of  the  Em- 
barkation's Success.  And  with  Respect  to  Provisions,  as  the  Missisippi 
8c  Sl  Lawrence  Rivers  must  still  in  a  certain  Degree  be  open  against 
the  most  vigilant  Cruise,  &  the  Provisions  8:  Shipping  of  England,  as 


well  as  neutral  Powers,  can  always  be  had  with  a  certain  Degree  of 
Temptation,  it  is  not  perhaps  a  Paradox  to  assert  that  the  whole  Navy 
of  England  could  not  prevent  the  necessary  Supplies,  if  France  should 
determine  to  have  them  at  Such  a  Risque. 

It  seems  therefore.  .  .  . 

Two  Ideas  naturally  occurs  on  this  Subject,— Missisippi  &  Sl  Law- 
rence Rivers.  With  Respect  to  the  first,  as  it's  Entry  is  narrow  &  diffi- 
cult, cruising  might  possibly  be  employ'd  with  Effect.  As  to  the  last, 
cruising  having  hitherto  proved  ineffectual,  there  seem  to  be  but  two 
Supplemental  Objects— Viz— the  Attacking  of  Louisburgh  or  Quebeck, 
but  as  the  first  of  these  is  probably  as  strong  to  the  full  &  well  fortified 
as  the  last,  &  consequently  woud  require  as  great  Force,  Expence,  & 
Risque,  tho'  the  Consequences  woud  not  be  in  any  Degree  so  ad- 
vantageous; whereas  if  the  attempt  on  the  last  can  be  supposed  to  prove 
effectual,  it  woud  necessarily  put  an  End  to  the  War  in  America,  give 
a  Secure  &  lasting  Barrier  to  the  British  Colonies,  by  breaking  up  every 
Post  on  the  Lakes  &  Rivers,  which  the  French  now  by  usurpation  En- 
joy, &  enable  the  English  to  take  Posts  of  a  like  Kind  in  a  Territory, 
whereof  the  Title  woud  not  be  disputed  with  them;  and  at  the  Same 
Time  probably  put  an  End  to  the  War  in  Europe,  by  affording  Eng- 
land an  opportunity  of  restoring  a  proper  Equivalent  to  France  for 
the  Conquests  she  has  made  there,  without  any  Loss  either  of  Interest 
or  Reputation:  Nothing  seems  more  obvious  than  that  the  Preference 
ought  to  be  given  to  the  Attempt  upon  Quebeck  to  one  on  Louisburgh; 
unless  it  be  supposed  to  be  attended  with  Difficulties  unsurmountable. 

The  Necessary  Requisites  for  Such  an  Attempt  seem  to  be;  first,  a 
considerable  Fleet  to  Secure  the  Superiority  at  Sea  in  those  Parts,  while 
the  Same  Superiority  is  maintain'd  in  Europe  to  preserve  great  Britain 
fe  It's  Trade  from  Insult  from  the  Brest  &  Toulon  Squadrons—  In  this 
there  seems  to  be  no  unsurmountable  Difficulty. 

Secondly  a  Sufficient  Body  of  regular  Troops  with  a  proper  Train  of 
Artillery  for  taking  &  bombarding  the  Place.  The  Body  of  Troops 


raised  8c  sent  lor  this  Purpose  in  iju:  consisted  of  Seven  Battallions 
amounting,  with  Recruits,  to  5300:  men,  together  with  [ndependant 
Companies  from  New  England  amounting  to  1500:  Men.  Such  a  Num- 
ber now  woud  probably  not  be  Sufficient,  possibly  twelve  thousand 
woud.  The  Number  of  regular  Troops  in  Canada  is  Supposed  to  be 
considerable— Six  Battallions  have  been  mention'd  as  having  been 
lately  Sent  over,  but  the  Troops  they  have  there  must  be  distributed 
in  a  Variety  of  Posts  over  a  wide  Extended  Country—  The  Men  by  the 
Advantage  of  Water  Carriage  might  possibly  be  drawn  together  upon 
an  Alarm,  but  Stores,  Provisions  8c  Artillery  not  so  easily— if  withdrawn 
from  their  present  Posts,  these  must  be  abandon'd.  and  therefore  it 
may  be  prudent  to  have  a  Number  of  Troops  collected  together  in  one 
Body,  or  seperated  into  Several,  as  occasion  may  require,  to  take  Ad- 
vantage of  Such  Absence,  if  Such  Posts  were  broken  up  or  abandon'd 
the  Possession  of  them  woud  probably  be  soon  Secured  by  Provincials, 
who  woud  flock  theither  on  Such  Success— 

The  River,  as  is  said,  is  navigable  for  large  Vessells  greatly  beyond 
Quebeck,  &  therefore  if  the  Troops  from  the  Out  Posts  were  not  as- 
sembled in  the  Town  before  the  Attempt  was  made,  there  woud  prob- 
ably be  great  Difficulty  in  doing  it  afterwards;  8c  still  greater  in  getting 
together  Provisions  Stores  &c  which  cannot  be  convey 'd  but  by  Water. 

The  Town,  it  is  said,  consists  chiefly  of  Wooden  Houses,  therefore 
if  the  Ships  can  approach  it,  they  might  by  a  Bombardment  easily  fire 
it,  &  by  that  Means  be  greatly  assistant  to  the  Military  Force. 

Thirdly,  a  Sufficient  Number  of  Transports.  In  this  there  can  be 
no  unsurmountable  Difficulty.  27  Transports  were  employ 'd  in  Sir 
Hovenden  Walker's  Expedition,  containing  7429  Tons,  8c  carrying  the 
Seven  Battallions  of  5003  Men— three  more  Ships  of  448  Tons  carried 
300  Recruits,  there  was  one  Hospital  Ship,  one  for  Cloathing.  8c  Eight 
for  the  Artillery  R:  Provisions.  They  went  first  to  new  England,  8c  after- 
wards proceeded  to  the  Gulph  of  Sl  Lawrence.  The  Expedition  failed 
for  want  of  proper  Pilots,  but  there  was  no  Complaint  made  as  to  the 

298  PILOTS 

Health  of  the  Men  from  being  over  crowded,  or  from  any  other  Cir- 
cumstance relative  to  the  Transportation.— But  as  it  is  the  opinion  of 
many  who  have  been  Supposed  Judges  of  such  affairs,  that  for  so  long 
a  Voyage  a  greater  allowance  of  Tonage  ought  to  be  made  in  Propor- 
tion to  the  Number  of  Troops  sent  than  in  Sir  Hovenden  Walker's 
Expedition;  that  alteration,  if  thought  proper,  may  be  easily  made— 
And  here  it  may  not  be  improper  to  observe  that  for  the  Sake  of  Secrecy 
it  might  be  right  to  hire  the  Transports  per  Month  for  a  certain  Time 
without  Specefying  the  Place  of  their  Destination,  as  has,  it  is  believed 
been  generally  done,  possibly  the  Same  Transports  now  taken  up  for 
&  employ'd  in  carrying  over  his  Majesty's  Electoral  Troops  might  be 
continued  in  the  Service  without  giving  any  Alarm  to  the  Publick— 

Fourthly— a  proper  Pilotage  for  carrying  the  Ships  of  War  &  Trans- 
ports up  that  dangerous  River  to  Quebeck  is  of  absolute  Necessity. 
Upon  this  Rock  the  Expedition  of  lyn:  split,  &  probably  failed  from 
this  Circumstance  alone,  but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  Want  of  this 
will  prove  no  unsurmountable  Difficulty.  We  were  in  Possession  of 
Louisburgh  for  two  years  of  the  last  War;  &  we  have  been  Establishing 
the  Colony  of  Nova  Scotia  ever  Since  the  quitting  Possession  of  it.  We 
have  had  a  Naval  Force  almost  constantly  employ'd  in  those  Parts,  as 
well  for  maintaining  the  Exclusive  Possession  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  as 
for  Exploring  the  Gulph  &:  River  of  Sl  Lawrence.  A  Squadron  has  been 
kept  there  for  an  year  &  an  half  past;  &  possibly  we  have  Pilots  for  at 
least  Part  of  that  Navigation  in  our  own  Fleet,  but  shoud  that  not  be 
the  Case,  we  are  Supposed  to  be  possessed  of  Eight  or  ten  Thousand 
french  Seamen,  now  Prisoners,  Many  of  them  taken  on  Board  Ships 
going  to,  or  coming  from  Quebeck.  it  will  not  therefore  be  difficult  to 
pick  out  from  among  them  with  prudent  Management  a  proper  Num- 
ber of  good  Pilots. 


But  whether  this  or  any  other  Plan  for  the  carrying  on  the  War  in 
America  Shall  be  adopted,  it  is  highly  necessary  that  it  be  immediately 
fixed  upon,  &  Such  orders  given  &  Such  Attention  had  in  Every  Branch 
of  the  publick  Service  concerned  in  the  Execution  of  them  as  that  no 
Delays  shall  happen  on  any  Pretixt  whatsoever. 


First  Note  by  Admiral  Knowles,1   Relating  to  the 

Expedition  to  North  America,   1757 


Memdm  of  things  to  be  wrote  to  Col:  Lawrence  about 

That  it  be  recommend  to  Col:  Lawrence  to  find  occasion  to  send  a 
of  Truce  to  L[ouisbourgj  in  the  Spring  as  early  as  a  Vessell  can 
pass,  with  Captn  Scott  of  Col:  Hopsons  Regm*  or  some  other  discreet 
Oflicer,  as  he  shall  judge  most  proper  who  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  Garrison,  when  it  was  restored  to  the  French,  in  Order  to  make 
his  Observations  what  New  Works  have  been  errected  either  at  the 
Town,  or  any  other  part  of  the  Harbour,  particularly  at  the  Light- 
house, or  near  it,  &:  if  any  Battery  is  errected  there  whither  it  be  in- 
closed &  fortify'd  on  the  back  or  not,  &  what  additional  Number  of 
Cannon  there  may  be  Mounted  at  the  Town  on  the  side  next  the  Har- 
bour between  the  Colliers  Battery  &  the  West  Gate  Bastion,  &  whither 
the  Wall  from  Billings  Gate  to  the  Spurr  has  been  heightened  or  not, 
with  the  best  Account  he  can  gett  of  the  Strength  of  the  Garrison,  & 
Number  of  Inhabitants,  and  to  gain  what  further  intelligence  he  pos- 
sibly can  for  the  benefit  of  the  Service 

To  prepare  Gabions  Fascines  &  Picketts,  3  Inch  Plank  &  Joist  for 

On  Baptist  de  Yeon,  alias  Babtist  John,  an  Inhabitant  of  L when 

it  was  taken,  is  supposed  now  to  be  a  Pilot  on  board  one  of  the  Men 
of  Warr  at  Nova  Scotia,  to  have  him  detain'd,  &  other  good  Pylots 
secured,  with  as  much  privacy  as  possible, 

Col:  Lawrence  may  have  a  hint  to  give  out  these  things  are  provid- 
ing for  his  own  deffence,  &  that  he  may  expect  a  Visit  from  Cape 
Breton  in  the  Spring,  or  from  Quebec,  Or  to  assign  such  other  rea- 
sons as  may  be  judge  proper,  to  disguise  these  preparations 

Second  Note  from  Admiral  Knowles,  Relating  to 
the  Expedition  to  North  America,    1757 
Mr  Bastide  and  two  Active  Engineers  under  him. 

Of  these  as  many  to  be  got  as  were  at  Lfouisbourg]  before 

1  Charles  Knowles.  vice  admiral  since  1755,  had  been  governor  of  Louisbourg  in 
1746  and  governor  of  Jamaica  from  1752  to  1756.  In  1757  he  participated  in  the 
expedition  to  Rochefort. 


A  Company  of  the  train  of  Artillery  with  an  able  Conductor  &  a  pro- 
portion of  Officers  &:  Artificers  of  the  Civil  Branch  of  the  Ordnance. 

20.  24  Pounders  with  their  Carriages  Compleat  k  some  spare  &  a  large 
Proportion  of  Cartridges,  Ball,  Grape  &ca  Wadds  or  Junk  to  make 
Wadd,  Powder  Match,  priming  Horns  Budge  Barrells  &ca  Sliding 
Sledges  for  transporting  the  Guns,  according  to  the  Model  given  (will 
require  time  to  make  them)  2000  Mens  Harness  for  D°  fitted 

Triangles  or  Gins  for  Mounting  the  Guns  with  Iron  pulleys  &  Brass 
Shives  fitted  &  Spare  Cordage  for  Tackle  falls  &  Harness,  ropes  for 
transporting  the  Guns  over  Rocks  &  bad  Ground  and  large  Crows  & 
Handscrews  or  Jacks  for  that  purpose  with  store  of  both  Long  and 
Short  Hand  spikes  both  claw'd  &  not  claw'd 

4.  10  Ins  Mortars  or  Howitzs  &  6.  8  Ins  with  Shells  Carcasses  &:  Labora- 
tory Stores  Compleat 

4  Cohorns  or  Royals  with  shells  &ca  for  each  Ship 
100  Musquett  Mortars  &  Shells  proportionable 

100  Wall  pieces  &  Swivel  Guns  for  the  Tops  with  Grape  fitted  &  some 
Boxes  of  Hand  granades,  Pick  axes,  Mattocks  Shovels  Spades  Whip- 
saws,  Cross  cut  D°  Hand  D°,  Broad  Axes,  felling  Axes  Hatches  ham- 
mers Mauls  Sledges  Large  &  small  Iron  Wedges  of  different  Sizes. 
Grindstones  fitted.  Spikes  R:  Nails  of  all  sorts. 

Miners  &  Miners  Tools. 
Forges  for  Red  Hot  Shot  with  Tongs,  Ladles  &  every  other  implement 

Smiths  with  Forges  &  Tools  for  their  Work  and  a  Quantity  of  BaiT 
Sc  Bolt  Iron  and  Coals. 

100  Ladders,  scaling  &  fix'd  24  feet  long 

Wheel   Barrows  Sc  hand   Barrows  fitted  a  sufficient   Number   Ballast 

Basketts  &ca 

Wool  sacks  Blinds  &  Sand  baggs  a  proper  proportion 

Ammunition  for  the  Troops 
Fine  Powder  in         %  Barrells 

A  Proportional  Number  of  Musquet  Cartridges  made  up  &  filled  & 
spare  Reams  of  Paper  for  D°  the  Cartridges  to  be  pack'd  up  in  small 
baggs  and  all  the  Sparc  Ball  likewise 

Plank  &:  Joist  for  Platforms  for  the  Batterys 


Tents  for  the  late  Additional  Lieut'"*  to  the  three  Regiments  in 
Nova  Scotia  &  tor  the  Train 

5  or  600  of  10  Gallon  baggs  or  Baroccos  [Barricoes]  for  Water 

Square  Musquetts  8c  Flints  in  small  baggs 

The  Troops  to  be  compleated  with  Camp  necessarys  Copper  kettles 
with  Frying  pan  Covers. 

Fishing  Netts,  Hooks  ledds  R:  Lines,  to  be  provided  a  large  Number 
being  Absolutely  necessary  for  the  Sick  as  well  as  a  great  Refreshment 
to  those  in  health. 

A  Commissary  of  Stores  &  Provisions,  Assistants  Clerks  &ca. 

A  Paymaster  of  the  Troops,  Specie  for  them  R:  as  much  as  possible 
in  Small  Coin 

As  a  Number  of  Petty  Officers  &  Sailors  (good  chosen  men)  will  be 
wanted  for  transporting  the  Artillery,  Provisions,  Stores  &ca  and  serv- 
ing in  the  Batterys  to  Assist  the  train  in  carrying  on  the  Seige  for  which 
its  presumed  for  w1  be  regularly  paid,  as  likewise  any  of  the  Troops 
employ 'd  on  such  like  extraordinary  Services,  Provision  must  be  made 
for  paying  them  Accordingly. 

Sea  Bedding  to  be  Provided  for  the  Troops  &  Train  8e  Barrack  bed- 
ding to  be  sent  so  soon  after  as  the  Success  is  known,  Matts  shou'd  like- 
wise be  provided  made  of  Rushes,  agreeable  to  the  Pattern,  for  the 
Men  to  lay  on,  in  their  Tents,  there  being  no  Hay,  Straw  or  any  other 
thing  to  preserve  them  from  the  Wet  Ground,  which  will  prevent  Sick- 
ness R:  save  the  Lives  of  many. 

An  Hospital  with  proper  Store  of  Medicines  Attendants  &ca  must  be 
provided,  And  as  some  large  Tents  will  be  much  more  convenient  as 
well  as  Commodious  for  Lodging  of  the  Sick  R:  Avounded  Some  half 
worn  Sails  are  recommended  to  be  taken  to  make  them  off  &  Tar- 
pawlins  to  cover  them  with  all  to  keep  out  the  Rains  &  Deals  to  be 
supply'd  for  making  Cradles,  Grotts,  Rice,  Barley,  Vinegar  &  portable 
Soup,  good  Store  to  be  provided  for  the  Sick  and  Hospital  bedding 

Blankets  or  Watch  Coats  for  the  Troops  and  to  be  order 'd  to  take 
with  them  good  Store  of  Shirts  Shoes  &  Stockings. 

Large  Brewing  Coppers  &  Wooden  Vessell  for  Brewing  Spruce  Beer 
for  the  Troops  when  Landed,  and  a  Quantity  of  Ginger  is  esteem'd 
very  wholesome  to  put  in  it  as  a  preservative  against  the  Scurvy.  And 
during  a  Siege  a  small  allowance  of  Rum  at  the  discretion  of  the  Com- 
mander in  Cheif  will  be  very  necessary,  for  there  will  be  no  kind  of  re- 
freshment whatsoever  to  be  got  till  the  place  is  reduced. 

Spare  Ammunition  to  replace  what  may  be  expended  by  the  Men  of 


That  where  the  Quantitys  of  any  Materials  are  not  express'd,  it  is 
submitted  to  be  proportion'd  according  to  the  Nature  of  the  Service 
intended  and  the  Number  of  Troops  employ'd 

A  Proportion  of  Provisions  for  the  Number  of  Troops  employ'd 
must  be  sent  out  with  them  to  last  till  the  End  of  October  before  which 
a  farther  Supply  must  be  laid  in,  to  serve  till  the  end  of  June  1757  or 
the  Garrison  may  be  starv'd  the  ist  Supply  must  follow  so  soon  as  ever 
the  news  of  Success  arrives  &  the  2d  to  be  sent  in  the  Month  of  April 
following  to  last  till  June  1758.  And  3000  Chaldron  of  Coals  sent  out 
after  us  &  so  continued  Yearly  till  the  Colling  there  is  established,  &  a 
Number  of  Miners  engaged  &:  sent  out  for  the  Working  of  it 

Memorandum  by  Colonel  Hopson  l 


Minits  in  regard  to  a  Descent  proposed  to  be  made  upon  the  Is- 
land of  Cape  Breton  &  for  Attacking  The  Garrison  of  Louisbourg. 


The  Number  of  Troops  intended  for  this  Expedition  to  consist  of 
to  be  assembled  at  and  to  be  Embark'd  at  about 

ye     day  of  next,  with  Camp  Necessaries  compleat  Tents,  Pro- 

visions &ca,  A  Train  of  Artillery  &  Ordnance  Artificers  requisite  for  this 
Service.  Enginiers,  with  Sufficient  Store  of  Materials  of  all  kinds  neces- 
sary for  making  the  Descent  &  likewise  for  carrying  on  a  Seige,  Such  as 
by  the  List  annex'd,  &  what  others  may  further  be  demanded  by  the 
Chief  Enginier. 

The  Country,  round  Louisbourg  in  general  consists  of  Rock  &  Mo- 
rass, or  Bog,  &  where  there  is  no  Morass  or  Bog,  in  some  few  places 
there  are  small  spots  of  Good  Earth,  though  these  are  very  few  indeed, 
The  generality  of  these  Spaces  being  only  a  mixture  of  a  Rubble  Stoney 
kind  of  Earth,  not  to  be  thrown  up  or  moved  without  great  Labour  & 
the  help  of  a  Pick  axe 

It  being  apprehended  that  Cabarouce  Bay  (by  sea  about  2  or  3 
Leagues  to  the  Westward  of  Louisbourg,  where  the  New  England 

1  Peregrine  Thomas  Hopson  was  governor  of  Louisbourg  after  Knowles's  depar- 
ture in  1747,  and  governor  of  Nova  Scotia  in  1752.  In  England  from  1753  to  1757,  he 
accompanied  the  expedition  of  1757  as  major  general,  remained  in  Halifax  during 
the  winter,  and  died  during  the  siege  of  Cuadaloupe  in  1759,  in  which  he  com- 
manded the  land  forces. 


Troops  Landed  when  They  made  their  Descent  upon  the  Island  in 
1745)  is  the  place  where  it  is  now  thought  the  Troops  for  this  Ex- 
pedition must  land,  It  may  be  proper  here  to  mention  Something  by 
way  of  Description  of  yc  Ground  between  that  &  the  Garrison  of  Louis- 
bo  urg. 

It  is  thought  that  Cabaroucc  Bay  is  about  3  or  4  miles  from  Louis- 
bourg  by  Land,  the  Way  some  part  Rocky,  the  rest  cheifly  consisting 
of  Deep,  Boggy  Swampy  ground  upon  an  Ascent  almost  the  whole  way, 
with  several  Hauteurs  which  for  ye  most  part  command  every  thing  in 
ye  way  by  which  You  must  advance  towards  ye  Town.— Here,  that  is, 
upon  these  swamps,  it  was,  that  ye  New  England  Troops  met  with 
Extreem  Difficulties  in  getting  their  Heavy  Cannon  &ca  over  in  order 
to  come  before  the  Place  to  attack  it,  &  it  was  said  that  it  proved  but 
just  practicable. 

It  is  conceived  that,  before  the  Troops  (after  landing  in  Cabarouce 
Bay)  can  be  in  readiness  to  advance  before  ye  Place,  a  part  of  ye  Gar- 
rison will  be  sent  out  in  order  to  possess  the  Hauteurs  and  that  they 
will  raise  several  Batteries  or  Redoutes,  which  they  probably  may  have 
Sufficient  time  to  put  in  Execution.  In  this  case  The  Troops  will  find 
it  exceeding  difficult  to  advance,  as  they  must  be  obliged  to  make  use 
of  their  Cannon  in  approaching,  &  that  under  very  disadvantageous 
circumstances  from  the  Reverse  Situation  of  ye  Enemy,  who  having  no 
reason  to  be  apprehensive  of  their  being  cut  off  from  their  Retreat,  may 
safely  dispute  the  Ground  for  ye  greatest  part  of  ye  way  from  ye  place 
of  Landing  quite  to  the  Garrison,  for  should  they  find  themselves 
Push'd,  &  obliged  to  abandon  their  most  advanced  Posts,  They  may 
easily  retire  to  ye  next  &  so  on,  whereby  the  Troops  will  find  themselves 
under  the  Necessity  of  Forceing  their  way,  by  means  of  their  Artillery, 
even  to  ye  Spot  where  They  must  first  begin  their  Attack  against  the 
Garrison.  This  it  is  imagined  They  will  do,  even  supposing  They 
should  not  get  Intelligence  of  ye  intended  Descent,  for  it  is  conceived 
They  would  have  time  enough  to  Execute  the  above  scheme  between 
the  time  of  y°  Troops  appearing  off  the  Place  &  that  of  their  being 
ready  to  Advance  towards  it  after  They  are  Landed,  But  if  They  should 
get  any  Intelligence  Previous  to  ye  Arrival  of  ye  Troops  They  then 
most  undoubtedly  will  execute  the  Thing,  &  it  is  here  to  be  observed, 
That  the  motions  of  ye  Troops,  almost  from  the  Place  of  Landing,  may- 
be observed  by  ye  Garrison. 

There  is  another  thing  which  certainly  They  may  do,  &  'tis  Judged 
they  will,  That  is,  send  round  by  Sea  to  ye  place  proposed  for  Landing, 
Artillery,  &  thereby  Obstruct  the  Landing  of  ye  Troops;  This  They 


may  do  with  the  greatest  Ease;  provided  they  have  only  24  hours  no- 
tice of  the  design  against  them. 

Supposing  all  Difficulties  got  over,  8e,  that  ye  Troops  are  advanced 
before  the  Garrison,  &  one  attack  is  to  be  made  near  ye  West  Gate  or 
Else  where,  as  may  be  judged  promising  of  success,  &  it  should  be  found 
proper  to  make  another  at  ye  same  time  from  The  Rock  against  the 
Collier's  Battery  at  ye  South  East  part  of  ye  Garrison,  in  These  cases, 
the  Difficulties  which,  it  is  conceived,  may  attend  each,  are. 

Though,  before  ye  West  Gate,  possibly  there  may  be  found  Earth 
sufficient  for  making  a  Regular  Approach  for  some  Small  distance,  & 
for  Raising  Batteries  against  the  Place,  (meaning  Of  the  Stoney  kind 
of  Earth  among  the  Rocks,  which  'tis  doubted  whether  there  is  or  not 
on  the  spot)  still  it  is  far  from  being  Earth  that  will  be  easily  thrown 
up  to  answer